The Oxford Handbook of

Human Development and Culture

O X F O R D L I B R A R Y O F P S Y C H O L O G Y

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF

Peter E. Nathan

A R E A EDITOR s

Clinical Psychology

David H. Barlow

Cognitive Neuroscience

Kevin N. Ochsner and Stephen M. Kosslyn

Cognitive Psychology

Daniel Reisberg

Counseling Psychology

Elizabeth M. Altmaier and Jo-Ida C. Hansen

Developmental Psychology

Philip David Zelazo

Health Psychology

Howard S. Friedman

History of Psychology

David B. Baker

Methods and Measurement

Todd D. Little

Neuropsychology

Kenneth M. Adams

Organizational Psychology

Steve W. J. Kozlowski

Personality and Social Psychology

Kay Deaux and Mark Snyder

O X F O R D L I B R A R Y O F P S Y C H O L O G Y

Editor in Chief peter e. nathan

The Oxford Handbook

of Human Development

and Culture

A N I N T E R D I S C I P L I N A R Y P E R S P E C T I V E

Edited by

Lene Arnett Jensen

1

1

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The Oxford handbook of human development and culture : an interdisciplinary perspective / edited by Lene Arnett Jensen.

pages cm.—(Oxford library of psychology)

Includes index.

ISBN 978–0–19–994855–0 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Developmental psychology—Cross-cultural studies.

2. Ethnopsychology—Cross-cultural studies. I. Jensen, Lene Arnett.

BF713.O9295 2015

305.2—dc23

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Printed in the United States of America

on acid-free paper

I dedicate this handbook to my daughter and son, Paris and Miles, in the hopes that they will continue to navigate among cultures with a sense of appreciation and possibilities.

S H O R T C O N T E N T S

Oxford Library of Psychology ix

About the Editor xi

Acknowledgments xiii

Contributors xv

Contents xxi

Chapters 1–710

Index 711

vii

O X F O R D L I B R A R Y O F P S YC H O L O G Y

The Oxford Library of Psychology, a landmark series of handbooks, is published by Oxford University Press, one of the world’s oldest and most highly respected

publishers, with a tradition of publishing significant books in psychology. The

ambitious goal of the Oxford Library of Psychology is nothing less than to span a vibrant, wide-ranging field and, in so doing, to fill a clear market need.

Encompassing a comprehensive set of handbooks, organized hierarchically, the

Library incorporates volumes at different levels, each designed to meet a distinct need. At one level are a set of handbooks designed broadly to survey the major

subfields of psychology; at another are numerous handbooks that cover important

current focal research and scholarly areas of psychology in depth and detail.

Planned as a reflection of the dynamism of psychology, the Library will grow and expand as psychology itself develops, thereby highlighting significant new research

that will impact on the field. Adding to its accessibility and ease of use, the Library will be published in print and, later on, electronically.

The Library surveys psychology’s principal subfields with a set of handbooks that capture the current status and future prospects of those major subdisciplines.

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An undertaking of this scope calls for handbook editors and chapter authors

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ix

nation’s and world’s most productive and best-respected psychologists have agreed to edit Library handbooks or write authoritative chapters in their areas of expertise.

For whom has the Oxford Library of Psychology been written? Because of its

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handbook, we sincerely hope you will share our enthusiasm for the more than

500-year tradition of Oxford University Press for excellence, innovation, and

quality, as exemplified by the Oxford Library of Psychology.

Peter E. Nathan

Editor-in-Chief

Oxford Library of Psychology

x

Ox FOR D LIbR A Ry OF Ps yCHOLOgy

A B O U T T H E E D I T O R

Lene Arnett Jensen

Lene Arnett Jensen is associate professor of psychology at Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts. She is the originator of the cultural-developmental theoretical approach for scholarship on human development. Her research addresses moral, civic, and cultural identity development in the context of globalization. A native of Denmark, Dr. Jensen has resided in a number of countries, including Belgium, India, and France. She lives in Massachusetts with her husband and twin children.

xi

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

I would like to thank the authors for contributing to this handbook. There was a palpable enthusiasm about an interdisciplinary project that brings together what we have come to know about human development through the study of peoples across the globe.

I also appreciate the authors’ positive responses to several rounds of review and revision.

I am grateful for the support of Oxford University Press. I especially thank Sarah

Harrington, Senior Editor, Anne Dellinger, Associate Editor, and Andrea Zekus, Associate Editor, for their stellar professional advice throughout the writing and production of the handbook. The copyeditors also stood out for how their careful attention went beyond the grammar and formatting to the arguments and ideas of the chapters.

xiii

C O N T R I B U T O R S

Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

Jill Brown

Department of Psychology

Department of Psychology

Clark University

Creighton University

Worcester, Massachusetts

Omaha, Nebraska

Mara Bach

Lynne A. Chisholm

Department of Psychology

Institute of Educational Science

Marquette University

University of Innsbruck

Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Innsbruck, Austria

Baptiste Barbot

UNESCO Institute for

Department of Psychology

Lifelong Learning

Pace University

Hamburg, Germany

New York, New York

Christopher L. Coe

Herbert Barry III

Department of Psychology

School of Pharmacy

University of Wisconsin – Madison

University of Pittsburgh

Madison, Wisconsin

Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

Feyza Çorapçi

Oana Benga

Department of Psychology

Department of Psychology

Boğaziçi University

Babeş-Bolyai University

Istanbul, Turkey

Cluj-Napoca, Romania

Maricela Correa-Chávez

Rachana Bhangaokar

Department of Psychology

Department of Human Development

California State University

and Family Studies

Long Beach, California

The Maharaja Sayajirao

Luciana Dutra-Thomé

University of Baroda

Department of Psychology

Gujarat, India

Universidade Federal do

Kaitlin Black

Rio Grande do Sul

Department of Psychology

Porto Alegre, Brazil

Clark University

Carolyn Pope Edwards

Worcester, Massachusetts

Department of Psychology

Aysecan Boduroglu

Child, Youth and Family Studies

Department of Psychology

University of Nebraska

Boğaziçi University

Lincoln, Nebraska

Istanbul, Turkey

Laura Ferrer-Wreder

Jennifer Morozink Boylan

Department of Psychology

Department of Psychiatry

University of Stockholm

University of Pittsburgh

Stockholm, Sweden

Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

Stanka A. Fitneva

Michael Broda

Department of Psychology

College of Education

Queen’s University

Michigan State University

Kingston, Ontario,

Lansing, Michigan

Canada

xv

Constance Flanagan

Phillip L. Hammack

Department of Civil Society and

Department of Psychology

Community Studies

University of California – Santa Cruz

School of Human Ecology

Santa Cruz, California

University of Wisconsin-Madison

Sara Harkness

Madison, Wisconsin

Department of Human Development

Doran French

and Family Studies

Department of Human Development

University of Connecticut

and Family Studies

Storrs, Connecticut

Purdue University

Elaine Hatfield

West Lafayette, Indiana

Department of Psychology

Wolfgang Friedlmeier

University of Hawaii at Manoa

Department of Psychology

Manoa, Hawaii

Grand Valley State University

Daniel B. M. Haun

Allendale Charter Township,

Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary

Michigan

Anthropology

Jigisha Gala

Leipzig, Germany

Department of Human Development

Max Planck Institute for

and Family Studies

Psycholinguistics

Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda

Nijmegen, Netherlands

Gujarat, India

Jutta Heckhausen

Suzanne Gaskins

School of Social Ecology

Department of Psychology

University of California – Irvine

Northeastern Illinois University

Irvine, California

Chicago, Illinois

Sascha Hein

Mary Gauvain

Child Study Center

Department of Psychology

Yale University

University of California

New Haven, Connecticut

Riverside, California

Hubert J. M. Hermans

Namrata Goyal

Department of Psychology

Department of Psychology

Radboud University

New School for Social Research

Nijmegen, Netherlands

New York, New York

Ming Hu

Patricia Greenfield

Department of Civil Society and Community

Department of Psychology

Studies

University of California – Los Angeles

School of Human Ecology

Los Angeles, California

University of Wisconsin

Elena Grigorenko

Madison, Wisconsin

Child Study Center

Maria I. Iturbide

Department of Epidemiology &

Department of Human and Community

Public Health

Development

Department of Psychology

University of Illinois at

Yale University

Urbana-Champaign

New Haven, Connecticut

Champaign, Illinois

Shu-Sha Angie Guan

Lene Arnett Jensen

Department of Psychology

Department of Psychology

University of California – Los Angeles

Clark University

Los Angeles, California

Worcester, Massachusetts

Angela H. Gutchess

Ҫiğdem Kağitçibaşi

Department of Psychology

Department of Psychology

Brandeis University

Koç University

Waltham, Massachusetts

Istanbul, Turkey

xvi CON TR Ibu TOR s

Chiemi Kan

Helyn Luisi-Mills

Department of Mental Health

Department of Civil Society and

University of Tokyo

Community Studies

Tokyo, Japan

School of Human Ecology

Shagufa Kapadia

University of Wisconsin

Department of Human Development and

Madison, Wisconsin

Family Studies

Adriana Manago

Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda

Department of Psychology

Gujarat, India

Western Washington University

Mayumi Karasawa

Bellingham, Washington

Department of Comparative Psychology

Heather Mangione

Tokyo Women’s Christian University

Department of Psychology

Tokyo, Japan

Clark University

Norito Kawakami

Worcester, Massachusetts

Graduate School of Medicine

Hazel R. Markus

University of Tokyo

Department of Psychology

Tokyo, Japan

Stanford University

Heidi Keller

Stanford, California

Department of Psychology

Tomoko Matsui

Osnabrück University

Center for Research in International Education

Osnabrück, Germany

Tokyo Gakugei University

Shinobu Kitayama

Tokyo, Japan

The Culture and Cognition Program

Caroline Johnston Mavridis

University of Michigan

Department of Human Development and

Ann Arbor, Michigan

Family Studies

Marie-Louise Klingstedt

University of Connecticut

Department of Psychology

Storrs, Connecticut

University of Stockholm

Usha Menon

Stockholm, Sweden

Department of Anthropology

Silvia Koller

Drexel University

Institute of Psychology

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul

Joan G. Miller

Porto Alegre, Brazil

Department of Psychology

Cynthia Levine

New School for Social Research

Department of Psychology

New York, New York

Stanford University

Yuri Miyamoto

Stanford, California

Department of Psychology

Cynthia Lin

University of Wisconsin

Department of Civil Society and Community

Madison, Wisconsin

Studies

Yu-Ming Mo

School of Human Ecology

Department of Psychology

University of Wisconsin

University of Hawaii at Manoa

Madison, Wisconsin

Manoa, Hawaii

Jia Ji Liu

Normanda Araujo de Morais

Department of Human Development and

Graduate program in Psychology

Family Studies

University of Fortaleza

University of Connecticut

Fortaleza, Brazil

Storrs, Connecticut

Gilda Morelli

Gayle D. Love

Counseling, Developmental and

Institute on Aging

Educational Psychology

University of Wisconsin

Chestnut Hill College

Madison, Wisconsin

Boston, Massachusetts

CONTR Ibu TOR s

xvii

Catalina Mourgues

Carol Ryff

Child Study Center

Department of Psychology and Institute

Yale University

on Aging

New Haven, Connecticut

University of Wisconsin

Jun Nakahara

Madison, Wisconsin

Department of Psychology

Allison Sambo

Tokyo Women’s Christian University

Department of Civil Society and

Tokyo, Japan

Community Studies

Christina Nicolaides

University of Wisconsin

Department of Psychology

Madison, Wisconsin

University of California – Riverside

Juliana Prates Santana

Riverside, California

Department of Sociology

Bame Nsamenang

Federal University of Bahia

Department of Psychology

Salvador, Brazil

and Counseling

Guan Saw

University of Bamenda

College of Education

Bambili, Cameroon

Michigan State University

Jiyoung Park

East Lansing, Michigan

Department of Psychology

Alice Schlegel

University of Michigan

Frances McClel and Institute for Children,

Ann Arbor, Michigan

Youth and Families

Anne C. Petersen

University of Arizona

Center for Human Growth and

Tucson, Arizona

Development

Barbara Schneider

University of Michigan

College of Education

Ann Arbor, Michigan

Department of Sociology

Senel Poyrazli

Michigan State University

Department of Behavioral Sciences

East Lansing, Michigan

Pennsylvania State University

Jacob Shane

Harrisburg Middletown, Pennsylvania

Department of Psychology and

Marcela Raffaelli

Social Behavior

Department of Human and Community

University of California – Irvine

Development

Irvine, California

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Barbara J. Shwalb

Champaign, Illinois

Department of Psychology

Richard L. Rapson

Southern Utah University

Department of History

Cedar City, Utah

University of Hawaii at Manoa

David W. Shwalb

Manoa, Hawaii

Department of Psychology

Jodi Reich

Southern Utah University

Child Study Center

Cedar City, Utah

Yale University

Carlos José Nieto Silva

New Haven, Connecticut

Center for Psychological Studies

Lixin Ren

Federal University of

Department of Psychology

Rio Grande do Sul

University of Nebraska

Porto Alegre, Brazil

Lincoln, Nebraska

Ed de St. Aubin

Paul C. Rosenblatt

Department of Psychology

Department of Family Social Science

Marquette University

University of Minnesota

Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Minneapolis, Minnesota

xviii CON TR Ibu TOR s

Carola Suárez-Orozco

Gisela Trommsdorff

Graduate School of Education

Department of Psychology

and Information

University of Konstanz

University of California – Los Angeles

Konstanz, Germany

Los Angeles, California

Kari Trost

Kazumi Sugimura

Department of Child and Youth Studies

Graduate School of Education

Stockholm University

Hiroshima University

Stockholm

Hiroshima, Japan

Suman Verma

Charles M. Super

Department of Human Development &

Department of Human Development

Family Relations

and Family Studies

Government Home Science College

University of Connecticut

Panjab University

Storrs, Connecticut

Chandigarh, India

Mei Tan

Matthew Wice

Child Study Center

Department of Psychology

Yale University

New School for Social Research

New Haven, Connecticut

New York, New York

Sarah Thomas

Ceren Yalin

Department of Psychology

Department of Psychology

University of Stockholm

Koç University

Stockholm, Sweden

Istanbul, Turkey

Erin Toolis

Department of Psychology

University of California – Santa Cruz

Santa Cruz, California

CONTR Ibu TOR s

xix

C O N T E N T S

Part One • Development and Culture in a Global

World: Overarching Issues

1. Cultural-Developmental Scholarship for a Global World: An

Introduction 3

Lene Arnett Jensen

2. Ethical Considerations in Research on Human Development and

Culture 14

Joan G. Mil er, Namrata Goyal, and Matthew Wice

3. Human Development in Today’s Globalizing World: Implications

for Self and Identity 28

Hubert J. M. Hermans

4. Migration Between and Within Countries: Implications

for Families and Acculturation 43

Carola Suárez-Orozco

5. Indigenous Social Science at the Intersection with Human Development:

Implications for and Lessons from African Ecocultures 61

A. Bame Nsamenang

Part Two • Birth, Infancy, and Toddlerhood

6. Charting Infant Development: Milestones Along the Way 79

Charles Super and Sara Harkness

7. Comparative and Developmental Anthropology: Studying the Origins

of Cultural Variability in Cognitive Function 94

Daniel B. M. Haun

8. The Emergence and Development of Language Across Cultures 111

Stanka Fitneva and Tomoko Matsui

9. Early Emotional Development in Cultural Perspective 127

Wolfgang Friedlmeier, Feyza Corapci, and Oana Benga

10. The Evolution of Attachment Theory and Cultures of Human

Attachment in Infancy and Early Childhood 149

Gilda Morelli

11. Early Contexts of Learning: Family and Community

Socialization During Infancy and Toddlerhood 165

Carolyn Pope Edwards, Lixin Ren, and Jil Brown

xxi

Part Three • Early and Middle Childhood

12. Childhood Practices Across Cultures: Play and Household Work 185

Suzanne Gaskins

13. Cognition in Childhood Across Cultures 198

Mary Gauvain and Christina Nicolaides

14. Cultural Manifestation of Intelligence in Formal and Informal

Learning Environments During Childhood 214

Sascha Hein, Jodi Reich, and Elena L. Grigorenko

15. Moral Reasoning: Developmental Emergence and Life

Course Pathways Among Cultures 230

Lene Arnett Jensen

16. The Interaction Between Culture and the Development of Creativity 255

Catalina Mourgues, Baptiste Barbot, Mei Tan,

and Elena L. Grigorenko

17. Parental Ethnotheories and the Development of Family Relationships

in Early and Middle Childhood 271

Sara Harkness, Caroline Johnston Mavridis, Jia Ji Liu,

and Charles M. Super

18. In and Out of the Classroom: The Intersection of Learning

and Schooling Across Cultural Communities 292

Maricela Correa-Chávez, Heather Mangione,

and Kaitlin Black

19. Gender Across Cultures: Sex and Socialization in Childhood 307

Shagufa Kapadia and Jigishi Gala

Part Four • Adolescence

20. Leaving Childhood: The Nature and Meaning of Adolescent

Transition Rituals 327

Alice Schlegel and Herbert Barry III

21. Adolescent Risks and Resiliences Across Cultures 341

Marcela Raffael i and Maria Iturbide

22. Global Concerns in Adolescent Health with a Case Study of India 355

Suman Verma and Anne C. Petersen

23. Cultural Roots of Values, Morals, and Religious Orientations

in Adolescent Development 377

Gisela Trommsdorff

24. Identity, Politics, and the Cultural Psychology of Adolescence 396

Phil ip L. Hammack and Erin Toolis

25. Family in Adolescence: Relatedness and Autonomy Across Cultures 410

Ҫiğdem Kağitçibaşi and Ceren Yalin

26. Cultural Templates for Child and Adolescent Friendships 425

Doran French

27. Education and the Youth Phase: Patterns, Purposes, and Problems

in Global Perspective 438

Lynne A. Chisholm

xxii CONT ENTs

28. Child Labor: Homes, Streets, Armies, Factories, and Stores 456

Silvia Kol er, Luciana Dutra-Thomé, Normanda Araujo de Morais,

Carlos José Nieto Silva, and Juliana Prates Santana

29. Adolescent Civic Development Across Cultures 471

Constance Flanagan, Cynthia Lin, Helyn Luisi-Mil s,

Allison Sambo, and Ming Hu

Part Five • Emerging and Young Adulthood

30. The Cultural Psychology of Emerging Adulthood 487

Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

31. The Intersection of Culture, Health, and Risk Behaviors

in Emerging and Young Adults 502

Laura Ferrer-Wreder, Kazumi Sugimura, Kari Trost,

Senel Poyrazli, Marie-Louise Klingstedt, and Sarah Thomas

32. New Media, Social Change, and Human Development from

Adolescence Through the Transition to Adulthood 519

Adriana Manago, Shu-Sha Angie Guan,

and Patricia Greenfield

33. Social Mobility in the Transition to Adulthood: Educational Systems,

Career Entry, and Individual Agency 535

Jutta Heckhausen and Jacob Shane

34. Work and Work Migration Within and Across Countries in

Emerging and Young Adulthood 554

Barbara Schneider, Michael Broda, and Guan Saw

35. Love, Sex, and Marriage Across Cultures 570

Elaine Hatfield, Yu-Ming Mo, and Richard L. Rapson

36. Dual and Communal Parenting: Implications

in Young Adulthood 586

Heidi Keller

37. Fathering Diversity Within Societies 602

David W. Shwalb and Barbara J. Shwalb

Part Six • Middle and Older Adulthood

38. Cognition in Adulthood Across Cultures 621

Angela H. Gutchess and Aysecan Boduroglu

39. Midlife Narratives Across Cultures: Decline or Pinnacle? 637

Usha Menon

40. Explorations in Generativity and Culture 653

Ed de St. Aubin and Mara Bach

41. Adult Development in Japan and the United States: Comparing Theories

and Findings About Growth, Maturity, and Wel -Being 666

Carol Ryff, Jennifer Morozink Boylan, Christopher L. Coe,

Mayumi Karasawa, Norito Kawakami, Shinobu Kitayama, Chiemi Kan,

Gayle D. Love, Cynthia Levine, Hazel R. Markus, Yuri Miyamoto,

Jun Nakahara, and Jiyoung Park

CONTENTs

xxiii

42. Community Leadership and Non-attachment

in Later Adulthood 680

Rachana Bhangaokar

43. Death and Bereavement in Later Adulthood: Cultural Beliefs,

Behaviors, and Emotions 697

Paul C. Rosenblatt

Index 711

xxiv CONT ENTs

P A R T 1

Development and

Culture in a Global

World: Overarching

Issues

C H A P T E R

Cultural-Developmental Scholarship

1 for a Global World: An Introduction

Lene Arnett Jensen

Abstract

This chapter introduces The Oxford Handbook of Human Development and Culture: An Interdisciplinary Perspective, and its hal mark “cultural-developmental approach” to scholarship. The handbook provides a comprehensive synopsis of theory and research on life course development. Experts from disciplines such as anthropology, education, family studies, neuroscience, psychology and sociology integrate findings from cultures around the world, including a focus on historical changes and globalization. The 43 chapters showcase the burgeoning interdisciplinary scholarship that bridges universal and cultural perspectives on human development. This “cultural-developmental approach”

is a multifaceted and flexible way to conceptualize theory and research that is in step with the global realities of human development in the 21st century. This chapter includes a description of how the cultural-developmental approach conceptualizes: 1) the entity of analysis, 2) the scope and meanings of concepts, and 3) the nature of theoretical frameworks. Examples to il ustrate the argument are drawn from the handbook chapters.

Key Words: cultural-developmental approach, human development, culture, globalization, interdisciplinary, theory, anthropology, education, family studies, neuroscience, psychology, sociology In 2005, my American husband and I moved

identities are swirling across cultures. Either first-

from the United States to my native Denmark with

hand or through media, children and adults from

our 6-year-old twins for a sabbatical year. Some

almost every proverbial corner of the world have

months into the year, we visited Copenhagen, where

exposure to diverse cultures. Movement across cul-

we were delighted to find an Indian restaurant.

tures is not new, but the current extent and speed

After ordering a selection of our favorite dishes, we

of the swirl is (Friedman, 2000; Giddens, 2000;

were chatting away in a mix of Danish and English

Hermans, this volume). Globalization is erasing,

when the waiter ambled back to our table. With

redrawing, perforating, fusing, and reinforcing

a friendly smile, he asked in English: “Where we

cultural boundaries among peoples and within

are you from?” Upon hearing a brief version of our

individuals. Cultural identifications—where we

saga, he looked at my son, Miles, and said: “Oh, so

see ourselves as being “from”—remain central to

you are half Danish and half American.” Almost

human psychology, as exemplified by the waiter’s

instantly, Miles, whom his friends have dubbed the

question. But, in a globalizing world, cultural identi-

human calculator, rejoined: “Oh no, I am 100%

fications are also becoming increasingly complex, as

Danish and 100% American.”

suggested by my son’s answer (Jensen, 2003, 2010,

Our children are coming of age in a globalizing

2011 b; Jensen, Arnett, & McKenzie, 2011; Larson,

world, where foods, languages, people, ideas, and

Jensen, Kang, Griffith, & Rompala, 2012).

3

Aim and Scope

1981). Variation also exists between cultural com-

The aim of this handbook is to provide an

munities, including on their degree of heteroge-

in-depth and comprehensive synopsis of theory neity, intergroup contest, and change over time and research on human development, with every

(Strauss, 1992; Weisner, Bradley, & Kilbride,

chapter drawing together findings from cultures

1997; Whiting & Edwards, 1988).

around the world. This includes a focus on cultural

An important aspect of difference both within

change and globalization. The handbook covers the

and across cultures pertains to access to power.

life course from the prenatal period and birth to old

Power differentials occur along diverse lines, such as

age and death. Chapters are written by experts who

class, ethnicity, gender, and religion (Hammack &

collectively represent disciplines such as anthro-

Toolis, this volume; Heckhausen & Shane, this

pology, education, human development, family volume; Kapadia & Gala, this volume). From a studies, neuroscience, psychology, and sociology.

cultural perspective, it is important to recognize

The 43 chapters showcase the burgeoning interdis-

that North America and the West have remark-

ciplinary approach that bridges universal and cul-

able financial and ideological influence, including

tural perspectives on human development.

on scholarly enterprise and publications (Arnett,

This bridging of universal and cultural per-

2008; Chisholm, this volume; Super, 2010;

spectives fits with today’s need for a new phi-

Super & Harkness, this volume). From a develop-

losophy of inquiry into the human condition. mental perspective, it important to remember that One-size-fits-all theories, such as those popular in

children and youth have less power than adults.

the social sciences of the 20th century, are often

Certainly, children are resilient and represent their

too broad and too biased to adequately capture

elders’ hopes for the future. Also, as compared to

the complexities of human selves and relations the past, youth in their later teens and early 20s across diverse and changing cultures. On the may have gained more power today. This is because other hand, one-for-every-culture raises the spec-globalization often entails movements for demo-

ter of theoretical pandemonium. In my view, as

cratic forms of governance (Giddens, 2000), and

I describe later in this chapter, the challenge and

rapid cultural change calls for behavioral and cog-

opportunity that we face today is one of conduct-

nitive flexibility. Nonetheless, children and youth

ing research and conceptualizing theories that are

are vulnerable to neglect and exploitation (Koller,

cultural-developmental in nature (Jensen, 2008, Dutra-Thomé, Morais, Nieto, & Santana, this vol-2011 a, 2012 b). We need scholarship that is mul-

ume; Raffaelli & Iturbide, this volume; Verma &

tifaceted, flexible, and dynamic in order to stay in

Petersen, this volume). Meanwhile, at the other

step with the cultural and global realities of human

end of the life course, elders in many cultures

development in the 21st century.

believe that their culture and its treatment of the

The definitions of development and culture elderly have declined. Essentially, they perceive a across the handbook chapters are somewhat loss of value in today’s rapidly changing economic, eclectic. The beauty of interdisciplinary scholar-political, residential, and technological environ-

ship is that it necessitates rethinking definitions.

ment (Rosenblatt, this volume). As scholars—and

Development is addressed broadly and descrip-

human beings—we need to keep in mind differ-

tively in terms of change that occurs in human

ences between groups in access to power (Miller,

beings as they age (Zelazo, 2013). It may involve

Goyal, & Wice, this volume; Nsamenang, this

increase or decrease; it may be quantitative or

volume).

qualitative; and it may be gradual or stagelike.

This handbook owes an enormous debt to the

Culture is defined as the symbolic, behavioral,

many scholars who have addressed the intersection

and institutional inheritances that are shared of development and culture. They are too numer-and co-constructed by members of a community

ous for me to name here. A perusal of the handbook

(Goodnow, 2010; Heine, 2008; Shweder et al.,

chapters and their references, however, speaks to the

2006). Culture is not synonymous with country or

work of manifold scholars over an extended period

ethnicity, for example, but rather describes com-

of time. Although scholarship on the intersection

munities whose members share key beliefs, values,

of development and culture has received important

behaviors, routines, and institutions. As scholars

attention for quite some time, it has recently taken

addressing cultural issues have long observed, cul-

off and flourished in an unprecedented way. In

tural communities include heterogeneity among

1981, Ruth Munroe, Robert Munroe, and Beatrice

groups and individuals (Gramsci, 1971; Salzman,

Whiting edited the Handbook of Cross-Cultural

4

Cu lt ur a l-Dev elopmenta l SChol a r Ship for a Globa l Wor lD

Human Development. In their introduction, the

Here, I provide a succinct argument in regards to

handbook editors emphasized that “not all topics

each of these three dimensions. This conceptual

have reached a level of maturity sufficient to allow

argument is followed by a more nuts-and-bolts

a ‘state-of-the-art’ review… . The volume is there-

review of the handbook’s organization, along with

fore a prospectus as much as a review of the field”

some of its other innovative features.

(Munroe, Munroe, & Whiting, 1981, p. ix). More

than three decades later, every chapter in this hand-

The Entity of Analysis

book also includes a discussion of future research

From a cultural-developmental vantage point,

directions. This reflects the stimulating fact that

the unit of analysis is individuals across the life

many topics still can be taken much further via a

course who are developing in tandem with one

cultural-developmental approach. More than three

or more changing cultures. Three aspects of this

decades later, however, the present handbook also

definition bear elaboration. First, all individuals

attests to the in-depth and high-quality cultural

develop within particular cultural milieus at par-

knowledge that we now have about a plethora of

ticular times in history. The cultural milieus may

topics in human development. Furthermore, this

be multifaceted, for example, encompassing both

knowledge pertains to the entire life course.

local and global values, beliefs, customs, and insti-

Crucially, this handbook also attests to the tutions. No individual is culture-free, however.

efforts of the many scholars who, over time, have

Scholars have for some time highlighted how indi-

contributed to making our field more inclusive of

viduals, from start to finish, live within cultures

worldwide diversity. Thus, this handbook includes

where they constantly interact and negotiate with

authors from many parts of the world—something

people whose behaviors and rules convey cultural

that sets it apart not only from handbooks published

beliefs and values (e.g., Brunner, 1990; Cole, 1996;

a few decades ago, but also from a fair number of

Goodnow, Miller, & Kessel, 1995; Greenfield, 1997;

current works that address human psychology, Kağitçibaşi, 1996; LeVine et al., 1994; Markus & development, and social institutions. Here, the aim

Kitayama, 1991; Miller, 1999; Moghaddam, 1987;

was to go beyond the boundaries of Europe and

Nisbett, 2003; Nsamenang, 1992; Stigler, Herdt,

North America and represent those parts of the

& Shweder, 1990; Wertsch, 1997; see LeVine &

world where the majority of people live. Adequate

New, 2008, for a collection of essays on culture and

worldwide representation of authors and research

child development dating back to the early 1900s).

participants still leaves something to be desired,

For example, their analyses have focused on the

but the 100 or so contributors to this handbook

“dialectical syntheses” (Valsiner, 2011) and “trans-

were mindful of the issue of worldwide diversity.

actional events” (Rogoff, 1990, 2003) whereby

For example, no chapter simply refers to partici-

children develop into active and skilled members

pants without specifying the culture and context

of particular cultures.

of the described research. I also asked authors to

When scholarship is explicit about the cultures

think about the order in which they listed cultures

under investigation, it adds to our knowledge of

and nationalities, with the result that most opted to

the local. When scholarship is explicit about the

alphabetize. It is all too easy to list the most power-

cultures included, it also makes claims about uni-

ful nations first and thereby unwittingly perpetu-

versal features of human development more cred-

ate a power differential. Authors also put careful

ible. It is necessary to be clear about where and

thought into the question of whom they were writ-

when particular individuals were studied in order

ing for rather than proceeding to address a small

to build a database on which such claims can be

minority of the world’s population without further

evaluated. In other words, knowledge of what

consideration.

is culturally specific and what is universal comes

from studying individuals in specific places and at

A Cultural-Developmental Approach

particular times (see also Haun, this volume). From

As mentioned earlier, bridging of universal a cultural-developmental perspective, findings and cultural perspectives fits with today’s need

showing cultural differences are just as important

for a new approach to human development. and useful as findings showing cultural similari-A cultural-developmental approach to scholarship

ties. Some of the chapters in this handbook include

requires a rethinking of (1) the entity of analysis,

findings from many different cultures, whereas

(2) the scope and meanings of concepts, and (3) the

others home in on a few. All authors unite in high-

nature of theoretical frameworks (Jensen, 2012 a).

lighting both cultural differences and similarities,

a r net t JenSen

5

and are clear on the empirical basis of their argu-

language and American customs long before

ments for either.

immigrating. This awareness may entail famil-

A second important aspect of the definition of

iarity with American popular culture, but it may

the entity of analysis is that it entails a focus on

also have other less obvious consequences. For

individuals across the life course. Scholars in devel-

example, research indicates that use of the English

opmental psychology, education, and family stud-

language impacts spatial cognition (Haun, this

ies quite often study children. Recently, Paul Bloom

volume; Haun, Rapold, Call, Janzen, & Levinson,

(2013) wittily observed that “there’s some truth to

2006; Haun, Rapold, Janzen, & Levinson, 2011).

the claim that a lot of developmental psychology is

English-language users are more likely to reference

the study of the interested and alert baby” (p. 25).

objects in relation to the self (e.g., “the cat is to the

One reason for this attention to children is the

left of the house” from the perspective of the self)

quest to uncover universal origins of human devel-

rather than in relation to other objects (e.g., “the

opment. Meanwhile, anthropologists and sociolo-

cat is between the tree and the house”) or by means

gists habitually study adults. One reason is that

of a cardinal-direction type system (e.g., “the cat

adults are those members of a society who are the

is on the west side of the house”). The point is that

most knowledgeable in the ways of their culture.

human development occurs in tandem with cul-

Another way to put this is that adults, more than

tural change.

children, are enculturated. A specific example that

Many chapters in this handbook discuss changes

illustrates this is the well-known phenomenon to cultures. Some authors have worked in particu-of dissonant acculturation among immigrants lar cultures for long enough to speak to historical (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). Compared to children,

changes (Edwards, Ren, & Brown, this volume;

adults who immigrate to a new culture typically

Harkness, Mavridis, Liu, & Super, this volume).

adopt fewer of the psychological and social char-

There are experts on immigration, in which change

acteristics of the new culture. The explanation is

within and between cultures is part and parcel of

that children are more malleable, less set in their

the subject matter (Correa-Chávez, Mangione, &

ways, less culturally socialized. The implication is

Black, this volume; Suárez-Orozco, this volume).

that conclusions about universal development that

Some chapters address cultural tools or contexts,

largely rest on research with children are not tak-

such as media, that are powerful drivers of cultural

ing into account that even if cultural socialization

change (Manago, Guan, & Greenfield, this vol-

already begins prenatally (Hepper, 1996), cultural

ume). Also, some authors describe how major eco-

socialization becomes far more pronounced with

nomic shifts go hand-in-hand with major cultural

age. In other words, children represent an easier

shifts in conceptions of the life course (Arnett, this

test than adults when looking for universality. volume) and key developmental tasks, such as work Conversely, adults represent an easier test than

(Schneider, Broda, & Saw, this volume). Finally,

children when looking for cultural diversity. From

a large number of chapters address globalization,

a cultural-developmental perspective, the study of

with some focusing on its push toward homo-

individuals across the life course is therefore nec-

geneity (Hatfield, Mo, & Rapson, this volume)

essary. Thus, this handbook covers the entire life

and others emphasizing its polymorphous quality

course.

(Hermans, this volume).

Research on immigrants also helps to high-

light a third aspect of the present definition of the

Broadening and Deepening Concepts

entity of analysis, namely, cultural change (see also

A cultural-developmental approach entails

Silbereisen & Tomasik, 2010). Although research

both a broadening and deepening of concepts.

has demonstrated that adults who immigrate to a

With respect to broadening, the study of devel-

new society retain many of the ways of their culture

opment in diverse cultures leads to the discovery

of origin, it is also the case that cultures change.

of new concepts. Based on extensive research on

It is an open question, for example, the extent

learning, for example, the focus on developmen-

to which an 18-year-old who immigrates to the

tal goals such as questioning, communication,

United States today would be similar in mode and

pride, and self-esteem derived from research

degree of acculturation compared to an 18-year-old

with European Americans has been broadened

who immigrated 25 years ago. Certainly, in a glo-

to include goals such as diligence, persever-

balizing world, today’s immigrant is likely to have

ance, moral self-perfection, and contributing to

grown up with far more awareness of the English

society in research with Chinese participants

6

Cu lt ur a l-Dev elopmenta l SChol a r Ship for a Globa l Wor lD

(Li, 2011, 2012). Similarly, researchers have pro-

introduce new multiplicity in regards to processes

posed that a European-American focus on accep-

of language development (Fitneva & Matsui, this

tance of the self needs to be supplemented with

volume), social learning (Correa-Chávez et al.,

a concept of acceptance of the world in research

this volume; Gauvain & Nicolaides, this volume),

with East Asians (Rothbaum & Wang, 2011; and cognitive aging (Gutchess & Boduroglu, this Trommsdorff, in press). With respect to the devel-volume). With respect to deepening of concepts,

opment of the self, research from African cultures

examples include new elaborations on the mean-

indicates that there the self is understood not only

ings of children’s play (Gaskins, this volume),

in individual physical and psychological terms,

adolescents’ friendships (French, this volume),

but also in social, ancestral, and spiritual terms

transition rituals in adolescence (Schlegel & Barry

(Nsamenang, 2011, this volume; see also Serpell,

III, this volume), and sexual behaviors in emerg-

1993). Our conceptual categories, then, are ing and young adults (Ferrer-Wreder et al., this vol-expanded when research includes diverse cultures.

ume). A number of chapters also delve deeply into

Munroe, Munroe, and Whiting (1981) wrote of

relations between concepts, such as how different

the discovery of “hidden variables” through cul-

understandings of the relation of the self to society

tural studies (p. x). These variables may come into

have important implications for civic engagement

view as we study cultures different from our own.

in adolescence and older adulthood (Bhangaokar,

Moreover, they may be hiding in plain sight, in the

this volume; Flanagan, Lin, Luisi-Mills, Sambo,

sense that “the variables we do not see or identify

& Hu, this volume) and for generativity and

in our research are often normative and universal

well-being in middle adulthood (de St. Aubin &

in our culture so that we fail to realize their influ-

Bach, this volume; Menon, this volume; Ryff et al.,

ence” (Munroe, Munroe, & Whiting, 1981, p. x).

this volume).

A cultural-developmental approach not only

adds to the number of concepts, it also deepens

Flexible and Multiplicitous

them. Scholarship on the developmental goals of

Theoretical Frameworks

independence and interdependence provides a good

When the entity of analysis is individuals across

illustration. A first step in scholarship on these

the life course who are developing in tandem with

two concepts was indeed a broadening in which

one or more changing cultures, and when psycho-

researchers observed that, apart from indepen-

logical concepts are broadened and deepened, the

dence, interdependence is a highly valued goal in

result is a need for new kinds of theoretical frame-

many cultures, and it also requires attention (e.g.,

works. Theories need to add multiple kinds of con-

Triandis, 1995). Subsequent steps have involved a

cepts. They need to encompass multiple meanings

deepening of research on these concepts, for exam-

for these concepts. They need to incorporate how the

ple, addressing how both can be found within cul-

development of concepts may follow divergent devel-

tures (Raeff, 2010), how their intersection depends

opmental trajectories in different cultures (Jensen,

on culture (Kağitçibaşi & Yalin, this volume; 2008). They need to account for the fact that cul-Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2008), how their develop-

tures change. And the idea needs to be considered

ment involves both similar and different processes

that some developmental phases may only appear

(Phinney & Baldelomar, 2011), and how each under certain historical circumstances, such as concept has multiple meanings depending on the

emerging adulthood in cultures with economies that

cultures studied (Greenfield, 2010; Kağitçibaşi &

necessitate lengthy education (Arnett, this volume).

Yalin, this volume).

While this may seem like a rather tall theoreti-

Essentially, every chapter in this handbook cal order, it is also an invigorating one. It opens contributes to the broadening and deepening up the possibility of much-needed new theoretical of conceptual categories of relevance to human

conceptualizations. Generally speaking, I think we

development. For example, there is valuable broad-

need to move toward template models that propose

ening in regards to types of secure infant attach-

life course trajectories for multiple kinds of con-

ment (Morelli, this volume), intelligence (Hein,

cepts (Jensen, 2008, 2011). The trajectories need to

Reich, & Grigorenko, this volume), creativity be seen as templates, in the sense that they have the (Mourgues, Barbot, Tan, & Grigorenko, this vol-flexibility to allow for cultural variability. For each

ume), moral values and orientations (Trommsdorff,

concept, this flexibility pertains to whether or not it

this volume), and parenting (Keller, this volume;

emerges, when it emerges, and the slope of its devel-

Shwalb & Shwalb, this volume). Chapters also opment. For example, it seems likely that a concept a r net t JenSen

7

that is highly emphasized within certain cultures

in cultures where an emerging adulthood phase

will emerge earlier in development and increase

exists, one might expect an uptick in autonomy

more rapidly in quantity and quality as compared

due to the self-focused nature of this period

to cultures where the concept has minimal impor-

(Arnett, Ramos, & Jensen, 2001). The theory,

tance. Also, it seems likely that some concepts may

then, aims to capture how moral development and

be subject to more cultural variability than others

culture co-modulate. It does this by incorporat-

depending on the impact of biological inheritance.

ing conceptual breadth (e.g., three kinds of eth-

From a cultural-developmental perspective, then,

ics), depth (e.g., diverse types of reasons within

ontogenetic development is not determinative nor

each ethic), and developmental trajectories that

is there a limitless cultural range.

accommodate to cultural variability and cultural

To give a specific example, I have proposed a cul-

change. A recent series of empirical studies con-

tural-developmental approach to moral psychology

ducted in diverse cultures by scholars from dif-

(Jensen, 2008, 2011 a, in press). Building on a large

ferent disciplines has provided substantial support

body of assorted research on moral reasoning from

for this theory (Jensen, in press).

different cultures, this theoretical approach charts

Going forward, I think that cultural-

patterns of moral development across the life course

developmental approaches that employ template

in terms of three Ethics: Autonomy (e.g., fairness,

models provide a new conceptual framework for

individual needs), Community (e.g., responsibil-

building theories to inspire new research and find-

ity for others, social harmony), and Divinity (e.g.,

ings on many topics. The charge of authors contrib-

injunctions from sacred texts, concern with spiri-

uting to this handbook was not to put forth new

tual purity; see Figure 3A in Jensen, Chapter 15,

theories. In fact, I asked authors to ensure that they

this volume). The Ethic of Autonomy, for example,

were inclusive of the key theories within their topic

is predicted to emerge early in development and to

area and that they balanced coverage of their own

stay relatively stable across adolescence and into

scholarship with the contributions of others. That

adulthood even if the specific types of Autonomy

said, I think that the assembled chapters provide

reasons that persons use are likely to some extent

a wealth of findings that constitute raw materi-

to change with age (e.g., more focus on individual

als ready to be built into new theories of human

rewards and less on individual rights by children as

developments. Manifold phenomena would benefit

compared to adults). To give another example, the

from being reconceptualized through a cultural-

Ethic of Community, according to the cultural-

development approach; these include emotional

developmental approach, rises throughout child-

and cognitive abilities, identity and interpersonal

hood and into adolescence and adulthood, both

relations, contexts of development, and phases or

in degree of usage and in the diversity of types of

stages of the life course.

reasons.

New theories aiming to bridge universal and

The developmental trajectories for each ethic

cultural perspectives might fruitfully draw on

are conceptualized as templates, however. They

new and emerging work on evolution, genet-

accommodate to the prevalence of the three eth-

ics, and neuroscience (e.g., Friedlmeier, Corapci,

ics and the hierarchy among them within cultures

& Benga, this volume; Gutchess & Boduroglu,

(see Figures 3B and 3C in Jensen, Chapter 15, this

this volume; Morelli, this volume). Scholars are

volume). For example, there is a more pronounced

addressing how biological mechanisms oper-

emphasis on the Ethic of Community in Taiwan

ate in tandem with culture at a number of levels

than in the United States and a stronger emphasis

(e.g., Tomasello, Carpenter, Call, Behne, & Moll,

on the Ethic of Autonomy in the United States

2005). For example, culture–gene coevolutionary

than in Taiwan (Miller, Fung, Lin, Chen, & Boldt,

work includes consideration of how culture (such

2012; see also Li, 2011, 2012). These different

a dairy farming) can influence gene frequencies

hierarchies interact with development. Thus, the

in groups (such as the selection for the genotype

Ethics of Community and Autonomy are likely to

for adult lactose absorption in dairy farming com-

emerge at different points in childhood in Taiwan

munities; Laland, Odling-Smee, & Myles, 2010;

and the United States, develop along somewhat

Richerson & Boyd, 2005). Work on probabilistic

different slopes, and reach different endpoints in

epigenesis addresses how infants are born with a

adulthood. With respect to cultural change and

repertoire of possible developmental trajectories

historical time, the cultural-developmental theory

(each with different end states) and how interac-

of moral psychology includes a prediction that,

tions with the environment lead to the pursuit

8

Cu lt ur a l-Dev elopmenta l SChol a r Ship for a Globa l Wor lD

of some trajectories over others. Not only does

roles. At the same time, important psychological

this create differences between individuals, but it

characteristics and processes that surround these

also creates differences between cultural groups

tasks vary widely across cultures, including the

(Gottlieb, 1998, 2007). Also, recent work on extent of emotional upheaval, the degree of separa-biocultural constructivism further proposes that

tion from parents, and the nature of relationships

human evolution has selected for “plasticity” (e.g.,

with peers. The present life course divisions are

Henrick, 2008) of trajectories. Even when a per-

put forth and used in this spirit of multiplicity and

son is launched on a developmental trajectory (as

flexibility.

a result of gene–environment interactions), there

This chapter started with a family experience

is still room for some alteration of both the path

from my sabbatical year in Denmark. That was

and the end state. Li (2007) argues that genetic

not a coincidence. I asked authors to provide a

activities and neural mechanisms themselves pos-

pertinent and succinct personal example from

sess “remarkable plasticity awaiting sociocultural

their scholarly experience to open their chapters.

context to exert reciprocal influence on them and

The intent is to illustrate in a captivating and

to be ‘coauthors’ of mind and behavior” (p. 540).

distinct way how it is important to pay careful

As will be clear from all of this handbook’s chap-

attention to the intersection of development and

ters, the understanding is that humans share a

culture in peoples’ lives. Of course, any example

variety of inherent tendencies or propensities. In

can only capture part of a larger story. As should

turn, these co-modulate with culture in regards to

be clear from my opening family experience, my

the timing of their exact emergence and the extent

son is not growing up short of positive cultural

and nature of their development.

identifications. But that is not always how it is.

For some years, I have returned again and again

Organization and Innovative Features

in my writings to Liechty’s (1995) description of

This handbook comprises six sections cover-

Nepalese youth and one young man, “Ramesh,” in

ing (I) Development and Culture in a Global particular. When Liechty was conducting his early World: Overarching Issues; (II) Birth, Infancy, ethnographic work, Nepal and especially its larg-and Toddlerhood; (III) Early and Middle est city of Kathmandu were undergoing an abrupt Childhood; (IV) Adolescence; (V) Emerging and

and rapid transition into the world of global trade,

Young Adulthood; and (VI) Middle and Older

Western tourism, and electronic mass media.

Adulthood. By and large, this chronological orga-

Although youth enjoyed media and imagining a

nization allowed experts to write on those sections

broad range of possible selves, these unattainable

of the life course with which they are most famil-

media ideals eventually collided with the realities

iar. Chapters are also interlinked; authors reference

of their local lives. Ultimately, many felt margin-

topically related information found in other chap-

alized: alienated from their local culture but not

ters in the handbook.

truly part of the global culture. In the memorable

The division of the life course into these sections

words of 21-year-old Ramesh (p. 187): “You know,

is a heuristic that I think scholars across the world

now I know sooooo much [from films, books, and

will recognize, even if the life course is divided in

magazines about the West]. Being a frog in a pond

many other ways within specific cultures. No divi-

isn’t a bad life, but being a frog in an ocean is like

sion, whether chronological or topical, can avoid

hell. Look at this. Out here in Kathmandu there

being a heuristic of a certain kind. Here, I asked

is nothing. We have nothing.” As I was finishing

authors to include discussions of indigenous con-

this chapter, I contacted Mark Liechty to ask if

ceptions of periods of the life course when it was

he knew what had become of Ramesh. They had

relevant to the information in their chapters.

lost contact after Ramesh’s life spiraled into seri-

As described earlier, I think we need theories

ous drug use (Liechty, personal communication,

of human development s. Scholars have begun to

June 3, 2014).

write of “childhood s” (Nsamenang, 2011), “ado-

While each of the personal and research exam-

lescence s” (Larson, Wilson, & Rickman, 2009),

ples recounted by authors is unique, I have found

and “emerging adulthood s” (Arnett, 2011). For

them to be remarkably illuminating. Each tells

example, Larson and his colleagues (2009) argue

something about the authors and conveys some-

that adolescents across the world face important

thing central to the purpose of this handbook.

common psychological tasks, including identity

I hope readers find the examples as thoughtful and

formation and emotional preparation for adult moving as I have.

a r net t JenSen

9

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C H A P T E R

Ethical Considerations in Research

2 on Human Development and Culture

Joan G. Mil er, Namrata Goyal, and Matthew Wice

Abstract

This chapter focuses on ethical issues in cultural y based research on human development. The authors consider ethics both in terms of ways to guarantee the cultural adequacy of procedures for the protection of human subjects and of ways to enhance the cultural sensitivity of the theory and methods underlying psychological inquiry. After briefly discussing the historical context in which human subjects protocols emerged, the chapter focuses on cultural issues entailed in achieving informed consent, safeguarding the privacy of research participants, and protecting research participants from harm. It then focuses on ethical issues involved in ensuring the cultural adequacy of research findings, including issues of sampling and generalization, avoiding bias in assessment, and cultural broadening of research constructs. It concludes by underscoring respects in which taking cultural meanings and practices more ful y into account makes it possible to enhance both the ethics of research and its quality.

Key Words: ethics, confidentiality, informed consent, institutional review boards, privacy, harm, attachment, parenting, motivation, culture

Research ethics is concerned with protecting the

interview study on social attribution with a univer-

human rights of research participants, including,

sity population in southern India and approached a

most basically, the right to privacy and to protec-

university psychology professor with the request to

tion from harm. Professional codes of ethics have

recruit participants from her class. Arriving to class

been elaborated in response to ethical abuses that

that day, however, the professor not only graciously

have occurred in research, as well as to chang-

introduced the author to the students and gave a

ing sensitivities to human rights issues and to the

brief description to the class of the type of research

growth of new methodologies and study popula-

that she was conducting, but also announced to

tions. Codes of research ethics thus represent his-

everyone that they would all be taking part in the

torical and cultural creations, even as they seek

study. The students greeted this announcement

to embody timeless principles. In this chapter, we

with equanimity, as an appropriate expectation

consider issues of research ethics that arise in cul-

with which they were not only comfortable but also

turally based research over the life span.

all ready to comply.

To illustrate the types of ethical challenges that

In this context, the consent form took on a for-

exist in research on culture and human develop-

eign and almost superfluous air. It was foreign in

ment, we provide here an example of an ethi-

the sense that it was not a practice that was indig-

cal issue that one of the authors of this chapter

enous to the local cultural context, but rather one

encountered in conducting research among Indian

that had been introduced by Western research-

and US populations. She had plans to conduct an

ers. It was also superfluous, in the sense that, in

14

this context, students were motivated to meet the

Cultural Adequacy of Procedures

expectations of their professor to participate in

for Protection of Human Subjects

the project and did not approach the situation as

In this section, we discuss cultural challenges

one in which the decision about whether or not to

that arise in protecting the human rights of research

participate was theirs alone. In showing a willing-

participants. After briefly describing the histori-

ness to participate in the project, the students were

cal and cultural context in which human subjects

fulfilling what they viewed as their role-related

protocols developed, we focus on cultural issues

responsibilities to meet the expectations of their

entailed in achieving informed consent, ensuring

professor. Although the students potentially could

the privacy of research participants, and protecting

have declined to participate, they shared a tacit

research participants from harm.

understanding that being responsive to the for-

eign researcher was being responsive to a guest,

Historical Context of IRB

in accord with the expectations of their profes-

The evolving and historically sensitive nature of

sor. Nonparticipation would have meant a loss of

human subjects concerns is seen in their recent evo-

face for the professor that would be shared by the

lution and elaboration in relation to harmful pro-

students.

tocols adopted in actual medical and social science

The author’s response to this situation, as is

research. The concerns with protection of research

often the case, was improvised, in that the ethi-

subjects first came to prominence with the extreme

cal guidelines of institutional review board (IRB)

conduct of Nazi doctors and scientists during

committees do not typically address how to make

World War II. Concentration camp inmates and

accommodations in this type of situation and may

other prisoners were commandeered into research

even differ in terms of what types of accommo-

without having given consent and were subject

dations, if any, are considered appropriate. She

to medical interventions that resulted in great

collected the consent forms from the students,

harm, frequently leading to death. In response to

all of whom had signed the form indicating their

these abuses, The Hague Court formulated the

willingness to participate, but later went out of

first written statement of ethical guidelines in the

her way, in a procedure that would not have been

Nuremberg Code, a code that stipulates the neces-

necessary with a US population, to emphasize

sity of informed consent, balancing risks with

with each student individually the acceptability of

anticipated benefits, and avoidance of harm.

declining to participate. In response to this further

Whereas many researchers distanced themselves

informal elaboration of the consent agreement, a

from the conclusions of the Nuremberg Code in

few students later declined to participate, even stu-

assuming that no such extreme practices existed

dents who had initially signed the consent form.

in research practices elsewhere, abuses that arose

In this way, a real option to decline to participate

in medical and social science research increas-

was afforded to the students by acting in a way that

ingly made clear that harmful practices occur

more fully took into account local cultural norms

more widely in scientific inquiry and represent

and that had not been achieved by the written con-

an ever-present hazard. One of the most cited

sent form required by the IRB and which everyone

examples of ethical violations in medical practice

had signed.

occurred in the Public Health Service Syphilis

In this chapter, we present an overview of ethi-

Study (1932–1971), known also as the Tuskegee

cal issues arising in culturally based research on

Syphilis Experiment (Jones, 1993). A sample of

human development in terms of both the consider-

African American men had been recruited, without

ations taken into account in contemporary human

their informed consent, into a multiyear longitu-

subjects procedures that are stipulated in IRB dinal study that explored treatments for syphilis.

protocols, as well as in terms of more general con-

The study enrolled hundreds of men who had con-

cerns in cultural psychology with ensuring that the

tracted syphilis and a comparison group of hun-

content of research is both culturally sensitive and

dreds who were syphilis-free to serve as controls. In

culturally fair. In the first half of the chapter, we

terms of ethical problems, study participants were

address the cultural adequacy of procedures for the

given false information about the need for certain

protection of human subjects. In the second half,

extremely painful study procedures, such as spinal

we consider steps that are necessary to ensure the

taps. Also, the longitudinal study was continued

cultural sensitivity of the constructs, methods, and

with the study participants being denied access to

conclusions of psychological research.

antibiotics even after penicillin had been shown,

mill er, Goya l, W iCe

15

during the 1940s, to be a safe and effective treat-

as invasion of privacy, exploitation of a vulnerable

ment for syphilis. The study raised questions about

population, and lack of informed consent.

the potential for harm in medical experimentation

In response to the increasing recognition of

and the need to fully inform participants about the

questionable ethical practices existing not only in

risks of research, as well as broader questions about

medical research but more broadly in all research

the potential for discrimination and bias, with with human subjects, the US Department of questionable practices having been undertaken Health and Human Services became involved in with a minority population.

the formal regulation of the conduct of research,

Psychological investigators became particularly

with the National Research Act (1974) mandating

sensitive to the potential for harm in psychological

the establishment of IRBs to protect the rights and

research in response to the human subjects abuses

safety of research participants. This was followed

associated with some of the classic and highly in 1979 by the publication of the Belmont Report, influential controlled experiments undertaken by

which articulated the basic ethical principles that

US social psychologists in the mid-20th century

underlie all contemporary research with human

(De Vos, 2010). For example, this occurred in the

subjects. Centering on human rights and moral

Milgram obedience to authority study (Milgram,

values, these principles include (a) the principle of

1963) that documented the tendency for respon-

respect for persons as autonomous agents capable

dents to comply with the admonitions of an author-

of making their own decisions, which underlies

ity to administer ever-increasing levels of shock to a

such considerations as the requirement to obtain

confederate in a learning task. Although providing

informed consent and to respect the privacy of

a powerful demonstration of obedience to author-

research participants; (b) the principle of benefi-

ity, the research came under fire in later years for

cence, which underlies such considerations as min-

having subjected participants to the psychological

imizing risks and maximizing benefits, as well as

harm of believing that they had inflicted severe

maintaining confidentiality; and (c) the principle

physical pain on a fellow research participant and

of justice and fairness, which underlies such con-

for engaging in deception in feigning the situation

siderations as selection of research subjects in ways

presented to subjects, with no actual shock having

that are equitable and that avoid the exploitation of

taking place (Brandt, 1971; Kaufmann, 1967).

vulnerable populations.

Notably, other contemporary social psycho-

Procedures for the protection of human rights

logical studies that also provided dramatic dem-

in research and for the realization of the standards

onstrations of the power of the situation and that

set forth by the Belmont Report are widely avail-

prompted individuals to engage in harmful behav-

able, with major professional organizations of psy-

ior were also not identified at the time as ethically

chologists articulating codes of conduct based on

problematic (Zimbardo, 1973). For example, simi-

these considerations. For example, the American

lar types of harm occurred in a prison experiment

Psychological Association’s (APA) “Ethical

conducted at Stanford University by Zimbardo and

Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct”

his colleagues (Zimbardo, Haney, Banks, & Jaffe,

elaborates the standards that must be met to pro-

1973). This study involved research participants

tect the rights of research participants (American

being assigned to roles as guards and prisoners in a

Psychological Association, 2002), while more spe-

simulated prison, in a procedure that continued for

cialized professional organizations, such as the

6 days despite evidence of participants experiencing

Society for Research in Child Development, dis-

extreme distress, with the “guards” acting in ways

seminate ethical standards specifically applicable

that were physically and psychologically abusive to

to particular research populations, such as children

the “prisoners.”

(Society for Research in Child Development, 2007).

Other contemporary studies employing less

Our discussion here does not seek to replicate

reactive behavioral observation techniques also this type of widely available information but rather were later recognized to involve human rights viola-points to ways human subject guidelines need to

tions, such as an ethnographic study (Humphreys,

be elaborated to ensure that they are responsive to

1970) that involved surreptitiously conducting the challenges of cultural research. Our discussion observations of homosexual practices in public in this section focuses on three of the central issues restrooms. Although producing findings of great

considered in contemporary human subjects pro-

interest at the time, the study was later recognized

tocols: informed consent, protecting privacy, and

as involving ethically problematic behaviors such

minimizing harm.

16

et hiC a l ConSiDer at ionS in r eSe a rCh on hu m a n Dev elopment

Informed Consent

the researchers lacked respect for their feelings

Informed consent involves providing individu-

and experiences (Stevenson, DeMoya, & Boruch,

als with prior information about the nature of the

1993). In these types of situations, the imperson-

research procedures in which they are being asked

ality of informed consent procedures may lead

to engage, as well as about the benefits and poten-

individuals to be reluctant to agree to participate

tial for harm involved. In the case of children, IRB

in research, with study procedures experienced as

procedures involve additional complexity because

violating local cultural norms, such as the value

of the assumption that children lack the legal right

placed among Hispanics on an individual’s ability

to consent to research or the perceived power to

to be simpatico to others in everyday social interac-

refuse to participate, nor do they possess, in many

tion (Browner, Preloran, & Cox, 1999). To address

cases, the cognitive maturity to fully understand

these concerns, researchers not only need to add

research procedures. To address these develop-

information to informed consent agreements that

mental concerns, it is recognized as important for

explain more fully the nature and potential benefits

researchers to obtain consent from parents or legal

and risks associated with the research, but to make

guardians, as well as from school teachers or prin-

efforts to ensure that the language of consent agree-

cipals who may be interacting with or overseeing

ments is written in as clear and culturally familiar a

the child’s activities during the period of the study,

way as possible and that it accords as much as pos-

as well as to secure the child’s verbal and/or writ-

sible with local cultural norms (Freeman, 1994).

ten assent to participate. In conducting research in

Attention also needs to be given to cultural vari-

diverse cultural contexts, however, additional chal-

ation in conceptions of authority that may affect

lenges arise in (a) ensuring that respondents fully

the range of parties from whom consent needs to

understand the nature of the procedures and the

be secured. For example, in the case of American

risks involved, (b) securing consent from the rel-

Indian or Alaska Native tribes, it is important to

evant parties, and in (c) making certain that any

consult with and obtain the prior approval of tribal

consent given is fully voluntary.

leaders about whether and how investigators should

To achieve informed consent, efforts must approach potential child and adolescent research be made to address the limited prior familiar-participants and their families (Beauvais &

ity of certain populations with the theoretical Trimble, 1992; Norton & Manson, 1996). Given concepts motivating research and with negative

the family-oriented values emphasized in certain

aspects of the research procedures to be employed.

Asian cultures (Tai & Lin, 2001), consent may

These types of issues have been documented in

tend to be viewed as a family right, meaning that

research with children from Western cultures. For

informed consent must be secured from parents,

example, in a series of studies conducted among

guardians, or even grandparents, even in cases in

elementary-school aged Canadian children, the which the child is above the age of legal consent.

children proved accurate in describing the pur-

Extra care also needs to be taken to ensure the

pose of the studies being conducted but did not

voluntariness of consent in research conducted in

fully appreciate potential negative consequences diverse cultural contexts. Whereas consent forms involved in participating, such as feelings of being

include a stipulation that respondents are free to

embarrassed or upset by their performance on cog-

withdraw their participation from a study at any

nitive tests or of being bored by the length of study

time without negative repercussions, this freedom

procedures (Abramovitch, Freedman, Henry, & may not be experienced by research participants.

Van Brunschot, 1995). These same kinds of con-

In this regard, it has been demonstrated that chil-

cerns may be even more pronounced in the case

dren tend to be reluctant to withdraw from a study

of cultural populations who have limited famil-

unless the experimenter reiterates this freedom to

iarity with the norms of experimentation. In such

withdraw during the actual course of the study

cases, individuals may not anticipate respects in

procedures, such as by explicitly stating that he or

which psychological research may involve rela-

she would not be upset by the child stopping par-

tively impersonal modes of interaction and thus

ticipation (Abramovitch et al., 1995). A tendency

may react particularly negatively to research con-

not to recognize the acceptability of withdrawing

texts. For example, in a study on AIDS conducted

from a study once it has begun, however, may be

among African Americans, investigators observed

particularly pronounced in cultural communities

that research participants interpreted structured

in which individuals are particularly inclined to

tests, with their repetitive items, as a sign that

defer to the authority of the researcher or where

mill er, Goya l, W iCe

17

they may be even less familiar with the norms of

Contrasting cultural norms concerning pri-

psychological research than are study participants

vacy may also affect the meaning and desirability

from middle-class European-American contexts.

of physical and informational privacy in the con-

Attention also needs to be given to the contrast-

duct of the research itself. This was illustrated dra-

ing meanings of research compensation in groups

matically in a recent public health interview study

of different cultural and socioeconomic back-

conducted in Sri Lanka, which compared the out-

grounds. For example, in cases in which family

looks of Ayurvedic, Buddhist, and Western healers

beliefs support the child’s participation in research

(Monshi & Zieglmayer, 2004). In seeking to pro-

as an altruistic act, getting paid for participation

tect the privacy of the information collected, inter-

may tend to be perceived negatively as an infringe-

views were first undertaken, in accord with Western

ment on family values (Sanchez, Salazar, Tijero, &

norms, in an enclosed terrace in the home of one

Diaz, 2001). Likewise, researchers need to take spe-

of the healers. Participants, however, accepted this

cial care to ensure that any compensation offered is

setting with resistance. As the local interpreter

both fair and noncoercive. This means, on the one

explained to the foreign researchers, respondents

hand, adequately compensating research partici-

were uncomfortable with the seclusion of what they

pants for their time and effort and for any financial

viewed as this “hidden” interview space. It was only

costs that they may have incurred, such as travel

when the researchers moved the interviews to the

expenses or loss of time at work, while, on the other

public space of an open patio that the Sri Lankan

hand, ensuring that the compensation offered is

healers participated in the interviews without hesi-

not so great as to be experienced as compelling

tation or unease. Furthermore, as is common in

participation.

many other cultural settings, research participants

came to the interviews accompanied by significant

Protecting Privacy

others, including young children in their care, as

Privacy in the conduct of research involves well as adult family members and close friends.

many different types of considerations. As Allen

Not only were the participants unconcerned about

(1999) notes, research privacy entails concerns disclosing information in front of these bystand-with (a) physical privacy, in terms of providing spa-

ers, but they also experienced such open commu-

tial seclusion; (b) informational privacy, in terms

nication as normatively appropriate and desirable,

of assuring confidentiality and protection of data;

leading the participants to feel more comfortable

(c) decisional privacy, in terms of allowing indi-

and to be more forthcoming in their responses than

viduals and families to make important decisions

had the researchers interviewed them alone. Also,

for themselves, such as those concerning sex, repro-

in many instances, the bystanders contributed

duction, or religion; and (d) proprietary privacy, in

their own responses to the interviews, in ways that

terms of control over names and other indicators

enhanced the readiness of the research participants

of personal identity. Assuring each type of privacy,

to speak freely with the interviewer.

however, can only be achieved through taking

Variation in the cultural values underlying deci-

into account the ecological constraints of different

sional privacy also must be taken into account in

social settings and contrasting cultural definitions

determining who should be given information that

and practices related to privacy.

an individual is participating in research or given

Standard IRB requirements focus on protecting

access to information being collected on an individ-

the privacy of the data collected, including under-

ual as part of a study. In this regard, a central issue

taking such measures as using participant codes,

that arises is the weight to be given to the rights

rather than names, and employing secure methods

of adolescents to control their own behavior versus

of data storage. However, such strategies may be

the rights and responsibilities of parents to oversee

insufficient to protect participant privacy in the

the behavior of their offspring. It is recognized that

case of small, close-knit communities, in which

older adolescents not only have the cognitive capac-

recruitment efforts and participation in research

ities of adults but also the societal right to engage in

may tend to become widely known public activi-

consequential adult-like behaviors, such as drink-

ties. In such cases, media reports of research may

ing alcohol or driving. Thus, the cognitive imma-

lead to the public identification and thus violation

turity of the adolescent or his financial dependence

of the anonymity of members of distinctive cul-

on his parents no longer constitutes clear grounds

tural or linguistic subgroups (Norton & Manson,

for giving priority to the parent’s rights to decision

1996).

making in research over the rights of the adolescent

18

et hiC a l ConSiDer at ionS in r eSe a rCh on hu m a n Dev elopment

himself. However, how such conflicts between the

potential to better meet the needs and expectations

rights of adolescents and those of their parents need

of research participants while also yielding better

to be resolved is culturally variable.

quality research data.

In recent work conducted with US samples,

researchers have concluded that in cases involving

Minimizing Harm

major health care decisions, such as seeking care

Research with human subjects, as noted earlier,

at a family planning clinic, where the rights of a

seeks to balance benefits that derive from research

youth to control her own behavior conflict with the

with risks to the human subjects involved. These

authority of her parents to oversee the youth’s con-

risks, however, may be heightened in research to the

duct, priority should be given to the rights of the

extent that the procedures employed are culturally

adolescent: “a youth’s rights to care must supersede

inappropriate or involve vulnerable populations.

a parent’s rights to know what is happing to their

Most procedures adopted in research with chil-

youth” (Brooks-Gunn & Rotheram-Borus, 1994,

dren have been created taking into account the

p. 120). It is argued that, in these cases, the youth

cultural expectations and practices of middle-class

should have autonomy over her own behavior and

European-American families. Although these pro-

that involvement of the parents may preclude the

cedures may induce some stress in children, the

adolescent from gaining access to the care she stress is generally judged to be temporary and to be needs.

no greater than that experienced in everyday fam-

However, in many non-Western cultural com-

ily life. However, to the extent that research proce-

munities, or even in the case of certain minority

dures violate the socialization practices emphasized

subgroups within the US, families play a greater

in particular cultural communities, they may entail

normative role in the planning of the adolescent’s

greater potential for harm or discomfort.

life, with the expectation by the parents and by the

This type of potential for greater harm or dis-

adolescents themselves that the family will be con-

comfort may be seen in the cross-cultural use of

sulted and involved in major life decisions. Thus,

the Strange Situation procedure to assess attach-

it tends to be experienced as disrespectful of the

ment (Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weisz,

parental role or an intrusion on parent–child com-

2000). As created by Ainsworth (1963), the Strange

munication to bypass parents in health care matters

Situation procedure is designed to assess secure

involving adolescent children, with the adolescents

base behavior by subjecting the infant to what is

themselves generally viewing parental involvement

intended to be a mild level of stress related to a tem-

and input as legitimate and valuable (Casas &

porary separation from the mother or other care-

Thompson, 1991; Fisher, 2002). Also, in terms of

giver. During the course of the procedure, the child

proprietary privacy, the requirement of nondis-

is put in a situation in which, for brief periods, he or

closure of information obtained in research may

she interacts with an unfamiliar adult and also, in

be rejected in such cases as being in conflict with

turn, is left alone. Although this procedure invari-

the perceived goals of research. Thus, it has been

ably evokes some distress for the child, the distress

found that teenagers who self-identify as members

is judged to be warranted as a means to gain insight

of minority subgroups in the US commonly expect

into processes of attachment and is routinely

researchers to assist them with obtaining help with

approved by Human Subjects Reviews Committees

any problems uncovered as part of the research and

as entailing an acceptable level of risk. According to

thus support the disclosure of information about

Ainsworth and her colleagues (Ainsworth, Blehar,

their experiences to third parties, including not

Waters, & Wall, 1978), the procedure is congruent

only family members but also social service and

with commonly experienced American parenting

public health agencies (O’Sullivan & Fisher, 1997).

practices, with American mothers generally com-

The present considerations underscore the fortable with taking their babies into unfamiliar extent to which culturally variable notions of environments and leaving them for a few minutes privacy must inform research procedures, or, as

with a stranger or, even briefly, alone. However, as

Prost and Vincent (1993) argue “The private life

Takahashi (1982) notes, this type of behavior rarely

is not a natural fact; it is a historical reality that

occurs among Japanese mothers who seldom go

is constructed in different ways by various societ-

out leaving the child with another caregiver, even

ies” (p. 12). Respecting privacy as it is understood

with a grandmother or father. In cases in which the

in culturally variable terms and in the context of

Strange Situation has been administered to a sample

contrasting local sociocultural constraints has the

of Japanese infants (Takahashi, 1986), the anxiety

mill er, Goya l, W iCe

19

involved for the Japanese infants has been found to

considered ethically acceptable by Human Subjects

be intense, leading the infants to display patterns of

Review Committees in that the discomfort induced

response that appeared to be more reflective of their

is only relatively short-term in duration and is gen-

efforts to cope with the stress of the procedure than

erally congruent with what are assumed to be every-

of enduring patterns of attachment.

day parenting practices in which infants commonly

The Strange Situation procedure also may experience delays in maternal responsiveness.

cause significant anxiety for the mothers who are

The Still Face procedure, like the Strange

expected, as part of the procedure, to expose their

Situation paradigm, however, is discordant with

children to a highly unusual and anxiety-provoking

parenting practices and beliefs in cultural com-

experience. Although mothers may routinely com-

munities outside the dominant white, middle-class

ply with the experimenters’ requests to separate

model that is taken by default to be normative in

from their infants during the Strange Situation

developmental psychology and thus may induce

procedure, given the deference accorded to sci-

much greater stress among infants and mothers

ence, they may also feel that, in doing this, they

in such communities than among middle-class

are failing to protect their infants from a nega-

European-American mothers. Marked cultural dif-

tive psychological experience and thus breaching,

ferences exist in caregiver responsiveness to babies’

at least temporarily, their protective role as a par-

fussing and cries and in the processes through

ent. However, although this type of concern may

which self-regulation is achieved (Meléndez, 2005).

be experienced to some degree by all mothers, it

To give an example, whereas 98% of the time the

is likely to be even greater in cultural contexts in

!Kung San hunter–gatherers of Botswana respond

which the separation from the caregiver involved in

to babies’ frets within 10 seconds, Western moth-

the Strange Situation procedure is more discordant

ers tend to refrain from responding to their infant’s

with everyday parenting practices and conceptions

cries in as much as 40% of the cases (Barr, 1999)

of good parenting.

and may not even identify a baby’s crying as requir-

The potential for discomfort or risk in psycho-

ing of a response until the crying has persisted for

logical research may also be seen in other topic

as long as 10 minutes (Small, 1998). Furthermore,

domains, given the relatively common use of in many cultures of Africa and Southeast Asia, a stressful experimental procedures in research with

contrasting style of self-regulation has developed

very young children. To give another example,

in which infants come to self-regulate before mak-

the Still Face paradigm is a widely used labora-

ing a full-blown cry (Papousek, 2000). Given

tory procedure in which, after a 2-minute period

this expectation of relatively immediate paren-

of face-to-face play, mothers are asked to maintain

tal responsiveness to infant distress among such

a still face while looking toward their infant for 2

infants and their parents, the Still Face paradigm

minutes, followed by 2 minutes of reunion play

then would tend to involve much greater likelihood

(Tronick, Als, Adamson, Wise, & Brazelton, 1978;

of psychological harm than among middle-class

Tronick & Cohn, 1989). The interaction is later

European-American mothers.

coded for such features as the infant’s capacity to

In terms of the Strange Situation and the Still

maintain affective self-regulation during the period

Face Paradigm, as well as of other similar experi-

of the still-face, maternal expressive behavior, and

mental paradigms that induce culturally variable

the level of coordination achieved in mother–

levels of stress, there is a need to make significant

infant interaction during the reunion period. It

modifications in the consent agreements, if not

is anticipated that all infants will show emotional

also in the procedures of the experimental para-

distress in this task, in that the mother’s behavior is

digm itself, to minimize any potential for harm.

unexpected and highly troubling in its sudden and

In terms of consent agreements, it is important to

extreme nonresponsiveness. However, none of the

more fully inform parents in advance of the risks

safeguards are present that are routinely employed

involved. Thus, although it may be reasonable

in research with adults. Thus, no effort is made to

among middle-class European-American parents

obtain the child’s assent to participate or to inform

to portray such experimental procedures as elicit-

him or her in advance about the upcoming stress,

ing no more than routine levels of distress among

and no experimental effort is undertaken to debrief

infants or as not exposing children to experiences

the infant by informing him or her of the deception

that are highly unusual in terms of their everyday

involved in their caregiver having feigned nonre-

lives, this type of assurance does not apply in the

sponsiveness. The Still Face Procedure, however, is

case of cultural communities in which parenting

20

et hiC a l ConSiDer at ionS in r eSe a rCh on hu m a n Dev elopment

practices differ markedly. Also, it is important to

drawn, but also of working to culturally broaden

modify the procedures themselves in ways that

the constructs, methods, and conclusions of psy-

reduce the level of harm or discomfort induced

chological inquiry.

while still preserving the construct validity of the

theoretical concepts being assessed, such as by Sampling and Generalization

markedly shortening the duration of the stressful

from Research

interactions in these tasks.

Sampling involves issues of fair treatment in

Greater potential for harm also exists in the

that it bears on representing cultural perspectives

case of research conducted among populations in a way that is inclusive while avoiding either who are particularly vulnerable because of mental

engaging in stereotyping or in otherwise oversim-

or physical problems, immaturity, or particular

plifying the nature of particular cultural outlooks.

historical-political circumstances (Macklin, 1999).

Psychology presently rests on a skewed sampling

Hernandez et al. (2013) provide a convincing case

of the world’s populations, with researchers in

for the designation of immigrant populations as

many cases making claims that are presented as

vulnerable due to many potential factors includ-

generalizing to all of humanity on the basis of

ing lack of language proficiency, undocumented

samples drawn from a highly skewed database

status, and poverty. Moreover, research conducted

consisting primarily of individuals from Western

in war zones constitutes another example of a con-

industrialized societies (Arnett, 2008; Henrich,

text in which sensitivity to population vulnerabil-

Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010). As critics have

ity extends beyond the IRB emphasis on disability

charged, psychological research tends to proceed

and immaturity. Goodhand (1999) notes, in writ-

as though the cultural context for human develop-

ing about the challenges of conducting research in

ment is homogenous, with middle-class European

the context of contemporary conflict areas such as

Americans treated as the default or unmarked sub-

Afghanistan, that the issues of physical security

ject of research:

and the threat of harm from participation in the

Culture … has been assumed to be homogeneous,

research arise not only for the investigators them-

that is based on a standard set of values and

selves, but also for research participants. It is noted

expectations primarily held by White and

that when choosing issues for discussion, research-

middle-class populations … For example, in

ers must be aware of the political sensitivity of

developmental psychology, children means White

particular issues and avoid topics that are not only

children (McLoyd, 1990); in psychology of women,

taboo but that would put the participants at physi-

women generally refers to White women (Reid,

cal risk—such as discussion of the opium economy

1988). When we mean other than White, it is

in Afghanistan or issues of caste in the case of Sri

specified.

Lanka. In the case of research conducted in conflict

zones, researchers also need to be sensitive to the

(Reid, 1994, p. 525)

tensions that arise between the need to maintain

Strikingly, not only has culture and ethnicity

confidentiality versus addressing extreme threats to

been neglected in research on human develop-

human safety and security. Researchers also must

ment, but limited attention has been given to social

seek to give back to the local community while

class. As Fernald (2010) notes in underscoring this

avoiding creating false impressions of the improve-

neglect at the 2010 International Conference on

ments that individuals may expect in their condi-

Infant Studies, fewer than 1% of the research pre-

tions of life from involvement in the research.

sentations sampled children from disadvantaged

families, despite 20–40% of children in the United

Cultural Adequacy of Conclusions

States living in poverty.

Drawn from Research

In seeking to broaden the database on which

In this section, our discussion goes beyond top-

conclusions are drawn in psychological inquiry,

ics typically addressed by Human Subjects Review

however, it is vital not only to adopt more culturally

committees to consider issues that are critical in

inclusive sampling practices, but also to avoid ten-

conducting research that is fair to diverse cultural

dencies to approach culture, ethnicity, and social

populations in the sense of adequately tapping class in ways that involve overly global claims. For and representing their outlooks in psychological

example, overgeneralization can be seen in the

inquiry. These issues involve not only questions of

heavy reliance on the individualism-collectivism

sampling and of avoiding bias in the conclusions

construct and the related construct of an

mill er, Goya l, W iCe

21

independent versus interdependent cultural view

I am in,” which portray collectivism as a nona-

of self-formulations that presently dominate much

gentic stance that is emotionally nonsatisfying. As

developmental and social psychological research

critics have charged (e.g., Miller, 2002), this type

on culture. In this work, although the popula-

of claim involves a problematic tendency to view

tions sampled involve primarily individuals from

collectivistic outlooks in terms of an assumed ten-

particular national groups, such as Japanese, sion or opposition between the desires of the indi-claims are made that apply to all East Asians or

vidual and social requirements—a tendency that,

to all Asians, or even to all Easterners, with simi-

although it may reflect certain Western cultural

lar broad generalizations made to all Westerners

outlooks, does not characterize collectivist cul-

on the basis of research conducted exclusively in

tural outlooks that view the social and the natu-

the United States or Canada (e.g., Nisbett, 2003).

ral as inherently mutually constitutive rather than

Likewise, little attention tends to be given to varia-

as in tension (e.g., Marriott, 1976; Miller, Das, &

tion linked to ethnicity despite findings that the

Chakravarthy, 2011).

perspectives of minority group populations, such

as African Americans, may not only differ from

Avoiding Bias in Assessment

those of European Americans, but also show dis-

To achieve fairness in the conclusions drawn

tinctive patterns of cross-cultural variation (Miller,

from research, it is also vital to ensure that assess-

Kapadia, & Akiyama, 2013). These same kinds

ment procedures are interpreted in the same way

of considerations also apply in the case of work

in different cultural contexts and thus provide

on social class, with an onus on investigators to

valid indices of the constructs being assessed. This

avoid making global claims about the impact of

assumption is often violated when research instru-

social class or assimilating social class differences

ments do not adequately take into account the con-

to the same processes seen as underlying cultural

ditions of life or cultural viewpoints emphasized

differences. For example, as observed in work on

in different cultural contexts and fail to consider

attachment conducted among Puerto Rican and

cultural variation in familiarity with research.

European-American families (Harwood, Miller, &

Assessment of attachment with the Strange

Irizarry, 1995), the nature of any social class dif-

Situation procedure provides an example of ways

ferences observed may vary depending on the val-

in which a standard behavioral assessment proce-

ues and practices emphasized in different cultural

dure may be interpreted differently than intended

contexts.

in a particular cultural context and thus be tapping

It is also critical to avoid the stereotypical other dimensions than those planned. As discussed stance that results from relying on pan-ethnic or

earlier, in the context of the close parent–child con-

pan-cultural labels or from making pejorative

tact maintained in Japanese families, the Strange

assumptions in efforts to “measure” culture as Situation typically ends up inducing more stress an individual difference variable. For example, than tends to occur among American populations investigators note that the common tendency to

(Takahashi, 1986). In creating this stress, however,

categorize respondents into subgroups in terms the validity of the procedure as an index of attach-of general national labels (such as Hispanic or

ment is called into question. It thus becomes diffi-

American Indian) obscures the moderating effects

cult, if not impossible, to assess whether findings of

of national origin, immigration, and religion, as

greater insecurity in the Strange Situation among

well as of social and personal histories on psycho-

Japanese as compared with US children arise from

logical outlooks, and may be insensitive to mixed

variation in attachment or from the different mean-

race or bicultural self-identification (Fisher, 2002).

ing of the task in each cultural context.

An over-homogenizing stance in cultural research

Notably, a similar problem of cultural differ-

is also exacerbated by the use of scale measures of

ences in the fairness of research procedures has been

culture that promote categorization of populations

noted in the Adult Attachment Interview (AAI),

into dichotomous categories and often embody presently the most respected and widely used pejorative assumptions. For example, on scale mea-instrument for assessing attachment among adults

sures of collectivism, such as the widely used mea-

(Hesse, 1999; Main, 1995). The measure involves

sure assessing independent versus interdependent

an open-ended interview that is tape-recorded and

self-construal (Singelis, 1994), interdependence is

later transcribed, in which the participant is asked

tapped in terms of items such as “I will sacrifice

to narrate real-life autobiographical memories of

my self-interest for the benefit of the group that

relationships with their parents during childhood,

22

et hiC a l ConSiDer at ionS in r eSe a rCh on hu m a n Dev elopment

as well as to generate five adjectives that best effort to construct something meaningful, such as describe these relationships and to provide episodic

by pairing choices with each other to make some

memories to illustrate why they have selected the

kind of a larger pattern, rather than identifying

adjectives. The open-ended free response nature of

the one best response. As Greenfield (1997) sug-

the interview might suggest that it is a culturally

gests, the issue is not only the children’s unfamil-

fair measure. However, cultural differences in dis-

iarity with the multiple–choice format per se, but

course norms and in the meaning of the interview

also their adherence to the broader conversational

context introduce cultural bias in the responses

assumption that communication should serve a

given. Takahashi and Hatano (2009) note that

functional purpose and their lack of understanding

Japanese respondents tend not to be forthcoming

that experimentation involves specialized norms in

in their responses to the AAI, often responding

which information is given solely for the purpose of

by saying “I do not remember” or by giving very

testing understanding, without regard to the prac-

brief answers because the interview context vio-

tical relevance of this information.

lates Japanese norms that discourage disclosure of

private information about the family to strangers.

Cultural Broadening of Constructs

Japanese respondents also tend to give more mea-

Finally, to achieve fairness in the conclusions

sured responses than would typically be observed

drawn in research, it is important to attend to the

in a US sample because of their maintaining con-

cultural inclusiveness and sensitivity of the con-

trasting culturally based conversational styles, and

structs and theories being assessed. Even in cases

they are particularly reluctant to speak of nega-

in which respondents are familiar with research

tive family experiences, particularly in relation to

procedures and experience them in a way that is

mothers. Takahashi and Hatano (2009) point out

congruent with local cultural norms, the research

that, although a literal scoring of the responses

may fail to capture the perspective of a particu-

given by Japanese respondents to the AAI might

lar cultural group because the constructs being

show respondents to be unconsciously idealizing

assessed embody culturally specific conceptual

their relationships with their parents, this scor-

assumptions.

ing would lack validity in that it fails to take into

This type of concern may be seen, for example,

account the noncomparability of the meaning of

in research that has called attention to the need

the AAI probes and interview among Japanese as

for cultural broadening of the meaning of paren-

compared with among the Western populations on

tal control. In the dominant models of parenting

which it has been normed. Rather than responding

behavior, a distinction is drawn between “behav-

in a defensive way to the AAI, Japanese respond in

ioral control,” which involves the active guidance

a way that is considered culturally appropriate in

and direction of behavior and that is assumed to

what to them is a socially uncomfortable interview

have adaptive consequences, particularly with

context.

younger children, as compared with “psychological

Contrasting culturally based presuppositions control,” which involves the use of strategies such about the purpose and nature of experimentation

as manipulation, guilt induction, and coercion and

may also lead to bias in measurement that under-

that is assumed to have negative consequences at any

mines the validity of results. Greenfield (1997)

age (Barber, Olsen, & Shagle, 1994). Authoritative

illustrates such a situation in describing the con-

parenting, which is based on behavioral control, is

trasting performance displayed by Zinacantecan

seen as leading to close parent–child relationships

Mayan child weavers in a task assessing their abili-

and is positively related to academic achievement

ties to continue striped patterns. The children dis-

among European Americans, whereas authoritarian

played great competence on this task when it was

parenting, which is based on psychological control,

presented in a familiar everyday form in which the

is seen as leading to affectively distant parent-child

sticks were arrayed in a wooden frame and the chil-

relationships and is negatively related to aca-

dren were asked to continue the pattern with addi-

demic achievement among European Americans

tional sticks. However, they failed at the task when

(Baumrind, 1966, 1996; Conger, Conger, Elder,

it was presented in the format of a multiple choice

Lorenz, Simons, & Whitbeck, 1992). However,

procedure in which they were asked to select which

unexpected relationships have been observed when

among three different possible patterns arrayed in

parenting measures based on these distinctions

front of them correctly continued the pattern. Their

are employed among cultural groups other than

response to the multiple–choice format involved an

those on whom they were originally developed.

mill er, Goya l, W iCe

23

For example, authoritarian parenting has been

The need for cultural sensitivity in the constructs

associated with positive academic performance underlying research and in associated measuring among Asian youth and observed to have no instruments may also be seen in work on motivation associations with academic performance among in the context of the tradition of self-determination African-American youth (Dornbusch, Ritter, theory (SDT) (Deci & Ryan, 1985; 1987; 2002).

Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987). Research

In the case of all scale measures developed to assess

has also shown that affective warmth tends to be

self-determination (Self-determination theory,

experienced in the case of Asian Americans whose

n.d.), references to role expectations are included

parenting is characterized as being authoritarian

only as either introjected or external scale items,

(Chao, 1994; 1995).

which are items designed to tap a noninternalized

These unexpected findings appear to arise from

and thus nonagentic stance. Work in the tradition

the same parenting behaviors having contrasting

of self-determination theory acknowledges that

affective meaning in different cultural communi-

individuals may internalize social expectations as

ties. This was demonstrated in a study documenting

fully in collectivist cultures as in individualistic

cultural variation in the affective associations made

cultures (Chirkov, Ryan, Kim, & Kaplan, 2003).

to items from standard parenting scales—such as

However, this feature of the scale items means that

the following item in the Child Report of Parenting

anyone who sees themselves as acting in response

Behavior Inventory (CRPBI; Schaefer, 1965): “[my

to role expectations would invariably be scored as

mother or primary caregiver] says if I real y cared

lower in agency than someone who does not see his

for her, I would not do things that cause her to or her behavior as responsive to role expectations, worry” (Mason, Walker-Barnes, Tu, Simons, & since this is the only place on SDT scale measures Martinez-Arrue, 2004). All youth associated feel-where social expectations are mentioned. Given

ings of being controlled and manipulated with this

the greater emphasis placed on role expectations

“control through guilt” item and other similar items.

in social attribution and moral reasoning in collec-

However, African Americans linked the item and

tivist than individualistic cultures, this may then

other similar items with greater feelings of being

lead to the conclusion that collectivist populations

loved or cared for than did European Americans.

tend to be less agentic than individualistic cultural

Attention to the contrasting cultural meanings

populations (e.g., Bontempo, Lobel, & Triandis,

accorded to parental control is important in ensur-

1990) or that individuals with collectivist cultural

ing the validity of theoretical claims being made.

backgrounds experience a type of agency that

As Mason et al. (2004) point out, parenting that

does not involve a subjective sense of choice (e.g.,

researchers may have classified as authoritarian Iyengar & Lepper, 1999; Markus & Kitayama, according to distinctions made on conventional

2003). However, when effort is made to treat con-

parenting scale measures may actually be reflec-

ceptions of duty as potentially internalized motiva-

tive among Asian Americans of a “training” style

tional stances associated with a subjective sense of

of parenting. Also, it is unclear whether what is

choice, certain collectivist populations have been

presently scored as authoritarian among African

found to score high in agency even when giving

Americans actually is reflective of such an orien-

greater overt emphasis to duty or obligation than

tation, given the positive affective meanings that

do Americans (Miller et al., 2011).

African Americans tend to associate with parental

control. Attention must also be given to local cul-

Conclusion

tural meanings in order to avoid any unintended

Taking cultural considerations into account in

harm resulting from the real-world application of

research on human development is integral not

psychological findings. For example, a parent edu-

only to ensuring the ethics of research, but also to

cation program might inadvertently encourage par-

ensuring its quality. Research, it has been seen, can

ents to behave in ways that may lead their children

only be conducted in an ethically sensitive way by

to feel rejected or unloved or to make the parents

incorporating local cultural practices and outlooks,

feel that their own parenting practices are being

just as incorporating such practices and outlooks is

disparaged unless the program and the research on

vital to ensuring the construct validity of the data

which it is based has taken into account the affec-

being collected and the theoretical significance of

tive meanings linked with the parenting practices

the findings obtained. Systems of research eth-

being displayed in the specific cultural communi-

ics, as formulated by IRBs, need to be treated in

ties under consideration.

a flexible way that recognizes that they have been

24

et hiC a l ConSiDer at ionS in r eSe a rCh on hu m a n Dev elopment

formulated at particular historical points in time

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27

C H A P T E R

Human Development in Today’s

3 Globalizing World: Implications

for Self and Identity

Hubert J. M. Hermans

Abstract

The psychological dimension of “open” versus “closed” is a core dimension for self and identity in a globalizing world. With this thesis as a starting point, the implications of globalization for human development are discussed: the impact of the Internet on the embodied self, globalization and localization as two sides of the same coin, and the emergence of global and local identities, including their bicultural and hybrid manifestations. Furthermore, attention is given to the balance between homophily, as a necessary condition for effective communication between different cultural positions, and heterophily, as a source for innovation and creativity at cultural interfaces. In this context, psychology as a discipline is criticized for its universal pretensions. Final y, arguments are presented for studying the influence of globalization on lifelong development, including the process of aging, and for the necessity of dialogical models for the study of self and identity in a globalizing world.

Key Words: globalization, localization, bicultural identity, hybrid identity, dialogical self, homophily, heterophily, aging, cultural learning

On a Personal Note: World War II

the German soldiers during the occupation, from

as the First Period of Globalization

the moment of liberation, I was excited to meet

in My Life

and greet every American soldier with a big smile

One of the most impressive moments in my life

and a loud “Hello boy!,” a greeting that was always

was in September 1944, when my place of birth,

returned. Whereas I had never communicated with

Maastricht, in the south of The Netherlands, any German soldier before, always observing them was liberated from the German occupation. As a

from a safe distance, I learned to interact with

7-year-old boy, I saw, with mounting surprise, the

the Americans in a surprisingly spontaneous and

marching soldiers of the American 30th Infantry

open way. On the suggestion of an older friend,

Division “Old Hickory,” passing through the nar-

I sometimes addressed a friendly looking soldier

row street near my parents’ house, wildly applauded

with a simple, but quite effective, combination of

by the masses who greeted them with explosive

American words: “Mother poor, want chewing

enthusiasm and joy after more than 4 long years

gum.” When my request was approved, and it typi-

of suppression and suffering. The sudden change of

cally was, I felt rich as the proud owner of a whole

military power marked the beginning of a totally

package of Wrigley Chewing Gum, which for me

different way of communication with the “strang-

symbolized a historical turn in my lifestyle.

ers.” The contrast between the attitude of the Dutch

When I look back at the events of that time and

toward the enemy and toward the liberator could

their meaning in my personal history, I realize that

not be more pronounced. While I, like almost all of

the occupation by the German army and the later

my peers, had felt reservation and anxiety toward

liberation by the Allies were my first experiences

28

of what we would today call “globalization.” The

not only of the individual self, but also of society

darkness, fear, and threat that lurked over the at large. This innovation requires a certain degree first period was abruptly followed by a feeling of

of openness for the specific social positions of other

rebirth, renewed vigor, and elated joy during the

groups, cultures, and communities as part of a glo-

second one. This early experience made me aware

balizing society, but also for the development of a

of the strong contrast between closing myself to

demarcated self of the individual person.

the unwelcome occupiers and opening myself to

In this chapter, I want to sketch the relationship

the welcomed liberators.

between globalization and human development

with special emphasis on the psychology of self

The Open Versus the Closed Mind

and identity. More specifically, I want to show how

The opening of borders between different cultures,

deeply self and identity are influenced and even

countries, and communities is one of the central

changed by the process of globalization. I describe

features of a globalizing world. Despite increasing

that globalization has a Janus-faced nature, lead-

economical, ecological, demographic, political, and

ing in some cases to creativity and innovation of

military interconnections, however, individuals and

self and identity and in other cases to identity

groups are also separating themselves from each other

confusion and marginalization. Finally, I criticize

in the service of their vested interests and demarca-

psychology’s universal pretensions and argue for a

tion of their own identity. This increasing interde-

dialogical approach in the study of globalization

pendence and separation as its counterforce create

and localization.

a field of tension in which individuals, groups, and

communities position themselves and each other as

Globalization, Self, and Development

part of the process of civilization.

First of all, we need to answer the question of

After Rokeach’s (1960) classic study The Open

what we mean by globalization and why it is rel-

and Closed Mind, psychologists have become aware

evant for human development. To illustrate the

of the social relevance of this dimension for the

relationship between globalization and develop-

workings of self and identity. As a response to the

ment, I give some examples of the influence of glo-

border-crossings in a globalizing world, individu-

balization on the everyday life of adolescents and

als and groups are opening or closing themselves,

young adults, with a focus on the deep impact of

depending on their needs, interests, wishes, anxiet-

Internet technology on self and identity. I use these

ies, or uncertainties. On the assumption that self

examples as a starting place for a broader discus-

and society are not mutually exclusive but rather

sion of the possibilities and dangers of the process

inclusive, it makes sense to study how self and soci-

of accelerating globalization and their linkages to

ety shape each other. That is, society deeply pen-

human development.

etrates the self just as, in reverse, the self is able

to influence and even innovate society, as Mead

The Impact of Globalization

(1934) has convincingly argued in his influential

on Development

book Mind, Self, and Society.

The focus of this chapter is on the intense and

Also in our own work, self and (globalizing)

deep implications of the process of globalization for

society, are considered to make up each other. the development of the individual person. But what Since 1992, my colleagues and I were involved

is “globalization”? In a most general way, global-

in the development of a social-scientific theory, ization refers to the process of international, inter-the so-called dialogical self theory (Hermans & regional, and intercultural contacts arising from Gieser, 2012; Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, the interchange of products, people, ideas, and 2010), inspired by the groundbreaking works of

worldviews. Such interchanges, including advances

American authors like William James (1890) and

in transportations and telecommunications, are

George Herbert Mead (1934), and the Russian lit-

central factors in globalization. As Marsella (2012)

erary scholar Mikhail Bakhtin (1973/1929). In this

concludes, virtually all the definitions involve an

theory, the self is considered as a “society of mind,”

acknowledgment “that the process of globaliza-

which functions as a dynamic multiplicity of tion involves extensive and often imposed contact embodied I-positions among which dialogical rela-among people from different cultures, nations, and

tionships can be established. As this theory holds, a

empires with subsequent social, cultural, economic,

certain degree of innovation and renewal of self and

and political interdependencies and consequences”

identity are indispensable for further development,

(p. 456).

her m a nS

29

Globalization has profound implications for the

facet of adolescents’ lives: their social contacts

formation of self and identity during the life course.

with family, friends, and romantic partners; their

Discussing the repercussions of globalization for health and well-being; their education; their civic adolescents (ages 10–18) and emerging adulthood

and community engagement; and their transition

(ages 18–29), Jensen, Arnett, and McKenzie (2011)

to adult work. However, Larson also gives attention

present some telling examples. Promoted through

to the shadow sides of Internet communication (see

the highly popular Fotologs and MSN Messenger,

also Hevern, 2012): it generates new vulnerabili-

hundreds, even thousands, of adolescents in Chile

ties to interpersonal manipulation and commercial

organize parties in which they violate the traditional

exploitation, and it opens new opportunities for

sexual mores of what was once one of the most con-

deviant behavior, such as hacking and accessing a

servative countries in Latin America. In China, a

diversity of pornographic materials.

mass movement of “factory girls” in their late teens

A striking example of how deep the use of the

to mid-20s move from rural villages to cities in

Internet can go into the embodied self is provided

an attempt to find work, some of them attending

by adolescents who are engaged in self-mutilation:

English classes, others becoming escorts for wealthy

businessmen, and many of them working in order to

As a conversation unfolds among Teenagers on

send their hard-earned money back home. Or, a cou-

an Internet message board, it rapidly becomes

ple, an American woman and Greek man, are mar-

evident that this is not idle electronic chatter. One

ried in Paris, honeymoon in Africa, and then find

youngster poses a question that, to an outsider,

their residence in England. With these “snapshots,”

seems shocking: “Does anyone know to cut deep

Jensen and colleagues illustrate how globalization

without having it sting and bleed too much?” An

impacts the identity development of adolescents and

answer quickly appears: “I use box cutter blades.

emerging adults worldwide in key areas such as mar-

You have to pull the skin really tight and press the

riage, sexuality, work, and moral values.

blade down really hard.” Another response advises

that a quick swipe of a blade against skin “doesn’t

hurt and there is blood galore.” The questioner

Internet’s Deep Implications

seems satisfied: “Okay, I’ll get a Stanley blade ‘cause

for Self and Identity

I hear that it will cut right to the bone with no

One of the most revolutionary developments

hassle. But … I won’t cut that deep.”

in the process of globalization is the use of the

(Bower, 2006, p. 376)

Internet. It has a pervasive influence on the every-

day life of an increasing number of people world-

A team of researchers under the supervision

wide, and, thanks to technological advances, it is

of Janis L. Whitlock of Cornell University stud-

accessible at many places and locations, not only

ied self-injury message boards like this one. Five

in the school but also in trains, in nature, and even

Internet search engines led the investigators to

in one’s bedroom. It has the potential to broaden

discover 406 such sites. Most of them attracted

one’s vista in unprecedented ways. According to

participants who presented themselves as adoles-

Larson (2002), the Internet provides the potential

cents between 12 and 20. Even more ominously,

for entrepreneurs to offer the “MIT Curriculum on

a significant minority of messages discouraged

Calculus” or “Pentecostalist Curriculum on World

self-injurers from seeking formal medical or men-

History” to any child who has the money and

tal assistance, or they shared ways to keep the

equipment available to log on to the specific web-

details about self-harm techniques secret (Bower,

site. The increasing number of courses, curricula,

2006). As the phenomenon of self-mutilation sug-

and their à la carte combinations exemplify the

gests, Internet communication has a deep impact

potential for enormous growth of individualized,

on the relationships of adolescents not only with

Internet-mediated education. The Internet enables

each other but also with themselves and their own

children and adults to have access to information,

body. Globalization, and Internet communication,

institutions, and virtual communities across the

as one of its manifestations, is not something “out-

world, regardless of one’s age, gender, ethnicity,

side,” but rather penetrates deeply into the inner

social standing, or physical attractiveness. On the

domains of the self (Hermans & Dimaggio, 2007;

basis of his review of literature, Larson concludes

Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010).

that the freedom of choice and empowerment pro-

In a more recent review of advances of Internet-

vided by the Internet has implications for every

based technologies, Hevern (2012) demonstrates

30

hu m a n Dev elopment in toDay'S Globa lizinG Wor lD

the increasing diversity of communication pos-

sense of global solidarity with humanity. On the

sibilities. Premillennial Internet media (e-mail, negative side, he refers to decreased predictabil-instant messaging or texting, personal webpages,

ity and control; future shock, culture shock, and

and weblogs) have been joined by a large number of

identity shock; greater divisions between rich and

post-2000 innovations: social networking utilities

poor; cultural disintegration; exploitation of labor

(Facebook, MySpace, Twitter); wikis; peer-to-peer

forces; breakdown in traditional values and cus-

file transfer protocols (such as BitTorrent); Voice

toms; increased dependence on foreign sources;

over Internet protocol (VOIP), like Skype; and

and English-language penetration.

both graphic image (Flickr) and video (YouTube,

Vimeo) sharing utilities, among other develop-

English-Language Penetration

ments. As Hevern shows, these online technolo-

and Its Implications for Identity:

gies build an environment often labelled “Web

The Case of Edward Said

2.0” because individuals use the Net not merely

An illustrative example of the impact of

to access information created by professional web

English-language penetration in the context of

designers (“Web 1.0”) but to create themselves and

social power relationships and globalization,

share with others their own ideas, beliefs, personal

including colonialism, is provided by the life of

experiences, and artistic achievements.

Edward Said. This author became well known

Like Larson (2002), Hevern is not only con-

in scientific circles for his influential work on

cerned about the promises and increasing oppor-

Orientalism, a concept used by many researchers

tunities of the Internet, but also about its shadow

to refer to a generally patronizing Western attitude

sides, to which he refers in terms of the “voices of

toward Middle Eastern, Asian, and North African

darkness and the irrational” (p. 196). In his view,

societies. In his autobiography Out of Place (1999),

the emergence of such voices seems to be facilitated

Said reflects about the different cultures in which

by the unique opportunities of barricaded and rela-

he was involved and also about the influence of his

tively anonymous Internet communication tools.

name on his identity. As Bhatia (2002) describes,

Said struggled with his hyphenated, postcolonial

Globalization: Its Promises and Deceptions

identity as a Palestinian-Egyptian-Christian-A

The process of globalization is so complex rab-American, a diversity of cultural positions and caught in opposites that it is not possible to

that, in his view, were loaded with many tensions.

describe it in either positive or negative terms. It is

Born as a Palestinian and belonging to a Christian

associated with both virtues and vices and loaded

minority, he lived in an Arab country, received his

with possibilities and dangers. Moreover, as I show

education in colonial Cairo in a British school, and

in this section, it is connected with its counterpart,

later moved to America.

localization, in a dialectical way.

The training that he received in the English school

in Cairo reflects both his experience of dislocation

Globalization: Its Virtues and Vices

and the culture shock between the Arab boys and

Not only the Internet, but globalization, as a

the English educators. The British staff of the school

broader topic has both virtues and vices and brings

used to position the Arab boys as a “distasteful job”

both advantages and disadvantages. As Marsella

or as “delinquents” who were in need of regular dis-

(2012) observes in his review of literature, global-

cipline and punishment. Interactions were prescribed

ization gives and takes, it promises and deceives, it

in a handbook with rules that were used to make the

liberates and imposes. In presenting a list of positive

Arab boys become like the British, which in turn

and negative implications, he notes that the same

evoked resistance on the part of the boys:

events can be seen as positive or negative depending

Rule 1 stated categorically: “English is the language

on differing points of view and the phase of transi-

of the school. Anyone caught speaking other

tion of a particular group, nation, or culture. On

languages will be severely punished.” So Arabic

the (generally) positive side, he includes topics like

became our haven, a criminalized discourse where we

exposure to new ideas and customs, international

took refuge from the world of masters and complicit

integration and networking, increased national

prefects and anglicized older boys who lorded it over

wealth, social mobility, new technologies, changes

us as enforcers of the hierarchy and its rules. Because

in gender status and opportunities, chances for

of Rule 1 we spoke more, rather than less, Arabic,

economic growth via foreign companies, and a

as an act of defiance against what seemed then, and

her m a nS

31

seems even more so now, an arbitrary, ludicrously

increasingly obsolete (e.g., Castells, 1997;

gratuitous symbol of their power.

Featherstone, 1995). Although there are clear

(Bhatia, 2002, p. 68)

indications of homogenizing trends (e.g., con-

sumerism, last-bestseller distribution, worldwide

As this quotation illustrates, English language

export of Hollywood films, the explosive spread

was not simply a subject to be learned at school in

of social media), the idea that globalization is to

which the pupil could excel or fail. It was rather

be identified with cultural homogenization is no

part of a prescribed form of interaction associated

more than simplistic, whether seen positively as

with differences and even clashes between cultural

the utopia of the global village or negatively as a

positions and their hierarchical organization, based

form of cultural imperialism. Rather, the process

as they were on social power and suppression.

of globalization leads to a sharpening of cultural

This quotation reflects the significance of social

contrasts or even engenders new oppositions (e.g.,

power in the process of globalization. In this exam-

reappraisal of indigenous cultures, spiritual coun-

ple, the relationship between the English staff and

termovements, protests against overconsumption,

the Arab pupils was markedly different from the

ecological movements, forms of religious funda-

hierarchical relationship between teachers and mentalism). One of the obstacles to understand-pupils in the context of a single culture (e.g., an

ing the process of globalization is the widespread

English school for English adolescents). It was a

tendency to regard the global–local distinction as

relationship of social power that puts one culture,

a polarity consisting of mutually excluding com-

the English, including its language, above the ponents. This polarity is represented by the view other one, the Arabic, which led the Arabic boys to

that we live in a world of local affirmations against

answer with forms of counterpower.

globalizing trends. As a consequence, localization

The English-language penetration even “infil-

is asserted as a form of opposition or resistance

trated” his name, which confusingly combined the

to the global, which is seen as hegemonic. Such

English name Edward with the Arabic name Said.

mutually exclusive opposition is exemplified by the

He reflects on his name in this way:

idea that people retreat into smaller communities

Thus it took me about fifty years to become

or local niches as a defense against the overruling

accustomed to, or, more exactly, to feel less

process of globalization.

uncomfortable with, “Edward,” a foolishly English

Certainly, there are defensive forms of localiza-

name yoked forcibly to the unmistakably Arabic

tion. As Kinnvall (2004) has convincingly argued,

family name Said… . For years, and depending

the globalization of economics, politics, and other

on the exact circumstances, I would rush past

global developments have resulted in an increase of

“Edward” and emphasize “Said”; at other times

what she calls “ontological insecurity” and “exis-

I would do the reverse or connect these two to each

tential anxiety.” One main response to this anxiety

other so quickly that neither would be clear.

has been to seek protection and affirmation of one’s

self and identity by drawing closer to any collectiv-

(Said, 1999, pp. 3–4)

ity that is seen as being able to reduce insecurity

As this quotation shows, Said’s multicultural

and anxiety, with religion and nation as primary

identity was not an addition or a simple juxtapo-

identity markers. Particularly, the combination of

sition of different identities. Rather, his different

religion and nationalism is a particularly power-

cultural positions were loaded with tensions and

ful response in periods of rapid change and highly

the residuals of social power relationships between

uncertain futures.

different cultural groups. Power relationships and

Fear of global culture’s hegemonic influence on

cultural domination do not simply “surround” the

the local culture is also reflected in the phenomenon

self as something outside the skin, but infiltrate its

of contamination anxiety—the worry that the global

most personal and inner domains (Callero, 2003;

culture will contaminate the authenticity of the local

Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010).

culture. Chiu et al. (2011) give the example of the

closing down of a Starbucks coffee shop in Beijing

Globalization and Localization

in 2007. In that year, the director of BizChina,

as Two Sides of the Same Coin

the prime-time daily business show on CCTV

Conceptions that consider globalization International, started an online campaign to have and homogenization (e.g., Americanization) as Starbucks removed from Beijing’s Forbidden City.

identical or equivalent processes have become He wrote an online article in which he portrayed 32

hu m a n Dev elopment in toDay'S Globa lizinG Wor lD

the Forbidden City as a symbol of China’s cultural

with people from a diversity of places when they

heritage and Starbucks as a symbol of lower middle

travel abroad, when others travel to the places

class culture in the West. His article attracted more

where they live, and when they communicate with

than half a million readers and inspired more than

others through the rapidly increasing use of media

2,700 commentaries, most of them sympathetic to

technology.

the writer’s plea. In July 2007, Starbucks closed its

At the same time, people continue to keep and

shop in the Forbidden City.

further develop their local identity as well, based as

Despite the existence of defensive localization

it is on local circumstances, traditions, and prac-

and contamination anxiety, globalization in its tices. This identity is at work when they interact broadest sense increasingly involves the incorpo-with family, friends, colleagues, and participants of

ration of locality, as reflected, for example, in the

their sport clubs. Arnett gives the example of Inuit

emergence of TV enterprises such as MTV, CNN,

adolescents in northern Canada who are avid fans

and, later Al Jazeera, seeking global markets and

of televised pro hockey games. Some of them leave

focusing, at the same time, on a great diversity

their hometowns for a while to become engaged in

of local events and cultural specificities. The past

educational and occupational training in large cit-

century, in particular, has witnessed a remark-

ies elsewhere. At the same time, they maintain a

able proliferation with respect to the international

local identity that is rooted in distinctively Inuit

organization and promotion of locality. One can

traditions. They like ice fishing, race snowmobiles,

refer to attempts to organize the promotion of the

and stay outside during the long summer days

rights and identities of native or indigenous peoples

when it stays light well past midnight. Although an

on a global scale (e.g., the Global Forum in Brazil

increasing number of adolescents and young adults

in 1992 or the Global Forum on Migration and

develop a global identity in finding their own way

Development in Belgium in 2007). Therefore, it

as autonomous individuals, their local identity is

makes sense to conjure up a process of glocalization,

defined by the traditional values of reticence, mod-

as Robertson (1995) has proposed, as this concept

esty, and family obligations. They retain their Inuit

combines two seemingly opposing trends: homog-

identity even as they also develop an identity as

enization and heterogenization, which can be members of a global society.

explained as not only simultaneous but also com-

Even in parts of the world that are subjected to

plementary and interpenetrative. (For “global–

an intensified process of globalization, there are

local interpenetration” or “global–local dialectics,”

many who retain and develop their local identity

see Chen, 2006; Featherstone, 1995.)

alongside their global identity. Jensen, Arnett, and

McKenzie (2011) refer to the situation in India

From Globalization to Hybrid Identities

with its growing, vigorous high-tech economic sec-

On the level of self and identity, globalization

tor led largely by young people. Even the higher

and localization receive their expression in global

educated young people, who are used to participat-

and local identities and facilitate the emergence

ing in the global economy, still keep their prefer-

of hybrid identities. In this section, I will demon-

ence for an arranged marriage and continue to care

strate that the tension between these identities, in

for their aging parents, in accord with Indian tra-

the positive case, leads to creativity and innovation,

dition. While their global identity participates in

and, in the negative case, to identity confusion.

the fast-paced high-tech world, their local identity

This then leads to a discussion of the Janus-faced

stays firmly rooted in the Indian tradition, in this

nature of globalization.

way preserving and developing a bicultural identity.

However, Jensen et al. (2011) continue, global

Global and Local Identities:

and local elements are not to be considered as iso-

Biculturality and Hybridity

lated parts of the self, parts that do not have any

The global–local nexus has immediate impli-

influence on each other. Without any doubts,

cations for the psychology of self and identity. As

local cultures are being modified by globaliza-

Arnett (2002) has argued, many people living on

tion, especially by the introduction of free market

the interface of cultures, particularly adolescents

economics, global media, democratic institutions,

and emerging adults, develop, in addition to their

increased length of formal schooling, and delayed

local identity, a global identity that provides them

entry into marriage and parenthood. Such changes

with a sense of belonging to a worldwide society.

significantly alter traditional cultural beliefs and

Their global identity enables them to be in touch

practices and may lead, as Hermans and Kempen

her m a nS

33

(1998) have observed, to hybrid identities that com-

studied abroad or lived for some period outside

bine elements of both local and global cultures.

their home culture because of political problems or

The phenomenon of hybridization contradicts

wars. TCKs are raised in a neither/nor world. It is

the traditional view of cultures as internally homo-

neither the world of their parents’ culture nor that

geneous and externally distinctive. The acceler-

of the host culture in which they were raised. As

ated process of globalization leads to numerous

Pollock and van Reken observe, they live first in

border-crossings, resulting in the recombination of

one culture, move to another one—sometimes to

existing forms and practices into new cultural pat-

two or three more—and often move back and forth

terns (Rowe & Schelling, 1991). Hybridization of

among them. In this way, TCKs develop their own

cultural elements may create such multiple identi-

life patterns, different from those born and bred

ties as Mexican schoolgirls dressed in Greek togas

in one cultural place. The authors add that most

dancing in the style of Isadora Duncan, a London

TCKs learn to live comfortably in their world of

boy of Asian origin playing for a local Bengali

rapid change (p. 4). Apparently, many TCKs suc-

cricket team and at the same time supporting the

ceed in developing a third culture in which they

Arsenal football club, Thai boxing by Moroccan

integrate elements of other cultures and their own

girls in Amsterdam, and Native Americans cel-

original culture in a new form.

ebrating Mardi Gras in the United States. Pieterse

The phenomenon of third culture finds its theo-

(1995) refers to such examples in opposition to the

retical correlation in the notion of “third position”

idea that cultural developments, past or present, are

(Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010), in which

moving toward cultural uniformity and homoge-

two or more different, contradicting, or conflicting

neity, as expressed by the idea “from the west to

I-positions are reconciled in a way that brings the

the rest.” This idea of uniformity fails to see the

self to some higher level of integration. An illus-

pervasive influence of countermovements that are

trative example of a third position on the level of

derived from the fact that one culture does not sim-

the self is given by Branco, Branco, and Madureira

ply take over or “imitate” the developments of the

(2008), who describe the story of a 25-year-old les-

other, but also responds to them. It also underes-

bian woman in Catholic Brazil. At some point in

timates the capacity of human beings to combine

her self-reflections, she started to talk about herself

very different and even conflicting I-positions in a

as a Christian woman who wanted to help forsaken

multiple identity. The resulting process of hybrid-

and lost people, including many gays and lesbians,

ization offers new ways for cultural practices to

living aimlessly in a difficult world. She felt that

become combined and fused so that novel cultural

her mission was to help people in the lesbian com-

identities emerge (see also Canclini, 1995).

munity to think about their lives and change them

in order to better fit Christian values, practices,

Hybridity, Innovation, and Creativity

and beliefs. In this way, she reconciled conflicting

The innovative potential of the process of positions “I as a Catholic” and “I as a lesbian” by hybridization is exemplified by the phenomenon of

bringing them together in a third position “I as a

“third culture,” in which two or more original cul-

missionary.” For development of self and identity

tures are combined into a new one. As Pollock and

on the tension-loaded interfaces of different cul-

van Reken (2009) detail, countless people of vir-

tures, the integration and reconciliation of conflict-

tually every nationality do not fully belong to any

ing cultural and personal positions is a requirement

group in the world. They may be North Americans

for bringing the self to higher levels of integration

who grew up in Singapore, or British kids raised in

(Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010).

China, Japanese children growing up in Australia,

One of the findings of our own research is that

or a child of a Norwegian father and a Thai mother.

multiplicity of self and identity needs dialogue

All of them have one thing in common: they are

in order to prevent fragmentation and dissocia-

spending or have spent at least some part of their

tion (Dimaggio, Hermans, & Lysaker, 2010). An

childhood in cultures or countries other than their

empirical example is a study by König (2009), who,

own. They become third culture kids (TCKs) and

inspired by dialogical self theory, studied the pat-

later adult culture kids.

terns of cultural positions in the lives of 13 global

Children become TCKs for a variety of rea-

nomads or “expatriates” who had extensive experi-

sons. Some have parents working in international

ences in the contact zones of different cultures. She

business, the diplomatic corps, the military, or started with the assumption that acculturation can religious organizations. Others have parents who

be seen as a continuing process of self-innovation

34

hu m a n Dev elopment in toDay'S Globa lizinG Wor lD

propelled by dialogues between personal cultural

2005), probably because such exposure gives

positions. She invited her participants to iden-

room for the expression of heterogeneous opinions

tify their cultural positions (e.g., I as Dutch, I as

in groups or teams. Furthermore, bilingualism

German, I as American) and to conduct a dia-

research has studied the creative performance of

logue between them. Each step in the dialogue was

bilinguals who have been exposed to two languages

rated on three variables: novelty, importance, and

in their attendant linguistic cultures. The results

authenticity. Results showed, in agreement with

suggest that bilinguals tend to have higher creative

the hypothesis, that in the majority of cases novelty

performances compared to monolinguals (e.g.,

ratings increased as the result of dialogue between

Ricciardelli, 1992). In addition, there is evidence

the different positions. This finding is in support

that ethnically diverse groups are more creative

of the observation that dialogical relationships than ethnically homogeneous groups (Simonton, between positions of TCKs and global nomads

1999). Finally, at a broader societal level, there is

have the potential to contribute to the innovation

evidence that creativity increases after civiliza-

of the self. (For the innovative impact of dialogue

tions open themselves to outside influences and

on the self during psychotherapy, see Goncalves &

geographic areas become more politically differ-

Ribeiro, 2010.)

entiated and culturally diverse (Simonton, 1994).

Research on innovation and creativity is par-

All together, these studies suggest that social and

ticularly relevant to understanding the potentials

cultural hybridity has the potential of enhancing

of the process of globalization. In an experimental

creativity at individual and societal levels.

psychological study, Leung and Chiu (2010) pre-

sented aspects of American and Chinese culture

Openness, Dialogue, and Development:

to a group of European-American undergraduates.

A Research Example

The participants were randomly assigned to one of

Openness is also a relevant phenomenon in

five experimental conditions: (a) American culture

the study of the relationship between personality

only, where they viewed a presentation of American

and inner dialogue. In one of the research proj-

culture only; (b) Chinese culture only, where the

ects inspired by dialogical self theory, Oles and

participants viewed a presentation of Chinese Puchalska-Wasyl (2012) investigated the relation-culture only; (c) dual cultures, where they looked

ship between inner dialogues (e.g., who am I dia-

at a presentation of both American and Chinese

logues, giving support to oneself, and conversations

culture (music video segments and movie trailers

with imagined others) and the so-called Big Five

from each culture); (d) fusion culture, where they

personality traits (extraversion, neuroticism, con-

viewed a presentation of a hybrid culture created

scientiousness, agreeableness, and openness to

by fusing American and Chinese cultures (e.g.,

experience). With the use of personality question-

McDonald’s rice burger; a Vanessa Mae music naires, the authors found that inner dialogues video); and (e) control condition, where the par-showed the highest correlations with openness to

ticipants did not see any presentation. Subsequent

experience and with neuroticism. That is, those

to the experimental conditions, participants com-

with more internal dialogues are more open to

pleted a creativity test (writing a new version of the

experiences involving active imagination, aesthetic

Cinderella tale). Consistent with the hypothesis,

sensitivity, attentiveness to inner feelings, intellec-

creative performance following either dual cultures

tual curiosity, and preference for variety. Moreover,

exposure or fusion culture exposure was signifi-

subjects with many inner dialogues have a higher

cantly higher than that in the control condition.

degree of neuroticism or emotional instability,

When the participants came back, 5 to 7 days later,

as manifested by anxiety, moodiness, worry, and

to complete a different creativity test, the results

self-consciousness.

could be replicated.

For the present chapter, it is particularly rel-

Leung and Chiu (2010) presented a literature

evant that the relationship between personality

review that enabled the reader to place his or her

traits and inner dialogue is probably modified by

results in a broader context of studies on creativity.

developmental factors. Oles and colleagues found

For example, there is empirical evidence that expo-

that in adolescents, internal dialogicality corre-

sure to diverse normative views in groups or work

sponds more highly with neuroticism than with

teams consisting of culturally diverse members is

openness, whereas in the middle-aged samples

positively related to the development of creative

the internal dialogical activity corresponds more

potential (e.g., Guimera, Uzzi, Spiro, & Amaral,

highly with openness than with neuroticism. The

her m a nS

35

authors conclude that in adolescents internal dia-

two cultural positions that are generally felt as

logues are stimulated mainly by anxiety and per-

contradictory.

sonal problems, whereas adults use them in the

Not only in economically underdeveloped

service of openness and curiosity. Whereas adoles-

parts of the world, but also in wealthier countries

cents may become involved in internal dialogues

identity confusion or marginalization becomes a

in order to reduce anxiety, middle-aged people use

problem to many adolescents and young adults.

them mainly for exploring new experiences and

Norasakkunkit and Uchida (2011; see also Chiu

broadening their scope of personal possibilities.

et al., 2011) focused on the psychological adapta-

tion of individuals labeled as Not in Employment,

The Janus-Faced Nature of

Education or Training (NEETS), a marginal sub-

Globalization: Identity Confusion

culture in Japan that has emerged in response to

In contrast to many of the TCKs and expatriates

globalization. Apparently, a sizable number of

who share a common, often high, educational and

Japanese youth (estimated to be around 1 million)

economic backgrounds and who are able to create

cannot adjust to the rapid changes in occupational

new homes and cultural enclaves abroad, many

life characterized by increased competitiveness

people all over the world, particularly adolescents

and decreased job security that globalization has

and young adults, struggle with cultural diversity

brought to Japan. Often, these adolescents and

and conflict, which often leads to identity confu-

young adults lack persistence in pursuing achieve-

sion. An example is given by cultural anthropolo-

ment goals and move from the center to the periph-

gist van Meijl (2012), who noticed that the impact

ery of society. Retreating from society, they display

of migration is nowhere near as pervasive as in the

low identification with the core values of interde-

Asia-Pacific region, which accounts for almost 40%

pendence and self-improvement in Japanese society

of the millions of people who cross national borders

and become increasingly marginalized. Their posi-

each year. Limited prospects for economic growth

tion as falling between the rapid changes of global-

and the effects of climate change cause them to try

ization and the core values of Japan prevents them

their luck elsewhere. The largest migration streams

from developing an identity with sufficient clarity

are from Polynesia, with about 25% of the total

and direction.

population living abroad today, many of them liv-

ing in New Zealand, where they constitute 7% of

The Challenge of Cultural

the total population. Given the transnational con-

Difference and Distance

nections between Pacific people in New Zealand

When the tension between local and global

and their places of origin, an increasing number of

identities leads in some cases to creativity and inno-

diasporic children and adolescents are growing up

vation and in other cases to confusion and margin-

between two or more shores, with migrants from

alization, can we then gain some understanding of

Samoa and Tonga making up the largest Polynesian

the conditions that move the self into one or the

groups in New Zealand. This leads them to develop

other direction? In which situations are difference

multiple identifications with more than one place

and distance between cultural positions so large

in and beyond New Zealand.

that the negative implications become dominant

As van Meijl (2012) explains, confusion begins

over the positive ones? A discussion of these topics

when someone’s Samoan identity is challenged will concentrate on the relevance of the concepts of by island-born members of one’s extended fam-homophily and heterophily.

ily ( aiga) or church community, which used to

be highly influential in Pacific Islander commu-

When Do Difference and Distance

nities. At the same time, one’s identity as a New

Between Cultures Become Too Large?

Zealander is challenged by New Zealanders of

From an African perspective, Doku and Asante

European descent ( Papalagi). Their identity as (2011) make an observation that is helpful to being both Samoan and New Zealander entails

understanding why some individuals experience

insecurity and lack of control resulting from their

identity confusion as a result of globalization while

experience of “deterritorialization.” They feel that

others do not. They notice that those individu-

social and cultural attitudes derived from their new

als most likely to suffer confusion—often result-

world are opposed to behavioral and sociocultural

ing in depression, suicide, and substance use—are

norms established in their Pacific identity. As a

raised in cultural environments with the greatest

consequence, their sense of self is divided between

cultural distance from the global culture, at the

36

hu m a n Dev elopment in toDay'S Globa lizinG Wor lD

same time being subjected to the consequences of

consumerism, and privatization, bring values to

globalization.

the world that are alien and offensive to many

As Doku and Asante describe, African cul-

people whose cultures are rooted in long and stabi-

tures not only entail a set of values, ideas, and

lized traditions. Those cultural groups with a large

attitudes regarding the relationships between liv-

distance between their traditional values and the

ing beings, but also between the living and the

implicit values of globalization seem to be particu-

dead. In Ghana, for example, it is believed that

larly vulnerable to identity crisis or confusion.

the dead are still “alive” and have, in their qual-

In reviewing the many topics discussed in this

ity of spirits, “super control” over what goes on

chapter, it becomes evident that globalization is

in their absence. They have the power to reward

Janus-faced. There are no convincing reasons to

the faithful and punish the unfaithful. Libations

evaluate this global change as “good” or “bad” or

are poured to them in order to please and consult

as “constructive” or “destructive.” Both qualifica-

them about virtually everything that is of vital

tions apply in varying degrees to different parts of

importance to a family. Even at dining tables,

the world, depending on economic, educational,

their presence is expected, respected, and even

cultural, and historical circumstances. In a more

sensed by reserving a chair or space for them.

sophisticated way, it makes sense to distinguish, as

Therefore, the dead are buried with rich orna-

Chiu et al. (2011) do, between exclusionary reac-

ments and regalia that they may need in their

tions, including fear of cultural contamination,

next life.

negative intercultural affect (e.g., envy, anger, dis-

In a discussion of literature on traditional gust), and seeing foreign cultures as a threat, and African healing, Lindegger and Alberts (2012) integrative reactions, including positive intercultural portray how “Traditional African” is typical of

affect (e.g., admiration and curiosity), interest in

a cultural system that considers the person to be

global resources, the adoption of a cultural learning

connected with a supernatural order that organizes

mindset, and behavioral reactions like acceptance

relationships with family, community, the earth,

and synthesis. This leads to the proposition that

God, spirits, ancestors, or living dead. Health and

cultural values and practices with a large psycho-

happiness, including mental health, are seen as a

logical distance from globalizing trends are more

function of the equilibrium of these various rela-

probable to evoke exclusionary reactions, whereas

tionships, whereas disease and unhappiness are those with smaller distance are more likely to lead seen as a function of disharmony or the influence of

to integrative reactions. For the development of self

evil spirits. In their discussion of traditional South

and identity, the psychological distance is particu-

African culture, Lindegger and colleague focus on

larly relevant because it affects the degree to which

the role of a healer called “iSangoma” in isiZulu

the individual is able to bring together different and

and isiXhosa. The task of this healer is to diagnose

often conflicting cultural identities as parts of a self

any disharmony in the various relationships, espe-

that is sufficiently coherent and integrated in the

cially the relationship with ancestors. The iSan-

form of third positions or productive coalitions of

goma functions as an intermediary between the

positions (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010).

visible and invisible worlds, and he has the task of

The notion of psychological distance brings us to a

diagnosing and harmonizing these relationships related topic in the social-scientific literature, one and, especially, of transmitting messages from the

known as the phenomenon of homophily.

ancestors to the living.

It may be clear that there is a large psychologi-

Homophily and Heterophily

cal distance between the values and practices of

“Similarity breeds connection” is the first sen-

African and other indigenous cultures that, on

tence of an article by McPherson, Smith-Lovin,

the one hand, want to maintain and protect their

and Cook (2001, p. 415) on homophily, which is

traditional worldview and, on the other hand, the

the principle that a contact between similar people

main values that are brought to the world by the

occurs at a higher rate than among dissimilar peo-

process of globalization. As Marsella (2012) notes,

ple. The fact that we favor contact with like-minded

the hegemonic imposition of values associated people organizes network ties of every type, includ-with North American popular culture, including

ing marriage, friendship, work, advice, support,

individualism, materialism, competition, hedo-

information transfer, exchange, co-membership,

nism, rapid change (often indiscriminately labeled

and other types of relationships. Consequently,

as “progress”), profit, greed, commodification, homophily places constraints on people’s social her m a nS

37

worlds, with strong implications for the informa-

the presence of the peer. The authors conclude that,

tion they receive, the attitudes they form, and consistent with studies with older children, the the interactions in which they become involved.

results of this study revealed that the ethnicity of

Homophily in race and ethnicity creates the stron-

the playmate is influencing the nature of preschool-

gest divides in our personal environments, with

ers’ social interactions.

age, religion, education, occupation, and gender

Apparently, the homophilous tendency can be

following in roughly that order (McPherson et al.,

observed in the social interactions of children at

2001). In other words, homophily motivates people

a very young age, and this confirms the view that

to stay within the comfort zone of their self-space

homophilous attitudes are strongly established in

(Hermans & Hermans-Konopka, 2010).

the self of children and adults. This raises the ques-

To see the far-reaching implications of our tion of how, and under which circumstances, chil-homophilous tendencies in the context of global-

dren can find a balance between homophilous and

ization, it is necessary to consider its opposite ten-

heterophilous interactions, on the assumption that

dency, known in the literature as heterophily. In an

not one but both tendencies are relevant for effec-

insightful analysis, Rogers and Bhowmik (1970)

tive and innovative communication with individu-

observed that heterophily—the tendency to com-

als and groups from other cultures. Intercultural

municate with people who are dissimilar to one’s

learning as part of the development of children and

own views, values, and experiences—has the disad-

adults seems to be a neglected area on the inter-

vantage in that it is less effective than homophily.

face of globalization and human development and

Heterophilous interactions are likely to cause mes-

deserves more future research. This research should

sage distortion, delayed transmission, restriction

start with participants at a young age if one wants

of communication channels, and cognitive disso-

to create the conditions for stimulating integrative

nance. Simply said, heterophily makes it more dif-

reactions between individuals and groups of differ-

ficult for communicating partners to understand

ent cultural origins.

each other. Yet, Rogers et al. argue that there are

situations in which heterophily is a necessary ingre-

The Historical Child Versus

dient: a white middle-class teacher in a ghetto, a

the Universal Child

father–adolescent relationship, a change agent who

In a sense, psychology as a discipline—including

is diffusing innovation, and, particularly relevant to

developmental psychology—is also “homophilous”

the present chapter, international communication

because it favors a Western (American, European)

between individuals who do not share a common

standard notion of childhood throughout the world

culture. When participants would be homophilous

(Prilleltensky, 2012). As Woodhead (1999) has

to a maximum degree, communication would be

argued, modern child development inherited a uni-

facile but entirely redundant. On the other hand,

versalist legacy, implying that all humans are sub-

when they would be totally heterophilous, they

jected to general laws that can be studied on the basis

would not understand each other. So, Rogers and

of positivistic scientific principles, with the conse-

colleague conclude that for effective and innovative

quent systematic neglect of the social-psychological

communication, the interacting partners should

specificities of individuals and cultures. For exam-

be homophilous on variables that add to mutual

ple, Piaget’s three mountains experiment has been

understanding, and heterophilous on those vari-

replicated numerous times by generations of stu-

ables that are relevant to finding creative ways for

dents to demonstrate young children’s limitations

solving the problems in the situation at hand.

in taking perspectives. Researchers have asked chil-

An argument for the relevance of this conclu-

dren to pour water into different-shaped glasses in

sion in the context of globalization can be found

order to demonstrate their inability to understand

in a study by Girouard, Stack, and O’Neill-Gilbert

the invariance of quantity under transformation.

(2011) who investigated the dyadic interactions When these experimental tasks were transported of 30 Asian-Canadian and 30 French-Canadian

across the globe in cross-cultural investigations, it

preschool children and analyzed them in terms

became possible to produce comparisons of more

of social participation, initiation, response strate-

than two dozen of communities in terms of the

gies, and social interchange. Results showed that

percentage of subjects who had attained different

the children preferred to play more interactively

Piagetian stages. Predictably, the findings favored

together with same-ethnic partners, whereas with

populations who had experienced European-type

cross-ethnic partners they played more solitarily in

schooling and education. To take another example,

38

hu m a n Dev elopment in toDay'S Globa lizinG Wor lD

the typical American and European emphasis on

However, Phillipson continues, the era of unparal-

the importance of independence for children and

leled progress, halted in the subsequent decades as

adolescents and the uncritical transportation of this

a combination of events—a slow-down of economic

ideal to other parts of the world may shake the very

growth, the rise of world oil prices, the increase of

roots of Asian families who emphasize authoritarian

unemployment and inflation—challenged the basic

attitudes and practices.

assumptions of welfare. The unraveling of the retire-

As Woodhead (1999) emphasizes, the task of psy-

ment system, together with changes to the welfare

chology is not the discovery of the “eternal child”

state, has posed significant threats to the elderly.

but of the “historical child.” The cultural environ-

Retirement is no longer central as a system organiz-

ment should not be seen as something outside the

ing exit from the workplace for an increasing num-

process of development, that which surrounds it,

ber of people. At the same time, these individuals

but should be considered as an intrinsic part of

are often confronted with a language and ideology

the developmental process itself. Therefore, future

that scapegoats the old, defining them as a burden

research should focus on the study of children, ado-

and cost to society, and this raises, at the individual

lescents, and adults on different levels: personal,

level, existential issues of the nature of meaning of

interpersonal, organizational, cultural, and global

growing old (Phillipson, 1998, p. 3).

(see also Prilleltensky, 2012).

So, although we often speak about identity cri-

sis and confusion in the population of adolescents

Aging and Globalization:

and adults, it would be a serious omission when

A Neglected Area

we, as psychologists and social scientists, fail to see

Another neglected area is the developmental

the deep impact of the accelerating process of glo-

aspects of old age in relation to the process of glo-

balization on the level of self and identity of the

balization. The world’s population stands at over

elderly. Future studies should be more focused on

7 billion in 2013 and is estimated to reach 9.3 bil-

all stages of human development, on the basis of

lion by mid-century (although numbers differ con-

the assumption that globalization affects lifelong

siderably depending on various sources). As Sayan

development.

(2002) has estimated, the number of people aged

60 and older is expected to increase from 629 mil-

The Self as a Mini-Society

lion in 2002 to nearly 2 billion by 2050. Similarly,

As the material presented in this chapter sug-

the Department of Economic and Social Affairs

gests, human development is deeply affected by

(DESA) of the United Nations concludes that dur-

intercultural processes and accelerated globaliza-

ing the first half of this century, the global pop-

tion. As part of those processes, self and identity

ulation of 60 and older is expected to expand by

also do not develop in isolation from sociocultural

more than three times to reach almost 2 billion in

contexts, but, instead, they function as historical

2050 (source date: May 10, 2013). Moreover, the

and sociocultural phenomena. We live in a “com-

elderly population itself is aging, with the 80-plus

pressed” social space where we cannot avoid meet-

age group making up the fastest growing segment

ing people who are very different from us. It is like

of the population. This “graying of the world”

living in the same “room” with people we don’t

results from falling fertility rates and rising life

know and not being able to put them outside (e.g.,

expectancies.

immigration waves, international military opera-

In a study on the identity of the elderly, tions, worldwide implications of financial or eco-Phillipson (1998) notes that, in the present phase of

nomical crises, forms of international terrorism).

late or advanced modernity, globalization, includ-

This situation moves people increasingly from the

ing the emergence of a postindustrial society and

center of their cultures to the interfaces between

more fluid and pluralized forms of identity, cre-

them, where both the positive sides (e.g., innova-

ates a high level of uncertainty in old age. In a

tion, cross-fertilization, cooperation, creativity)

historical overview, the author shows that in the

and the negative sides (exploitation, alienation,

post-World War II period, from approximately the

defensive forms of localization, aggression) become

1950s through the early 1970s, much emphasis

surprisingly or painfully evident.

was placed, particularly in the rich countries, on

As discussed in this chapter, globalization

the safety of retirement as part of a welfare state.

and localization also have deep implications for

This was generally seen as a crucial instrument for

the development of self and identity. As we have

maintaining a sense of hope and purpose in old age.

argued earlier (Hermans & Hermans-Konopka,

her m a nS

39

2010; Hermans & Kempen, 1998), processes on

inclusive. When one of these components changes,

the contact zones between different cultures and

this has immediate repercussions for the other. An

on the interface of globalization and localization

implication of this view is that the study of self

have at least four implications for the self: (a) it is

and identity is in need of not only psychological,

faced with an unprecedented density of positions

but also sociological, cultural anthropological, and

that may lead to a “cacophony of voices” in the self;

historical perspectives. Recent advances in brain

(b) when the individual is increasingly participat-

sciences should also be taken into account, par-

ing in a diversity of local groups and cultures on a

ticularly those research endeavors that focus on the

global scale, the position repertoire becomes more

social aspects of the brain.

complex and heterogeneous, laden as it is with dif-

Second, future research on the flexibility and

ferences, tensions, oppositions, and contradic-

resilience of the self is indispensable as the acceler-

tions; (c) given the speed and unpredictability of

ated process of globalization brings more tensions,

global changes, the repertoire receives more “visits”

contradictions, conflicts, and oppositions in the

by unexpected positions; and finally (d) as a conse-

self than ever before. A flexible and resilient self is

quence of the increasing range of possible posi-

able to navigate between the Scylla of premature

tions and the increasing speed of globalization,

but unsuccessful unity and the Charybdis of frag-

there are more and larger “position leaps,” that is,

mentation. How can the self, being tension-loaded

the individual has to make more and larger “men-

and contradictory as it is, yet be sufficiently coher-

tal jumps” given the relatively large psychological

ent and substantial to form a coherent diversity?

distance between positions. Such leaps include, for

How is the self able to create adaptive and creative

example, immigrating to another country, marry-

combinations of cultural and personal I-positions

ing a partner from another culture, cooperation

(Falmagne, 2004; Hermans, 2001)?

with colleagues from different cultures, or being

Third, developmental psychology has to make

confronted by the needs of people at the other end

a transition from research based on the universal

of the world who are facing extreme poverty or suf-

child, adolescent, and adult to the historical child,

fering from a disaster. These developments have the

adolescent, and adult. Too long has mainstream

consequence of creating a higher degree of uncer-

developmental psychology persisted in the assump-

tainty in the self, which may innovate and enrich

tion that research findings based on American

the self in some situations but lead to identity crisis

and European samples have universal significance,

or confusion in other situations. As these implica-

thereby neglecting important contextual factors like

tions demonstrate, the self, as part of the society

culture, history, and society that are not extrinsic

at large, functions as a mini-society with its own

but intrinsic to human development. As such, the

differences, dynamics, opposites, and tensions. development of self and identity deserves attention Considering the self as a society of positions may

on different levels: intrapersonal, interpersonal,

help us to understand which processes are taking

organizational, cultural, and global (Surgan &

place on the interface of cultures in a globalizing

Abbey, 2012).

society.

Fourth, future studies of the process of global-

ization and their implications for development are

Future Directions: Toward a Dialogical

in need of a dialogical conception of self and iden-

Conception of Self and Identity

tity. Under the influence of the Enlightenment,

Finally, I briefly sketch some desirable future

mainstream psychology has for too long favored a

directions for research on the relationship between

conception of an essentialized self considered as a

globalization and development. I see four main

“container” with razor-sharp boundaries between

directions that are in line with the topics discussed

self and nonself, with the exclusion of the other as

in this chapter and of immediate relevance to the

part of the self, and as being involved in a relent-

study of self and identity.

less pursuit of having the environment under

First, the relationship between globalization and

control (Sampson, 1985; see also Callero, 2003).

development should avoid the erroneous view that

Postmodern views have answered this highly cen-

culture and society are simply “surrounding” the

tralized self, overly unified and enclosed as it is in

self and identity, conceptualized as essentialized

itself, by proposing a highly decentralized concep-

entities having an existence in and of themselves

tion that is open to relationships, often leading

and a development on their own. In contrast, self

to a situation of “multiphrenia” (Gergen, 1991)

and culture are not mutually exclusive but mutually

and fragmentation of the self. In my view, the

40

hu m a n Dev elopment in toDay'S Globa lizinG Wor lD

accelerating process of globalization asks for a third

ed. published in 1929 under the title Problemy tvorchestva

conception of the self, a dialogical one, in which

Dostoevskogo [Problems of Dostoevsky’s Art].

centralizing and decentralizing movements are seen

Bhatia, S. (2002). Acculturation, dialogical voices and the con-

struction of the diasporic self. Theory and Psychology, 12,

as mutually complementing forces (Hermans &

55–77.

Hermans-Konopka, 2010). Such a conception is

Bower, B. (2006, June 17). Growing up online: Young people

needed to develop a self that is decentralized and

jump headfirst into the Internet’s world. Science News,

open enough to the innovative potentials of global-

169, 376.

ization, yet closed and centralized enough to develop

Branco, A. U., Branco, A. L., & Madureira, A. F. ( 2008).

Self-development and the emergence of new I-positions:

an identity that embraces the values, practices, and

Emotions and self-dynamics. Studia Psychologica, 6, 23–39.

traditions of one’s local culture. Such a conception

Callero, P. L. (2003). The sociology of the self. Annual Review

enables the self to develop dialogical relationships

of Sociology, 29, 115–133.

not only between different I-positions in the multi-

Canclini, N. G. (1995). Hybrid cultures: Strategies for enter-

voiced mini-society of the self but also between the

ing and leaving modernity. Minneapolis: University of

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social and cultural positions of the multicolored

Castells, M. (1997). The information age: Economy, soci-

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Conclusion

Chen, H.-R. (2006). The interpenetration between globaliza-

In this chapter, I have focused on human devel-

tion and localization: Continuity and dialogical hybrid-

ity in global and local commercials in contemporary

opment in the context of the processes of global-

Taiwan. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the

ization and localization, with special attention to

International Communication Association. New York,

the differences, tensions, and conflicts in self and

October 5, 2006.

identity. Apparently, globalization is a Janus-faced

Chiu, C. -Y., Gries, P., Torelli, C. J., & Cheng, S. Y. Y. (2011).

phenomenon that fosters innovation, creativity,

Toward a social psychology of globalization. Journal of

Social Issues, 67, 663–676.

and integration in some situations, and confusion,

Dimaggio, G., Hermans, H. J. M., & Lysaker, P. (2010). Health

anxiety, and marginalization in other situations.

and adaptation in a multiple self. Theory & Psychology, 20,

In an attempt to determine under which condi-

379–399.

tions globalization shows its virtues and under Doku, P. N., & Oppong Asante, K. (2011). Identity: which conditions its vices, the notion of “distance”

Globalization, culture and psychological functioning.

International Journal of Human Sciences [Online]. 8:2.

between different cultures and between different

Available: Http://www.insanbilimleri.com/en

cultural positions in the self proved useful. When

Falmagne, R. J. (2004). On the constitution of “self” and

the distance is manageable and, moreover, receives

“mind”: The dialectic of the system and the person. Theory

an adaptive answer by a flexible and resilient self,

and Psychology, 14, 822–845.

an integrative solution can be found. When, how-

Featherstone, M. (1995). Undoing culture: Globalization, post-

modernism and identity. London: Sage.

ever, the distance is overly large or unbridgeable as

Gergen, K. J. (1991). The saturated self: Dilemmas of identity in

the result of irreconcilable values, then confusion,

contemporary life. London: Sage.

marginalization, and fragmentation are most prob-

Girouard, N., Stack, D. M., & O’Neill-Gilbert (2011). Ethnic

able. To keep the different and divergent positions

differences during social interactions of preschoolers in

in the self together as parts of a contradictory yet

same-ethnic and cross-ethnic dyads. European Journal of

Developmental Psychology, 8, 185–202.

coherent whole, a dialogical view on self and iden-

Goncalves, M. M., & Ribeiro, A. P. (2010). Narrative processes

tity is desirable so that these positions can learn

of innovation and stability within the dialogical self. In H.

from each other and stimulate the further develop-

J. M. Hermans & T. Gieser (Eds.), Handbook of dialogi-

ment of the self as a sufficiently integrated whole.

cal self theory (pp. 301–318). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge

University Press.

Guimera, R., Uzzi, B., Spiro, J., & Amaral, L. A. N. (2005).

Acknowledgments

Team assembly mechanisms determine collaboration

I thank Agnieszka Konopka for her careful

network structure and team performance. Science, 308,

reading of this text and for her valuable suggestions

697–702.

and comments.

Hermans, H. J. M. (2001). The dialogical self: Toward a

theory of personal and cultural positioning. Culture and

Psychology, 7, 243–281.

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42

hu m a n Dev elopment in toDay'S Globa lizinG Wor lD

C H A P T E R

Migration Between and Within

4 Countries: Implications for Families

and Acculturation

Carola Suárez-Orozco

Abstract

Global migration is transforming the shape of families as hundreds of mil ions of children are growing up in transnational families the world over. In this chapter, the implications of transnational familyhood for parenting and the development of children is considered including the normative family separations that accompany the process of migration, complicated family reunifications, and the ways in which normative parenting is disrupted by migration. Growing up in transcultural spaces can complicate enculturation and acculturative tasks for children, adolescents, and emerging adults. The ways in which developmental scientists theoretical y and paradigmatical y examine the culture(s) of children and youth developing in transnational spaces are problematized and recommendations for future research are then made.

Key Words: immigration, transnationalism, parenting, family separations, acculturation, family relations, culture

From 1997 to 2002, I co-directed a large-scale

the implications of these separations. As I dug into

longitudinal study of 400 newcomer immigrant

this unanticipated set of findings, I learned that

young adolescents from Central America, China,

although often experienced as complicated and

the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Mexico

painful, disruptions were, for most children and

to the United States. The mixed-methods study

families, temporary and managed. I learned that

was focused on academic adaptations and out-

parent perspectives were quite different from those

comes but, as part of the initial interview, both

of their children. I learned about the sociopoliti-

parents and adolescents were asked to describe

cal, gendered, and policy pressures that led to pro-

their immigration histories. In the process of those

tracted separations. And while my data gave me

interviews, I (accidental y—because that was not

specific insights into separations after reunifica-

the intent of the study) learned that three-quarters

tions, I learned from other researchers about sepa-

of the participants recruited from public schools

rations as they were occurring (Dreby, 2009) and

had been separated from their mothers, fathers,

of cultural groups that were making pragmatic

or indeed both parents for some period of time

decisions to send their babies away to be raised by

(more than 6 months and sometimes more than 5

grandparents, with the plan for reunification at

years). I found cultural variations in the lengths

school age.(Gaytán, Xue, & Yoshikawa, 2006).

of separations and whether children stayed with

Large-scale migration defines our era. Every

mothers, fathers, or other caretakers. My initial

continent on earth is now involved in mass migra-

ethnocentrism, using an attachment theory lens,

tion—as areas of immigration, emigration, or as

led to worried pathologizing as I began to consider

transit areas and, often, as all three at once. At the

43

dawning of the new millennium, the lives of millions

family dynamics (Bornstein & Cote, 2010; Falicov,

of people have been shaped by both cross-national

2007), and the definition of “familyhood”

migration and within-nation migration (United (Bryceson & Vuorela, 2002), and it has implica-Nations Development Program [UNDP], 2009).

tions for the development of children, adolescents,

An estimated 214 million people—or about 3.1%

and emerging adults.

of the world’s population—have moved across

borders, and an estimated four times as many—

Migration in Perspective

740 million—are involved in regional migration

Migration is global, shaping and reshaping

(UNDP, 2012). Both sending as well as host soci-

every continent on earth (UNDP, 2009). Today,

eties are being changed by large-scale migration

immigrant youth are departing from multiple

and large-scale cultural contact all over the world

points of origin and arriving in numerous desti-

(Bornstein & Cote, 2010).

nations across the globe. Some of the new coun-

Most migrants move in search of better liv-

tries of immigration have negligible experience

ing conditions. The vast majority of international

in receiving immigrants (like Spain and Italy;

migrants go to a country with higher levels of capi-

Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco, & Sattin-Bajal,

tal than their originating countries (UNDP, 2009);

2010). Yet other countries facing large-scale immi-

this is also typically the case for internal migration

gration today have the long view on immigration

from rural areas to urban centers in search of jobs.

(e.g., the United States and Australia).

While many immigrants experience opportunities

The Figure 4.1 and Table 4.1 illustrate the

for increased household incomes, improved access

story of international flows at a glance. The major-

to education and health services they are also often

ity of receiving countries are the high-income

significantly constrained both by policies that Organization for Economic Cooperation and impose barriers to entry as well as by resources

Development (OECD) nations (see Figure 4.1).

they allow them free movement (UNDP, 2009). In

And, with little exception (the United Kingdom

addition there are hidden and unanticipated costs

to Australia and New Zealand and the inter-

to the family and children. (Suárez-Orozco & nal European Union migration of Italians and Suárez-Orozco, 2001)

Germans), the top 25 sending countries are in

While migrations are motivated by multiple fac-

low-income regions (see Table 4.1).

tors they are most often driven by family motiva-

Seemingly everywhere, newcomer immigrants

tions: providing for family members in the form of

are adding novel threads of cultural, linguistic,

remittances or reuniting with family members are

religious, and racial difference to the social tapestry

at the core of migratory experiences. The process

of their new societies. In New York City, Berlin,

of migration inexorably changes family systems,

and London, diversity defines the demographic,

Fig. 4.1 Densities of immigrants arriving and leaving between countries (2000–2005).

44

miGr at ion bet W een a nD W it hin Cou ntr ieS

Table 4.1. Share of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Immigrants by Source Country, 2000.

Source country

North America

Europe

Australia/Asia

Mexico

.219

.001

.000

United Kingdom

.041

.027

.206

Italy

.027

.062

.038

Germany

.028

.049

.045

Turkey

.003

.085

.005

India

.038

.023

.018

China

.039

.009

.066

Philippines

.046

.007

.030

Vietnam

.032

.008

.026

Portugal

.011

.040

.002

Korea

.025

.002

.075

Poland

.019

.024

.010

Morocco

.002

.048

.000

Cuba

.028

.002

.000

Canada

.025

.004

.006

France

.007

.027

.005

United States

.012

.015

.017

Ukraine

.009

.022

.002

Spain

.004

.027

.002

Greece

.008

.015

.028

Serbia

.003

.027

.009

Jamaica

.019

.006

.000

Ireland

.006

.021

.009

El Salvador

.022

.000

.001

Netherlands

.007

.014

.020

Based on the adult immigrant population. Represents the top 25 sending countries and three OECD

subregions (high-income North America includes Canada and the United States; high-income Australia/

Asia includes Australia, New Zealand Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan).

Source: Hanson, 2010.

social, and cultural spheres. In New York City,

two-thirds of all children in schools come from

half the children in schools originate in immi-

immigrant-origin homes; in Paris, one-third of chil-

grant homes—representing a breathtaking 190 dren are of immigrant origin, and in Copenhagen, countries and territories and speaking more than

one-fifth are of immigrant origin (Suárez-Orozco

170 distinct languages (Suárez-Orozco et al., et al., 2010). Some are the children of educated 2010). In Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and the Hague,

professional parents (such as Indians in California),

Suá r ez-orozCo

45

whereas others may have illiterate parents (such as

of the family unit over time” (Tyyska, 2007, p. 91).

Kurds in Norway). Some received excellent school-

Although it is difficult to establish the extent of

ing (such as the children of migrants from Hong

immigrant family separations because exact fig-

Kong in Vancouver), whereas others left educa-

ures are elusive, informed estimates can be made.

tional systems that were in shambles (such as the

There are 214 million cross-national immigrants

children of migrants from Somalia in Stockholm).

and refugees in 2010, and if, on average, each was

Some escaped political, religious, or ethnic perse-

to leave behind two parents or children,1 then at

cution (such as Iraqi children in Jordan); others are

least 642 million individuals may be involved in

motivated by the promise of better jobs and better

transbordered transnational family formulations.

educational opportunities (such as Uzbek children

In addition to transnational immigrations,

in the Russian Federation). Some are documented

migrations are happening within borders at unprec-

migrants, whereas others are unauthorized young

edented rates (UNDP, 2009). In China alone,

migrants (there are perhaps 2 million such children

more than 100 million people are moving across

in the United States today; Gonzalez, 2009). Some

the country from one region to another (National

join well-established communities with robust Bureau of Statistics of China, 2012); these migra-social supports (such as Cubans in Miami), whereas

tions involve long distances in travel, changes in

others move from one migrant camp to another,

languages and customs, disruptions in family ties,

forcing students to change schools frequently. and often the assumption of undocumented status.

The pathways and outcomes of immigrant youth

Many are seeking work as well as educational oppor-

will vary greatly as a function of their incoming

tunities in urban centers (Chiang, Hannum, & Kao,

resources and the receiving context in the new soci-

2012). Internal migrants typically speak not only

ety (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2010).

different languages but are of different ethnicities,

In the past two decades, a growing number of

may be undocumented, and thus face xenophobia

cities, towns, and even entire countries that had

and exclusionary practices in addition to accul-

no previous history of incorporating immigrant

turative challenges. Likewise, within the borders of

students and families into their communities, India, according to its 2000 Census, an estimated neighborhoods, and schools have experienced a 309 million individuals (or 30% of the population) virtual explosion in the number of immigrant- ori-migrated internally and are undergoing issues of

gin residents. In the United States, for example,

acculturation, language acquisition challenges, fam-

between 2000 and 2007, the largest growth in the

ily separations, xenophobia, and other challenges

foreign-born population took place in the so-called

that arguably are similar to those faced by trans-

new destination states of South Carolina (63.8%

national migrants (United Nations Educational,

growth), Arkansas (60.7% growth), Nevada (57.2%

Scientific, and Cultural Organization [UNESCO],

growth), Tennessee (56.9% growth), and Alabama

2012). Other examples of countries that have nota-

(56.4% growth; Terraza & Batalova, 2008). But

bly high proportions of internal migrants include

the southern United States is not unique in this

Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, and Turkey (Bell

regard. Across the Atlantic, Spain is an illustra-

& Muhudin, 2009; UNDP, 2009). Typically, these

tive case of mass migration to new destinations.

internal migrants move from rural areas to urban

In the past 25 years, Spain has transitioned from a

centers, and, for some, this is a step along the path to

country of net emigration to one of rapidly grow-

an international migration (UNDP, 2009).

ing immigration, emerging as a preferred destina-

Mass migrations typically follow economic

tion for many immigrants, particularly from South

transformations (such as the Industrial Revolution

America, Eastern Europe, and Africa (Arango, or the more current trends toward globalization), 2004). The foreign-born population in Spain is

local violence or conditions of war, or environ-

one of the fastest growing in Europe, comprising

mental disruptions (American Psychological

approximately 12% of the total Spanish population

Association [APA], 2012; Gould & Eldredge,

in 2009 (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, 2009).

1977). Individual migrations are most often driven

Global migrations transform the very shape,

and motivated by the search to be reunified with

essence, and definition of family (Foner, 2009;

family members, as well as to seek work or refuge

Mahalingam, Sundari, & Molina, 2009; UNDP,

(APA, 2012; Massey, 1995; Zhou, 2001). In 2009,

2009). All over the world, the experience of trans-

worldwide, there were 42 million displaced persons

national migrants can be characterized as a cycle of

as a result of ongoing conflicts in their spaces of

“separation and reunification of different members

origin, including 16 million refugees and asylum

46

miGr at ion bet W een a nD W it hin Cou ntr ieS

seekers and another 26 million internally displaced

ethical logic of family migration all over the world

people uprooted within their own countries (APA,

(Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2013).

2012; UNHCR, 2009). In addition, there are cur-

Although the sacrifices of migration are often

rently approximately 25 million people categorized

made on behalf of the family, it is the family itself

as “environmental refugees,” and it is projected

that is typically most unsettled and changed by

that, as a result of environmental degradation, the process that immigration was to safeguard.

deforestation, and rising sea levels, 200 million

Many migrations begin tentatively, with a plan of

people will become refugees by 2050 (APA, 2012;

eventually returning back home. Migrations, how-

UNDP, 2010).

ever, often result in protracted family separations

(Suárez-Orozco, Bang, & Kim, 2011) that deeply

Immigration and the Family

threaten the identity and cohesion of the family,

Family Separations

transforming well-established roles, creating new

Although immigration can be viewed as driven

loyalties and bonds, and destabilizing cultural

by labor, demographic, and economic factors, a

scripts of authority, reciprocity, and responsibil-

second look reveals its enduring root in the fam-

ity (APA, 2012; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco,

ily. Many economic immigrants are propelled to

2001). Even under the best of circumstances,

migrate in order to help support family members.

the family is never the same after migration

Remittances to relatives left behind in the country

(Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2013).

of origin have grown substantially over the past 2

Often, migrations create new, forced family

decades (World Bank, 2011). Even in the context of

configurations (Bryceson & Vuorela, 2002). Most

the global recession, remittances from immigrants

typically, migrations take place in a “stepwise” fash-

in the United States and other high-income coun-

ion, with one family member going ahead, later to

tries have surpassed “325 billion dollars in 2010

be followed by others (Hondagneu-Sotelo & Avila,

far exceeding the volume of official aid flows and

1997; Orellana, Thorne, Chee, & Lam, 2001).

gross domestic product (GDP) in many developing

Historically, the pattern was of the male leaving first

countries” (World Bank, 2011, vii).

and establishing a beachhead in a new land while

Immigration typically starts with family and

sending remittances home. Over time, when finan-

then, in turn, family bonds sustain it. Many immi-

cially possible, the process of bringing relatives—

grant voyages begin with one member sacrificing for

wife, children, and others—began. But in recent

the greater good of the family (Suárez-Orozco &

decades, immigration has achieved a nearly perfect

Suárez-Orozco, 2013). There are myriad permu-

gender balance, with approximately half of all global

tations of family members moving long distances

migrants being women (UNDP, 2009). Today, the

and working long hours, cut off from loved ones,

developed world’s demand for service workers draw

in order to help other family members. After the

women—many of them mothers—from a variety of

father disappears, a 17-year-old embarks on the

developing countries to care for “other people’s chil-

arduous journey north from Puebla, Mexico to

dren” (Hondagneu-Sotelo & Avila, 1997; Gratton,

New York so his three sisters can continue with

2007). And, in rapidly ageing countries, we can also

their studies. Shortly after losing her husband to

say that these immigrant workers are summoned to

cancer, a Filipina nurse makes the migratory jour-

care for what we could term “other people’s parents”

ney to Abu Dhabi, working long shifts to support

(Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2013).

her four young children who have stayed behind

Large sectors of the so-called pink-collar occu-

in the care of her mother. Parents in a small village

pations have also attracted immigrant women.

in rural China work endless hours, barely scraping

When migrating mothers leave their children

by for their basic needs to send off their beloved

behind, complicated new arrangements must be

only son to Beijing; although the teenager longs to

left in place. Often, extended family members,

return to his family and friends, he knows that he

such as grandparents or aunts, become the pri-

must do well so he can take good economic care

mary caretakers with the help of the father (if he

of his parents in their old age. A Haitian accoun-

remains local and is still part of the family). In

tant from Port-au-Prince reluctantly leaves his many cases, however, both parents go ahead, leav-family to find work as a taxi driver in Montreal

ing the children in the care of extended family

to save for his youngest daughter’s costly medical

(Bernhard, Landolt, & Goldring, 2006; Foner,

treatment. Countless such sacrifices constitute the

2009; Scalabrini Migration Center, 2003).

Suá r ez-orozCo

47

As migrant households gain a firmer foot in the

involuntarily been wrenched apart by workplace

country of immigration, new children are born,

as well as in-home raids conducted by immigra-

thus forming complex blended families. These tion authorities, leaving citizen children behind, families incorporate a range of settled migrants and

sometimes in the care of relatives, sometimes in the

new arrivals, as well as citizen children. Notably, in

care of foster homes, and sometimes forcibly relo-

most high-income countries of immigration today,

cated to a country they have never known (Capps,

the majority of the children in immigrant families

Castañeda, Chaudry, & Santos, 2007; Chaudry,

are born in the new land. This is immigration’s

Pedroza, Castañeda, Santos, & Scott, 2010).

most powerful echo. There is wide variability in the

Seemingly in perpetual motion, therefore, the

ways in which countries structure access and citi-

immigrant family is destined to separations, and

zenship to the next generation. In some countries,

with luck, reunifications. Here, then, is immigra-

automatic citizenship is afforded to those born tion’s bittersweet paradox—although motivated for within borders. In others, citizenship must be peti-the well-being of the family, in reality, it wrenches

tioned when the child comes of age. In still others,

the family apart (Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco,

there is no access to citizenship and nationhood for

2013). When families first separate, they often

the second generation (Brubaker, 1992). This has

expect to soon reunite. The reunification of the

implications for identity formation, access, par-

entire family, however, often takes many years,

ticipation, social belonging, and civic participa-

especially when complicated by financial hurdles,

tion (Brubaker, 1992; Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa,

convoluted immigration regulations, and compli-

Teranishi, & Suárez-Orozco, 2011).

cations of unauthorized status (Bernhard et al.,

The range of transnational family arrangements

2006; Foner, 2009; Menjívar & Abrego, 2009).

generated by global migration encompasses enor-

When it is time for the children to arrive, they may

mous variety. In most cases, immigrant parents

be brought to the new land all together, but often

strive to find a rhythm to raise their children as

they are brought in one at a time. Although par-

best they can while managing the complexities of

ents may maintain contact during the separation

life in the new society. But some families devise

period through phone calls, email, the ubiquitous

other arrangements. A decades-old practice is to

care packages, and, when possible, personal visits,

send children—particularly unruly teenagers—

these separation–reunification processes involve

back to the homeland to be cared for (or resocial-

difficult psychological experiences for the families.

ized) by grandparents (Foner, 2009; Smith, 2006).

The difficulties arise during the separation phase,

Increasingly, immigrant infants and toddlers (espe-

and they resurface during the period of reunifica-

cially from China but also from India) are sent

tion (Falicov, 2007; Suárez-Orozco, Todorova, &

back to be cared for by extended family while par-

Louie, 2002; Suárez-Orozco, Bang, & Kim, 2011).

ents work around the clock in the new land (Foner,

For the children, these migrations result in two sets

2009; Smith, 2006). There are still other family

of disruptions in their attachments: first from the

arrangements: upper middle-class families from parent who goes ahead and then from the caretak-Korea, Hong Kong, and Taiwan send middle and

ers to whom the child became attached prior to her

high school-aged youngsters to study in the United

own migration (Ambert & Krull, 2006; Bernhard

States or Canada. In the so-called astronaut kids

et al., 2006; Dreby, 2009 Suárez-Orozco et al.,

arrangement, the father remains in the homeland

2002; Wong, 2006).

generating income while the mother accompa-

The United Nations Development Program

nies the child to study in a new land (Ong, 1999;

(2009) suggests that family separations are wide-

Waters, 2002). Parachute kids, on the other hand,

spread and have lasting repercussions. Specialized

live with extended or fictive kin while both parents

research in the field of migration in the United

remain in the homeland (Ong, 1999).

States and Canada is beginning to map the extent

Wrenching families apart through the depor-

and consequence of these separations. Within

tations of undocumented family members is North America, only a few studies can give us a increasingly an issue of concern in many nations

glimpse into the percentages of youth involved. In

(Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, Teranishi, & a nationally representative survey of documented Suárez-Orozco, 2011). In the United States, this

immigrants, nearly a third of the 6- to 18-year-olds

has become a large-scale issue in recent years, in the study had been separated from at least one with 400,000 deportations annually (APA, parent for 2 or more years. Notably, the rates of sep-2012). Families with undocumented parents have

aration were highest for children of Latin American

48

miGr at ion bet W een a nD W it hin Cou ntr ieS

origin, which happen to make up more than half

youth who had undergone separations of 4 or more

of all migrants to the United States (Gindling &

years from mothers.

Poggio, 2009). Because separation rates are higher

If the youth was left with a loving caretaker for

among the unauthorized or those who are in the

an extended period of time, she often becomes very

process of regulating their documentation status,

attached to that caretaker. When the child is called

this is probably a low estimate of separation rates.

to join the parents, although she is happy about the

In our US bicoastal study conducted with 400

prospect of “regaining” the parent(s), she also faces

recently arrived immigrant youth from China,

“losing” sustaining contact with the caretakers to

the Dominican Republic, various countries in whom she has become attached.

Central America, Haiti, and Mexico and who

After reunification in the new country, mutual

were attending public schools, we found that the

calibrations are required. If the separation was

majority of the immigrant children in the sample

for a long period of time, reunited children first

had been separated from one or both parents for

must become reacquainted with the family.

protracted periods of time—from 6 months to

Furthermore, they often find themselves entering

10 years (Suárez-Orozco, Bang, & Kim, 2011).

new family configurations that may include step-

Nearly three-quarters of the youth were sepa-

parents, stepsiblings, and siblings they have never

rated from one or both of their parents during the

met. Youth respond in a variety of ways to these

migration process. Approximately 26% of chil-

family separations. For some, it is a painful process,

dren in the study were separated from both par-

leading to high reports of depressive symptoms.

ents for some period of time, a pattern most often

We found, however, that when children and youth

occurring in Central American families (54%).

were well prepared for the separation, if the separa-

Separations from mothers only occurred most fre-

tion was framed as temporary and necessary and

quently in Dominican families (40%), and sepa-

undertaken for the good of the family, the youth,

rations from fathers only were most frequently

although changed, is not necessarily damaged by

found in Mexican families (33%; Suárez-Orozco

the experience (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2002).

Bang, & Kim, 2011). The vast majority of Central

Parents often expressed guilt for being away

American (88%) and Haitian children (85%) were

from their children while also recognizing that

separated from either one or both of their parents

their sacrifice is necessary for the good of the fam-

during the course of migration (Suárez-Orozco

ily. At the same time, it often occurred to them

Bang, & Kim, 2011), whereas Chinese families

that their children did not always fully understand

were least likely to be separated over the course of

this sacrifice. The longer the parents and child were

migration (52%).

apart, the harder it was for the child to make sense

The duration of separation from parents was

of the situation. Basic issues like parental authority

often lengthy, with individual cases reporting and credibility are often undermined the longer the being separated from one or both parents for nearly

parent and child have been apart (Suárez-Orozco,

their entire childhood. What are the psychologi-

Bang, & Kim, 2011).

cal effects of these separations? When comparing

youth who had not undergone family separations

Disruptions in “Normative” Parenting

to youth whose families had separated, we found

in Immigrant Families

that those who arrived as a family unit are less

All societies define parenting along shared

likely to report depressive or anxiety symptoms

scripts of safety, security, and emotional care for

than are those whose families had separated children (Levine, 1993). At the most basic level, (Suárez-Orozco, Bang & Kim, 2011). Those who

parents must provide for the physical security and

had undergone the longest separations from their

safety of their children. The idea of “home” con-

mothers report the highest levels of anxiety and

notes familiarity and the sense of being at ease,

depression. Generally, we found that the high-

feeling safe, and being cared for. For immigrant

est levels of distress are reported by youths who

parents, this includes finding appropriate housing

have undergone medium- and long-term separa-

in a community where they will feel safe and able

tions. Not surprisingly, we found the lowest rates

to provide basic protections for their children. This

of psychological distress among youth who had

is not always easily achieved because many immi-

not been separated from their mothers or who had

grant families find themselves in communities that

undergone separations of less than 2 years from

are deeply troubled, crime ridden, and where they

their fathers. We found the greatest distress among

are unable to ever achieve the most basic sense of

Suá r ez-orozCo

49

security (although there is, of course, variation

roles that are essential for optimal child develop-

between receiving contexts).

ment and well-being (Maccoby, 1992). For a vari-

Providing for the physical security of the child

ety of reasons, for immigrant parents—especially

is but the most fundamental of parental responsi-

those with limited financial resources or who

bilities. The work of protecting children involves

have undergone premigratory trauma—these core

a range of domains: providing the basic financial

parental functions are can be systematically com-

resources needed for feeding and clothing them,

promised by a powerful undertow. Indeed, many

sending them to school, and meeting their health

immigrant parents are robbed of the psychological,

needs. Parents must also provide the protections

social, and cultural resources to optimally engage

afforded to citizens living as members of a larger

with their children in the new society.

community. For immigrants, these basic securities

Immigrant parenthood is often defined by an

may prove elusive. Although migrants are renowned

ambiguous presence. If parents have gone ahead

for their work ethic and for struggling valiantly to

and left their children behind, their presence is only

provide for their families, this may not be enough.

partially enacted: symbolically with calls, materi-

Poverty among working-class immigrant families

ally with remittances, gifts, and the occasional

remains a protracted problem for newcomers from

visit. These contacts provide the parents occa-

many countries in the United States, in particu-

sion for the delivery of intermittent interventions

lar, but in many other receiving countries as well.

regarding expectations and admonishments about

Twenty-one percent of children with immigrant

how the children ought to behave. On reunifica-

parents live in poverty (in comparison with 14% of

tion, the children will experience a new ambiguity.

those with US-born parents), and nearly half (49%)

The children need to get to know, in new intimate

of children with immigrant parents live in the next

proximity, the rhythms, moods, and expectations

income bracket of double the poverty level (in

of their parents.

comparison to 34% of those with US-born parents;

Although finally physically present, parents may

Hernandez, Denton, & McCartney, 2007; Urban

nonetheless continue only to be ambiguously there

Institute, 2005). Although relatively better off than

(Boss, 1999). Making ends meet while learning a

before the migration, financial security remains a

new language and the ways of a new culture drain

nearly impossible quest for millions of immigrant

parents of their time and energy. Many work mul-

families.

tiple jobs for long hours. Others find the stresses of

Although some immigrant families are eventu-

learning a new language while performing on the

ally able to achieve a semblance of financial stabil-

job overwhelming. Most are mourning the losses of

ity, millions face a more formidable threat to their

loved ones left behind. As such, many immigrant

basic security—living with unauthorized status.

parents, although with the best of intentions, find

The ethos of safety and security essential to foster

themselves unable to provide the physical pres-

healthy family dynamics is unattainable to mil-

ence, time, and energy required to meaningfully

lions of unauthorized families who face a perva-

parent their children. Furthermore, the cumula-

sive sense of fear driven by the constant threat of

tive stresses and losses of migrations, although

being hunted and at risk of apprehension. A cul-

tempered by economic gains, leave many parents

ture of fear shapes the experiences of those living

emotionally exhausted, anxious, depressed, and

without papers. “Illegality” is the cross that many

distracted. They may be physically present but

immigrant parents and their children alike bear. In

psychologically elsewhere and unavailable to meet

the United States, approximately 1.1 million chil-

their children’s day-to-day emotional needs.

dren are unauthorized, and an additional 4 mil-

Immigration is particularly stressful to par-

lion are citizen children growing up with at least

ents when they are unable to draw on their usual

one parent who is an unauthorized immigrant.

resources and coping skills, especially when

Amazingly, today, the United States—a country

much is at stake for the balance and well-being

with less than 5% of the world’s population—has

of the family. Immigration removes parents from

approximately 20% of the illegal immigrants in the

many of the supports that are linked to com-

world: 11 million people living in the shadows of

munity ties, jobs, and the main institutions of

society (Passel & Cohn, 2009).

the new society. Stripped of many of their sig-

Beyond the fundamental physical, social, and

nificant supports (extended family members, best

economic security parents should provide, there are

friends, and neighbors), immigrant parents may

parental authoritative, socializing, and emotional

never fully develop the social maps needed to find

50

miGr at ion bet W een a nD W it hin Cou ntr ieS

their way in a foreign land. A lack of a sense of

get a job. In a new society, the rules of engagement

basic competence, sense of control, and sense of

change, and immigrant parents are no longer mas-

belonging leave many immigrant parents feel-

ters (or even sometimes players) of the game. This

ing marginalized. It is difficult to guide children

is painfully revealed by the eternal complaints of

without a compass showing a clear due north in

teachers who accuse immigrants of not being inter-

the new land.

ested in their children’s schooling when in reality

A new paradox becomes increasingly evident.

the parents simply do not know how to be “advo-

Even as immigrant parents become more empow-

cate parents” in their new society.

ered economically by the opportunities of their

For immigrants, “relinquishing the parental

new homeland, they experience a keen sense of

function” is a painful and reluctant process. Some

inadequacy in their ability to effectively exercise

do so out of a sense of helplessness and entrust their

their parenting authority. At a time when immi-

children prematurely to responsibility beyond their

grant children and youth need extra guidance in

years. Some youth cherish this role and feel as if

navigating the difficult currents of the new coun-

they are responsible and active contributors to the

try, many immigrant parents find themselves at a

family (Orellana, 2009). Others, however, report

loss, unable to guide their children.

feeling burdened or are left with a “worm that

Furthermore, a loss of parental status is ampli-

undermines basic certitude” (Hoffmann, 1989,

fied by the multiple social demotions they experi-

p. 145).

ence in the new society. The sources of these social

Parents find themselves turning to their chil-

demotions are many, and the consequences are

dren for help and guidance in the practical, cul-

profound. Some start by taking a job well beneath

tural, and linguistic nuances of the new society

their qualifications and skills. The field of immigra-

(Orellana, 2009). The reversal of parental author-

tion is littered with examples of wasted talent: the

ity may be most underscored by the inability of

doctor from China now working as a nurse, the

many immigrant parents to master the language

nurse from El Salvador working as a cleaning lady,

of the new land. The complexity of understand-

the engineer from Ghana working as a taxi driver.

ing and making oneself understood will define

Even a better salary makes these demotions a hard

the lives of new immigrants at work, in dealing

pill to swallow.

with the institutions of the new society (includ-

Although other immigrants may not suffer a

ing schools, health care services, the police, and

drop in job status, they nonetheless find them-

the judicial system), and with the very essence of

selves toiling in the most stigmatized, dangerous,

social membership. Language becomes the under-

and demeaning work. Immigrant workers often

tow that drags immigrants down and forces them

reveal a deeply felt sense that they, and only they,

to paddle hard just to stay afloat. It is an over-

can and will endure the harshest, most unforgiv-

whelming preoccupation for immigrant parents

ing working conditions the new land has to offer.

who see language as essential to advancing in the

These workers are also often aware that their new society. There is an inevitable period of lin-employers view them as less than human—simply

guistic inadequacy that compounds the difficulty

as labor to be exploited and discarded at will—

of learning the social rules that smooth interac-

and this knowledge runs through the narratives

tions in the new society. Some are blessed with the

of many immigrants (Orner & Hernandez, 2009;

linguistic gifts of a previous education and social

Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2013).

contexts that facilitate rapid acquisition of the new

Demoralization, uncertainty, and fear at work

language, but many others find themselves lin-

is but a part of the stress that worms its way into

guistically challenged and never fully master the

the heart of immigrant family life. Immigration

intricacies of the new language (Suárez-Orozco &

reverses the natural order of parental authority.

Suárez-Orozco, 2013).

Typically, nonimmigrant parents know the rules of

Immigrant children, on the other hand, read-

engagement in their social sphere. They know the

ily come into a more intimate contact with the

basic rules of socialization and how to guide their

language and culture of the new society than do

children through the moral, social, and cultural

their parents. Schools immerse them in the new

etiquette required for membership and belonging

values and worldviews, and, above all, introduce

(Maccoby, 1992). They can wisely impart to their

them to the systematic study of the new language.

children the basic rules for respectful interaction

Teachers are often native-speaking members of the

with others, how to complete school, and how to

majority culture. Other children who may not be

Suá r ez-orozCo

51

immigrants become the daily interlocutors with

Many parents thus come to face the paradox of

whom immigrant children develop a new linguistic

parenting in a promised land. The country offers

repartee. The children watch television, see mov-

them the dream of a better tomorrow and provides

ies, listen to music, and are indeed steeped in the

them with the opportunity to give their children

media of their new land’s language. Soon, these

greater economic security. Their children may

children will be easily swimming in the culture of

have access to better education, may learn new a

the new land. Their parents, on the other hand, are

new language, and may develop cognitive flex-

more removed from these new cultural realities,

ibility (Hakuta & Diaz, 1985) and resourcefulness

particularly if they work long hours, as many do,

(Falicov, 2005) through the process of migra-

in enclaves with other immigrants who tend to be

tions. Nonetheless, there are many losses along

of the same linguistic, ethnic, and national back-

with the gains of migration (Suárez-Orozco &

ground. The children’s deep immersion in the new

Suárez-Orozco, 2001), and the coherence and

culture facilitates the acquisition of the new lan-

cohesion of the family is often assailed in the pro-

guage and gives them a course to chart in making

cess (Falicov, 2005).

their way in the new society.

Some immigrant parents rage against their A Brief Review of Migration

loss of authority; overreaction is not uncommon.

and Acculturation

Hypervigilance, regimented routines, and polic-

Although migration involves the physical move-

ing peer influences, as well as media influences,

ment of people, acculturation encompasses the

become preoccupations in many immigrant house-

adjustments required by that act (Bornstein &

holds. Parents become frustrated and feel increas-

Cote, 2010). Anthropologists tend to focus on

ingly threatened by the encroachment of new the cultural adjustments required when two (or cultural values and behaviors in their children.

more) cultures come in sustained contact with

They often respond by tightening the reins. Putting

one another (e.g., Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits,

in place disciplinary sanctions from the “old coun-

1936). Sociologists, by contrast, typically exam-

try” opens a new cultural can of worms. Although

ine the adjustments that occur over the course of

withholding a meal, spanking a child, pulling an

generations (i.e., comparing first to second to third

ear, or forcing a child to kneel on rice are com-

generational outcomes; e.g., Alba, 1992; Rumbaut,

mon practices found in many countries of origin,

1997). For psychologists, however, “acculturation

they may be dissonant with mainstream ideals of

implies psychological adjustment” (Bornstein &

the proper discipline of a child in the new land.

Cote, 2010, p. 530); that is, how the individual

As parents attempt to discipline their children in

person is changed by the process of migration (e.g.,

ways that are culturally aligned with their country

Berry, 1997; Berry, Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006;

of origin, many will clash with mandated report-

Birman & Trikett, 2001). In what ways does the

ers in the new society. A “good spanking” in the

individual (and different members of the family

old country can be a reportable offense in another.

system) change his language use, manner of dress

Children quickly become wise to the spirit and let-

and interactions, and system of values and beliefs

ter of the law in the new land.

over the course of cultural contact (Schwartz,

If immigrant parents do not learn alterna-

Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapoczni, 2010; Szapoczni,

tive sanctioning mechanisms, however, they lose

Scopetta, Kurtines, & Arnalde, 1978)?

control of their offspring. This may have severe

Acculturation is generally thought to be dis-

implications for the well-being of the children

organizing to the individuals involved, at least in

because it is essential for parents to maintain

its initial stages (APA, 2012; Bornstein, 2012).

basic authoritative functions within the family

Typically, as we have seen earlier, there are gen-

(Maccoby, 1992). The parents’ authority is not

erational differences in the pace of acculturation,

only symbolic, but is also critical for imposing

complicated by the ways in which the family has

limits around curfew, values around respectful

been stressed by the process of migration.

behavior toward others, expectations for doing

When acculturation adjustments do not occur

homework, and much more. If parental authority

smoothly and so-called acculturative stress (Graves,

is undermined, if the parent’s voice of authority

1967) occurs, negative consequences can include

loses meaning, and if the children lose respect for

family dysfunction (Falicov, 2007; Qin, 2008),

their parents, the very foundation of safety and

as well as psychological symptoms (APA, 2012;

family coherence is compromised.

Bornstein & Cote, 2010), schooling problems

52

miGr at ion bet W een a nD W it hin Cou ntr ieS

(Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco, & Todorova, be thought of as a complex, multidimensional pro-2008), and delinquency (Berry & Kim, 1988).

cess involving societal, cultural, familial, and indi-

Although receiving cultures often fret about vidual dimensions, as well as contexts of reception newcomers’ willingness and ability to “assimilate”

and origin.

to the new society (Huntington, 2005; Goodhart,

2013), the pattern is quite clear. Across time, by the

Complicating the Concept

second or third generation, cultural and linguistic

of “Culture” in Acculturation

attrition is typically quite steep (Alba, 1992; APA,

At the heart of acculturation research is the

2012). Parents habitually do not reject their cul-

notion that adaptation (either at the societal or

tural values and practices but instead, to varying

the individual level) involves two sets of cultures

degrees, instrumentally adopt the linguistic and

(Berry, 2006; Bornstein & Cote, 2010). A funda-

cultural practices of the new society (Bornstein,

mental complication with acculturation research is

2012; Foner, 2009. The acculturation process the notion of what we mean by “culture.” Cultures happens in stages, beginning with language and

are made up of basic observable routines, activities,

moving on to behaviors, cultural practices, and

and cultural practices (Bourdieu, 1990; Weisner,

sometimes values (Birman & Trickett, 2001). For

2002). Culture is what people typically do, their

adults who have been socialized in the host culture,

language use, their kinship systems, their religious

identification typically is retained with the culture

and ritual practices, their economic models, their

of origin, although practices of the new culture are

power structures and hierarchies, how they raise

adopted (APA, 2012). Their children, by contrast,

their children, how they dress, how they prepare

oftenbridge both cultures, and, on the surface,

their food, and the like. Then there are the cultural

acculturate more quickly (APA. 2012; Suárez-

models (D’Andrade, 1984) or belief systems about

Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001). The degree to

the world. These are the ways in which members

which the 1.5 or second generation does so has

of a culture generally specify critical and essential

much to do with family dynamics and exposure to

knowledge and skills—“not to acquire them rules

the receiving and host societies, as well as accep-

one out as a competent member of the group”

tance in the host society (APA, 2012; Garcia Coll

(Goodnow, 2009, p. 8). Furthermore, every culture

& Pachter, 2002).

has values, norms, and ideologies, often aligned

There are a variety of domains to consider when

with religious belief systems (Holden & Vittrup,

examining acculturation—from linguistic usage to

2009). By definition, cultures share systems of

private domains (such as family values and prac-

distributed knowledge (Rogoff, 2003) that are

tices or religious involvement) to public spheres

historically derived, patterned, and perpetuated

(including work or school domains or social, civic,

across generations (Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952).

and political engagement; Bornstein & Cote, Although many anthropologists and ethnographers 2010). Individuals and families can be acculturated

tend to emphasize the behavioral routines, insti-

to varying degrees across domains by individual

tutional frameworks, and structural-functional

choice. Thus, when a parent acquires full English

dimensions of culture, others underscore its sys-

fluency, works as a professional, and has friends

tems of meaning (Geertz, 1973).

from varying cultural backgrounds but chooses to

At the heart of the problem of acculturation

retain nationality and not seek to pursue citizen-

research is a rather thin conceptualization of a

ship in the United States, there is an element of

very “thick” idea (Geertz, 1973). Much research

agency in this process. By contrast, acculturation

in the field approaches “culture” in a rather naïve

can also be partially driven by the parameters of

manner. As Triandis has provocatively but astutely

the host society. When an undocumented immi-

asked, one is left wondering “where is the culture

grant 25-year-old who arrived in the United States

in acculturation?” (Triandis, 1997). The danger

at 6 months of age is English dominant, has lim-

of reducing cultures to simplistic categories (e.g.,

ited fluency in Korean, has pursued a US college

Chinese culture or American culture, or collectiv-

education, but cannot legally work, vote, or partici-

istic vs. individualistic cultures; (Oyserman, Coon,

pate in public spheres or regularize her status, then

& Kemmelmeier, 2002) remains a constant threat

exclusionary practices may arguably play a role in

to advances in this domain. All too often, accul-

acculturative possibilities (conscious or uncon-

turation research simplifies “culture” to nationality

scious; Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, Teranishi, and/or ethnicity. Researchers typically operational-Suárez-Orozco, 2011). Thus, acculturation should

ize culture as “language plus ethnicity or language

Suá r ez-orozCo

53

plus ethnicity plus nationality” (Chirkov, 2009,

communicate with ease in English upon arrival.

p. 99). Indeed, a cursory overview of most scales

That does not mean that they are acculturated to

of acculturation reveals that language is used as a

the values, beliefs, and practices of the new cul-

central variable (Zane & Mak, 2002).

ture. A Jamaican mother can speak English per-

A fundamental premise of acculturation theory

fectly, but concurrently be appalled by dissonant

is that there must be two cultures—conceived as

new childrearing practices she sees happening

fixed monoliths—juxtaposed one against the other,

around her in her new neighborhood. Likewise,

such as “the” immigrant or heritage culture versus

immigrants from Spanish-speaking South

the culture of the receiving country. Although America arrive in Spain without the language hur-there is some debate about “directionality” (i.e., are

dle, but they do not necessarily pass acculturation

both cultures affected by one another, or is only

obstacles as they enter the host country, and they

one culture changed?) and “dimensionality” (i.e., if

may feel uncomfortable with the interpersonal

one takes on aspects of the new culture, does one

directness typical of Spaniards, which may clash

concurrently lose aspects of the heritage culture, or

with the more polite and subdued style typical

are these independent dimensions?; Sam, 2006),

of Ecuadorians—now one of Spain’s largest new

there is no doubt that there must be at least two

immigrant groups. Furthermore, migrants who

different cultures. A flaw in this thinking, however,

speak world languages such as English, Spanish,

is that somehow the two cultures to be compared

or French often do so with strong regional accents

are constructed as monolithic and hermetically and linguistic styles that mark them as distinct sealed from each other—American culture is X

from one another; hence, Spanish-speaking immi-

and Chinese culture is Y. Berry, however, acknowl-

grants from the Andean region, the Caribbean,

edges that “there is no contemporary society in

and the Southern Cone of Latin America, although

which one culture, one language, one religion, they share a common language, nonetheless are and one single identity characterizes the whole deeply divided by regional differences (Otheguy, population” (p. 27). With large, complex, rapidly

Zentella, & Livert, 2007).

changing, and globally interconnected countries

When immigrants arrive, they bring with them

like the United States or India, that is easy to

an internalized sense of their own culture. Adults

grasp. What cultural values, exactly, does a single

in particular have scripted notions of their cultural

Manhattanite who is a New York Times-reading,

beliefs, values, and practices. These cultural rules

agnostic, 20-something, graphic designer share of engagement provide them comfort, and they with a 55-year-old Pentecostal, Fox News watcher,

will continue to hold on to them, especially if they

parent of three children, small-business owner in

feel disoriented in the new land. Practices that were

Columbus, Ohio? Or what does a poor, illiterate,

unquestioned back home may suddenly be rec-

Muslim man, father of five offspring living in a vil-

ognized in the new land as only one of multiple

lage in the South of India share with an affluent,

potential ways of doing things (Goodnow, 2009).

highly educated, multilingual Hindi couple with

Some of the cultural practices in the new land

no children in Mumbai? But even in countries

may be appealing, intriguing, and readily adopted.

with relatively small populations, such as Sweden

Refugees who come from political strife and immi-

or Canada, dramatic demographic changes over

grants who arrive from nation states with chaotic

the past 30 years are causing seismic shocks to once

and corrupt bureaucracies come to appreciate effi-

bedrock notions of what it means to be “Swedish”

cient and transparent social institutions. Thus,

or “Canadian.” The notion that culture can be

Chileans arriving in the United States after the

easily equated to nationality—an idea rejected by

Pinochet era or Bulgarians arriving in Switzerland,

most anthropologists (Goodnow, 2009)—is com-

although not necessarily adopting all the practices

pletely anachronistic in the 21st century.

of their new homeland, will appreciate the safety,

Researchers often use language as an indica-

order, and transparency of their new lands’ govern-

tor of acculturation, but this assumes that all ments and strive to adopt these practices in their immigrants do not speak the language of the host

work or civic projects.

country. Although this may be true in many cir-

Conversely, some immigrants will encounter

cumstances, it is by no means always the case.

cultural dissonance for the first time. Tensions may

Hence, for example, immigrants to the United

arise across heretofore unquestioned gendered expec-

Kingdom educated in former English-speaking tations and obligations, such as working outside colonies such as Jamaica or India may be able to

the home or dating (Suárez-Orozco & Qin, 2006),

54

miGr at ion bet W een a nD W it hin Cou ntr ieS

as well as across generational expectations, such as

are quite insular by choice (Masgoret & Ward,

respect for elders or filial piety (Suárez-Orozco &

2006) because of economic circumstances or as

Suárez-Orozco, 2001). For some immigrants, this

a result of varying degrees of shunning from the

means rigidifying and closing ranks as a way of

receiving society. With minimal contact with the

protecting children from perceived toxic influences

host community, particularly in circumstances

(Goodnow, 2009). Immigrants to Sweden from

of deep segregation (Orfield & Lee, 2006), it

Somalia have century-long traditions of arranged

is unlikely that there will be much movement

marriages for their daughters in early adolescence.

toward acquiring the necessary knowledge about

Back in Somalia, this would have been culturally

the host culture needed to “navigate the border”

normative and thus neither particularly dissonant

(Phelan, Davidson, & Yu, 1992) between cultural

nor often questioned. Within the Swedish context,

worlds. Although at times immigrants may be

this practice flies in the face of the expectations of

welcomed and indeed actively recruited, at other

Western liberal cultural values, values readily inter-

times (especially in periods of high unemployment

nalized by many daughters (Wikan, 2001).

and economic uncertainty among native citizens),

To complicate matters further, immigrants may

anti-immigrant sentiment flares up (Espenshade &

lock into and become “fossilized” in the cultural

Belanger, 1998; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco,

practices of their country of origin as they remem-

2001). If the “dominant” culture is spewing

ber them (Kroeber, 1938), yet certain features of

hatred over the airwaves and making newcomers

culture continue to evolve and change. Those who

feel particularly unwelcome, what are the effects?

are not exposed regularly to the ongoing flows of

Does this rigidify cultural boundaries? Encourage

cultural changes via transnational visits and con-

cocooning (Goodnow, 2009)? Hasten attempts at

tacts may be oblivious to new cultural realities

“passing” when this is may be phenotypically an

back home. Hence, their cultural frame of refer-

option (e.g., for Russian immigrants but not for

ence may be practices, values, and traditions that

most Dominicans in the United States)? Under

are no longer au courant and are more in keeping

what circumstances? For whom? At which par-

with the world they left behind 30 years ago. This,

ticular phases of development? The social context

then, suggests that immigrants often navigate three

of reception remains an underconsidered dimen-

different cultural realities—the new culture, mem-

sion of the equation in much of the research on

ories of the old culture, and the new cultural reali-

acculturation (Rumbaut, 1997; Suárez-Orozco &

ties that have emerged after they left their home

Suárez-Orozco, 2001; Sue, 2002).

countries.

Complicating matters further, in

Parents, extended family members, the ethnic

immigrant-receiving countries like the United

community, and media pass down the heritage

States, Canada, Australia, and Argentina, history

cultures to immigrant origin youth of the 1.5 and

suggests a pattern of interethnic marriage over time

second generations. If there is a dense community

and across generations, resulting in biracial and

and transnational flows are regular, the heritage

bicultural children (Root, 1992; Trimble, 2002).

culture is deeply lived and richly reinforced. Yet,

What are the implications for acculturation if an

sometimes, immigrant families are relatively iso-

immigrant youth has parents of two different cul-

lated, having few other co-ethnics to continue to

tures (an Indian father and Mexican mother, for

cross-pollinate the heritage culture. In other cases,

example) and is being raised in a third space (in

their transnational contacts may be cut off because

the Silicon Valley in Northern California)? How

of refugee status, unauthorized status, financial

does the child negotiate and internalize the varying

constraints, or personal reasons. With limited cultural messages that she receives?

contact with co-ethnics, the parental culture will

What of the hundreds of millions of internal

become something of an abstraction upheld only

migrants who remain within the borders of nation

by the parents, with no shared narratives by oth-

states (International Organization for Migration,

ers in the community or reinforcement of cultural

2008)? Our models of acculturation assume moves

expectations. Under these circumstances, the con-

across borders, but migrants from rural China to

tinuity and internalization of heritage culture will

urban Beijing are often unauthorized, speak a dif-

be challenging and complicated.

ferent language, and are vastly different from their

Sustained contact is an essential ingredient for

urban counterparts. Acculturation theory and

acculturation (Trimble, 2002), but varying degrees

practice could very well be applied to these popula-

of real contact may occur. Some immigrant groups

tions, too.

Suá r ez-orozCo

55

Global urban youth culture constitutes another

frameworks (APA, 2012). Mixed methods that

complicating feature of acculturation (Arnett, combine qualitative and quantitative strategies in 2002). Increasingly, young people are incorporat-varying sequences, aligned with specific research

ing features of youth culture into their identity,

questions and designed to shed light on contextual

one highly influenced by pervasive media. If one

insights, are particularly important in this domain

observes a classroom in the outskirts of Paris or

(APA, 2012).

Stockholm, one sees many of the same modes of

Interdisciplinary teams whose members are

dress, body language, and interactions between

“bilingual” (or “multilingual”) with one another’s

peers and with teachers as one sees in a classroom

methodologies lead to more robust research contri-

in the Bronx or Brooklyn.

butions. Team members must be well versed in one

In an increasingly complicated world, accultur-

another’s methodologies. Just as is the case with

ation models will need to take into account mul-

language abilities, it is rare to achieve complete

tiple layers of cultural influences—familial origins,

mastery and equal ease across more than one meth-

“majority” (“mainstream” but sometimes minor-

odology. Thus it is important to have multidisci-

ity in numbers) and “minority” (underrepresented

plinary teams in which there is at least one member

in the power structure but sometimes majority in

who is dominant in one language/discipline but

numbers) cultures, and the more abstract global

is also quite “fluent” in the other language(s)

youth culture. Developmental scientists interested

(Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, 2008).

in culture will continually need to manage the ten-

Attention must also be paid to contexts—both

sions between the requirements of nomothetic laws

of origin as well as of reception. The contexts of ori-

of science and the hermeneutic interpretive project

gin (Rumbaut, 1997)—including the economic,

of understanding human behavior in its irreducible

political, cultural, social, and personal factors

dimensions (Chirkov, 2009).

that may have propelled immigrants to leave their

country of origin—are important to understand

Future Research Directions

whenever undertaking a study in order to frame

How should cross-culturally meaningful work

questions and make sense of findings. The contexts

be conducted to capture the experience of trans-

of reception (Rumbaut, 1997)—national integra-

national families and child development across tion policies, legal frameworks, the political cli-borders? This kind of work, as we have seen, forces

mate, media representations of immigrants—also

us to reexamine many of the traditional social sci-

have deep developmental implications (cf. APA,

ence assumptions around validity and reliability

2012; Deaux, 2006; Suárez-Orozco & Carhill,

(McLoyd & Steinberg, 1998; Suárez-Orozco &

2008; Suárez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, Ternanishi, &

Carhill, 2008). To do this work in a way that

Suárez-Orozco, 2011).

accurately, empathically, and ethically captures

Combining etic and emic approaches to diverse

the experience of our participants, the complex-

populations is important in the phases of both data

ity of and multiply determined nature of the pro-

collection and analysis (Cooper, Jackson, Azmitia,

cesses must be recognized. This work requires an

& Lopez, 1998; Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, 2008).

ecological framework linking emic (outsider) and

Bicultural and bilingual researchers are better able

etic (insider) approaches and interdisciplinary, to establish rapport and trust within communities mixed-method strategies (APA, 2012; Hernández,

and gain entry into immigrant populations that

Nguyen, Casanova, Suárez-Orozco, & Saetermoe,

might otherwise be difficult to access. Furthermore,

2013; Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, 2008).

insiders are essential for appropriate linguistic and

Meaningful understanding in this field requires

cultural translations of protocols. Their perspec-

insights provided by parallel fields within the tive is also essential to accurate, culturally relevant, social sciences, including economics, sociology, and ethical interpretations (Hernández, Nguyen, anthropology, and public health (Suárez-Orozco

Casanova, Suárez-Orozco, & Saetermoe, 2013). If

& Carhill, 2008). Using an array of method-

the research is not conducted by members of the

ological strategies is necessary to identify cultural

immigrant community, it is then essential that cul-

variations in experience (APA, 2012; Betancourt

tural experts be consulted both while developing

& Williams, 2008). Research with culturally and

instruments, as well as when interpreting findings.

linguistically diverse populations requires a funda-

Outsiders can serve a role in providing a fresh inter-

mental alteration of common investigative frame-

pretive perspective as well by lending their specific

works often aligned with middle-class Western disciplinary expertise.

56

miGr at ion bet W een a nD W it hin Cou ntr ieS

Whenever possible, it is important to include

By paying attention to various layers of context,

comparison groups (Suárez-Orozco & Carhill, by working in interdisciplinary teams, by attentive 2008). These comparison groups can include both

crafting of culturally attuned strategies for captur-

a range of immigrant-origin populations as well

ing experience, and through careful attention to

as others from nonimmigrant populations who our participants’ perspectives, developmental sci-encounter similar contexts. Alternatively, the same

entists can seek to clarify both common denomina-

culture of origin arriving into contrasting contexts

tors and particularities of development for children

(e.g., Crul, Schneider, & Lelie, 2013) or with vary-

and adolescents growing up in our increasingly

ing socioeconomic resources and capital can pro-

interconnected countries and globe.

vide important perspectives (e.g., Louie, 2004).

Such comparison groups provide valuable contex-

Note

tualization of findings.

1 This is a likely a conservative estimate. Most migrants tend

Questions and prompts that are valid for one

to originate from settings with large families. Furthermore,

group may not be valid for another. It is a chal-

estimates of global remittances suggest that in some South/

lenge to develop single instruments or approaches

North migration corridors, each migrant in the North who

that capture the experiences of individuals from

remits funds back to the South is supporting an estimated

four family members remaining behind (World Bank,

a variety of backgrounds (APA, 2012). Of course,

2011).

research protocols should always be provided in the

dominant language of the informant. Measures

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60

miGr at ion bet W een a nD W it hin Cou ntr ieS

C H A P T E R

Indigenous Social Science

5 at the Intersection with Human

Development: Implications for

and Lessons from African Ecocultures

A. Bame Nsamenang

Abstract

Africa shows no commensurate contribution to global knowledge systems on human development vis-a-vis its status as the cradle of humanity. This essay introduces Africentric thinking into contextualizing developmental research in Africa’s centuries-old social systems and cultural capital with the objective of strengthening its generative research capacity. It exposes the nature of human development knowledge in Africa’s systems, bringing out its broad features. It also traces historical periods in the gradual but steady advancement of research on African child development and the emergence of contextual y informed and cultural y appropriate Africentric research. It flanks the traumatic rupture of Africa’s social systems on colonial hegemony, noting the resilient, endogenously patterned forms of development in adversity. The chapter advocates a strengths-based research approach that can rekindle and enhance an African past that coexists today as triple-strand hybridized heritages of enculturating, socializing, and educating children through social ontogenetic stages.

Key Words: indigenous social science, African ecocultures, social systems, cultural capital, worldview, theory of the universe, life cycle developmental trajectory, resilience and resourcefulness, hybrid developmental context

A Call for Indigenous

child” should not fail or be seen to be failing. This

African Social Science

parental expectation is consistent with Jahn’s (1961,

Bame Nsamenang, an anxious but ambitious

p. 108) finding that, in West Africa, “the ances-

village boy, began his academic expedition in tors are conceived of as continuing spiritual pres-September 1964, when he gained a government

ences watching over and admonishing their living

scholarship to study in a Catholic boarding sec-

descendants: The dead are not alive but they do

ondary school in his own village of Kitiwum, in

exist,” even in their oral legacies.

northwest Cameroon. His illiterate but responsive

The invitation to contribute a chapter to The

parents, Joseph Bame and Adela Shwemyar, who

Oxford Handbook of Human Development and

prompted his development and supported his edu-

Culture not only offered this “Kitiwum boy” an

cation, shoved him into this world exhorting him

opportunity to extend his scholarly outreach on

to shun evil and “be a good boy.” This inerasable

indigenous social science of human development in

caution was not simply a parental admonition; it

African ecocultures, but also powerfully reminded

has served as a forceful developmental task as the

him of a call by an Indian developmental scien-

boy strived through every stage of life to remain

tist, Saraswathi (2009), that “Bame … Some day

his parents’ “good boy.” That parental injunction

you must write about how you achieved amidst all

has since served as a moral code and an incisive

odds and inspire young people in your country to

developmental principle because a truly “good strive.” That the Kitiwum boy continues to struggle 61

with adversity is true, but that he has “achieved”

endures today in Africa’s rich traditions and time-

agitates his imagination because he is still feeling

less wisdom of early child care and family-based

his way through the turbulent European-American

education.

intellectual waters of “publish or perish” in search

Human development is a biological process that

of an Africa-centric academic niche. He doubts if

occurs in an ecocultural context that imprints on

his efforts belong to those exemplars of unexplored,

it in ways that social science research still has to

outstanding accomplishments he has noticed in

fully decipher and enhance. The ecocultural sys-

many young people across Africa. Some young

tem is defined roughly by a physical and social

people from impoverished backgrounds have navi-

setting, traditions of childrearing practices, and

gated the harsh realities of African villages and city

the psychology of caregivers (Super & Harkness,

slums toward academic excellence and prominent

1986, this volume). Adjaye (2012) suggests that if

professional positions in global spaces, but their

we wish to truly understand human development

developmental trajectories persist as outliers to in Africa, we ought to focus on the continent’s six developmental science. The lives of most African

extraordinary geographic zones: the Maghreb in

children, like that of the “Kitiwum boy,” have not

the northwest of the continent, the Sahara Desert

been defeated by adversity, as some theories and

to the southeast, and the Sahel in the South consti-

interventionists have averred. The often-cited but

tute three precisely defined zones. The three other

largely uncharted resilience in African children is

geographic zones of the African continent are the

only one of several facets of stoic agency, resource-

forestlands, the savanna, and the mountains.

fulness, and inventiveness inherent in indigenous

It is worthwhile to note that, over historical

African values and early socialization and educa-

time, the people’s culture has grown primarily

tional practices.

from each of these geographic zones, and they

The focus of this chapter is on human develop-

offer some useful lessons in how climate and

ment in Africa’s ecocultures in general but in par-

topography cultivate a sense of place and identity

ticular on the development of young citizens from

(Adjaye, 2012). Jean Piaget (1973, p. 156), not

birth through adolescence in Africa’s ecocultural

often acknowledged for consideration of culture

spaces. By ecocultures, I am referring to the physical

and context, reflected on the importance of both

and social settings of young citizens and the cultural

as follows: “The human being is immersed right

knowledge and value systems, attitudes, and prac-

from birth in a social environment, which affects

tices inherent therein. My suggestive examination

him just as much as his physical environment.

of how these ecocultural elements incite develop-

Society, even more, in a sense, than the physical

ment and channel individuation (e.g., Nsamenang,

environment, changes the very structure of the

1992 a; 2001; 2004; 2010) includes a brief com-

individual.” Bram, (1998), in apparently com-

ment on the impact of colonialism and the effect

pleting Piaget 1973, is aware of the importance

of the universalization of key Western epistemic

of culture and context, but cautions that assign-

concepts on them. I attempt to expose the nature

ing value to the original culture in context and

of the knowledges and practices about children and

to the mode of early childhood development it

their development in Africa’s cultural settings and

promotes should not mean automatically accept-

the broad features of the social systems in which

ing every aspect of that culture and context, nor

the development of children in Africa occurs. I also

should it mean adopting cultural relativism. It

chronicle the major historical periods in the grad-

does mean recognizing that, in every culture and

ual but steady advancement of research-based child

context, there are worthwhile elements and that

development knowledge and the emergence and

if these are rapidly replaced by other models, this

development of efforts to put in place contextu-

will be harmful rather than productive (Bram,

ally sensitive and culturally appropriate Africentric

1998). Still, my focus in this chapter on the inter-

models for development and learning during the

section of indigenous African social science with

early years of life. Flanking the regrettable rupture

human development should not be interpreted

of Africa’s social systems by colonial and post-

as nostalgia for Africa’s glorious past but as rep-

structural forces with centuries-old socially pat-

resenting a call, based on provisions of the UN

terned forms of inequalities, this chapter advocates,

Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC)

through rigorous research and suitable policy gen-

(UNICEF, 2003), to anchor human development

eration, a strengths-based way forward for rekin-

scholarship in Africa by drawing “strength from

dling and enhancing connections to a past that

the fountain of her rich cultures, and wisdom

62

inDiGenouS SoCi a l SCienCe at t he inter SeC t ion W it h hu m a n Dev elopment

from her timeless traditions” of unacknowledged

new ways, and this could enable us to engage a

“successful” preparation and empowerment of paradigm shift in the way that we envision the the next generations (Callaghan, 1998, p. 31).

education and development of children in Africa

The not often well-acknowledged critical impor-

(Callaghan, 1998). In other words, an indigenous

tance of context and culture in language and

African social science is about generating contextu-

other aspects of development is revealed in the

ally and culturally relevant knowledge about edu-

Vygotskian perspective (Vygotsky, 1978) that cating the developing child (Nsamenang, 2004).

it is “a co-construction between an individual

It is also about rights-based improvement of the

and society in its various manifestations” (Kritt,

cultural identities and life conditions of children

2013, 18). In fact, the social, cultural, and his-

and families, as required by the UN CRC. In fact,

torical origins of the cultural context in children’s

“Those who have worked in international develop-

thought ought to be considered, not just as a bio-

ment are keenly aware that research [and interven-

logically given ability, because cultures are quite

tion entirely] based on a predominantly Western

forceful in stamping their imprints on to the

scientific paradigm is part of the story, but not the

biology of human ontogenesis (Nsamenang &

full story needed to move forward effectively in

Akum, 2013).

local development” (Arnold, 2004, p. 46). Perhaps

Indigenous social science aims to increase it is such recognition that led UNESCO (1999) to knowledge in the classroom and the research field

posit that every culture, including the African, and

of diverse epistemologies and methodologies (de

every cultural community, can produce scientific

Goede, 2013). This laudable trend in state-of-the-art

knowledge of universal value. So, what trends are

social science provides tools for situating and rede-

there in African child development research to live

signing developmental research in historical, cul-

up to UNESCO’s expectations?

tural, and global contexts that transcend hitherto

hegemonic Anglo-American visions. Postcolonial,

Major Historical Periods of Human

subaltern, and poststructural critiques that focus

Development Research in Africa

on the power differential between the West and the

This section sketches what, from my thin selec-

non-West, particularly Africa, in international pol-

tion of the available literature, we now know about

icy and knowledge production about the Majority

human development research in African societ-

World are increasingly influential. Only very rarely,

ies and what aspects of or lessons from it may

however, is indigenous knowledge of the Majority

strengthen Africa’s contributions to global schol-

World treated as knowledge per se in the main-

arship on human ontogenesis. I have organized

stream of psychology and in related fields such as

this overview into five waves of historical research

human development.

periods. For each period, I endeavor to identify the

At the University of Botswana, Chilisa (2012)

nature of developmental ideas or precepts and/or

has developed a “postcolonial indigenous research

the main thrust of the research characteristic of the

paradigm” that emphasizes discovery of indigenous

period.

knowledge systems and production. She argues for

a decolonization of research. This chapter builds on

First Period: Arrival and Fledgling

Chilisa’s (2012) paradigm of research as emancipa-

Start to Scientific Psychology in Africa

tion and empowerment of the “colonized other,”

Kağitçibaşi (1984) observed that scientific psy-

with a focus on exploring how Africa’s diverse eco-

chology was invented in the Western (Minority)

cultures print onto human development and indi-

world and, like developmental research today, was,

viduation. This is important, given that Western

without their consent, forcefully exported into the

epistemologies and concepts of education, accord-

rest of the (Majority) world (Kağitçibaşi, 1996;

ing to Callaghan (1998), have devalued indigenous

Kağitçibaşi, this volume). In follow-up of this

cultures so much so that they are now seen as anti-

historical trend, Nsamenang and Lo-oh (2009)

progressive and that they ought to be intervened

have claimed that rudiments of developmental

into extinction. Callaghan (1998) pleads that we

psychology and research arrived in Africa allied

should listen to and learn from the African holistic

to the colonial services of governance, education,

worldview in order to see an integrated way of look-

health, evangelism, social work, and more. The ele-

ing at the child in the family and the universe. This

ments of the developmental science that arrived in

would enable us to see the intersection between

Africa allied to colonialism did not implant in a

the social sciences and human development in vacuum; they encountered unfamiliar, resistive, nSa mena nG

63

and uncharted indigenous social systems and science implanting as a fledgling scientific disci-developmental ideas and practices that remain pline in Africa today was also determined then mostly unexplored today. Both the “native” and

by the orientating attitude adopted in reporting

the imported fragments of European and American

research, an orientation that persists today. The

science coexisted together in the same psyches and

African data were never presented as integral or

societies but in the nascent scientific discourses,

contributory to Western developmental markers

the latter did not acknowledge the former. In the

but as failing to conform to or as poor templates

course of colonial history, scientific psychology in

of developmentally appropriate European and

general and its indigenous developmental version

American norms (LeVine, 2004). Thus, reports

in particular began to emerge from insights from

of the substantive cross-cultural research on

colonial service delivery but more definitely from

African child development have tacitly rejected

anthropological research that had a tacit goal of

and still largely despise African patterns of child

“domesticating” the savage African mind (Goody,

life and development. This partially explains why

1977) and understanding stagnated develop-

systematic science-based knowledge of human

ment in the Dark Continent (Forde, 1963; Kidd,

ontogenesis in Africa for apt policy generation is

1906/1969).

conspicuous by its scarcity.

Most dispensers of the earliest elements of

But although developmental science is well

developmental science were not psychologists under way in Africa, albeit in a fledgling state, it but colonial agents mandated to deliver services

is not yet as far along in ecological and cultural

and consolidate the colonial state in Africa. The

relevance as it should be. Wober (1975) tacitly

European and American voyagers or sojourners

invoked an ecological paradigm when he sensi-

and missionaries who rejected or reviled Africa’s

tively predicted that Western psychology would

knowledge systems, modus vivendi, and forms of

not successfully implant and thrive in Africa

intelligence published the earliest and most virile

without anchoring in the local reality. In spite of

racist literature on Africa (e.g., Tylor, 1881). Ellis

Wober’s (1975) provocative prediction that psy-

(1978) recounts that European voyagers, mer-

chological research would be different in the hands

chants, missionaries, and colonial agents referred

of native-born Africans, most African researchers

to the irrationality and gullibility of the African

still ignore the “soil” (see Kishani, 2001) that has

who, “irrationally” bartered food, cattle, and nurtured Africa’s enduring social capital and time-other substantive local goods for a few pieces of

less traditions of child care (Callaghan, 1998). The

European iron and silver coins. Africa’s resources

indigenization movement in research is sustained

still suffer this fate today in the hands of foreign

by increasing realization that the bulk of published

extractors of natural resources, and this contrib-

research about Africa was authored by itinerant

utes to Africa’s abject poverty and inability to

non-Africans and that it embodies the externalized

support its young citizens, in spite of its consid-

imprints, vested interests, and interpretations that

erable natural resources and enormous human

foreigners brought into Africa.

capital.

A developmental topic that attracted early Second Period: Measurement of Human

research attention was curiosity about the precoc-

Abilities and Personality Profiling

ity of physical development of the African child

The second epoch of the discipline’s development

compared to that of the Western child (see also

in Africa involved a gradual shift away from mea-

Super & Harkness, this volume). Wober (1975)

suring specific abilities and personality profiles in

summarized research on accelerated psychomo-

Africa and comparing them to Western standards.

tor development of children in Africa, which was

A new focus emerged on the developmental impact

attributed to excessive body contact-comfort, fre-

of the local cultural setting. In her Six Cultures

quent physical handling, and early psychomotor

Study of Childrearing, B. B. Whiting (1963) moved

stimulation. These were withdrawn quite abruptly

the field of psychological anthropology toward a

when a child was weaned at the birth of the next

more systematic, measurement-oriented approach

sibling, and this was regarded as the reason that

to human abilities and psychological characteris-

the African toddler then began to lag behind his

tics. For their part, Cole, Gay, and Sharp (1971)

European or American peer—as measured by

expanded and enriched the field by comparing

milestones considered important in the European

performance on cognitive tests between Liberian

or American context. The shape of developmental

and American respondents and concluded that

64

inDiGenouS SoCi a l SCienCe at t he inter SeC t ion W it h hu m a n Dev elopment

performance outcomes on cognitive tasks was more

Similarly, Goldschmidt (1975) purported a pattern

dependent on situational factors than on underly-

of “idle hands and absent eyes” in mothers’ interac-

ing differences in cognitive abilities.

tions with infants among the Sebei of Kenya and

The 1970s and 1980s were indeed a watershed

Uganda. On the other hand, the Kilbrides’ (1974;

period in cross-cultural research on human abili-

1975) studies among the Baganda corroborated

ties and development of cognitive and social com-

findings by Super and Harkness (1974) that East

petencies. Whiting and Whiting (1975) provided

African parents influenced the social behavior of

the roadmap for the role of culture on child devel-

their infants through smiling and talking to the

opment in Children of Six Cultures, while Berry

infants. Two African psychologists, Ohuche and

(1976) sketched the ecology of cognitive styles and,

Otaala (1981), charted broad features of the devel-

along with colleagues (Berry et al., 1986), demon-

opmental context of children in Africa. Having

strated the role of acculturation on cognitive devel-

discerned the cultural divergences to child rearing

opment with respect to figure–ground perceptual

from their research in the United States and East

abilities with a central African subsample. Munroe

Africa, Super and Harkness (1986) introduced a

and Munroe (1975) published the first textbook on

sociological-anthropological paradigm with data

cross-cultural developmental research, with influ-

from East Africa and the Boston area of the United

ential data from their childrearing research in East

States to promote understanding of children and

Africa. Mundy-Castle (1975 offered an important

their psychosocial differentiation in cultural con-

distinction between academic or technological text using an approach that they termed the “devel-and social intelligence in African children. Dasen,

opmental niche framework.”

Inhelder, Lavallee, and Retschitzki (1978) pub-

lished an influential monograph on the “birth” of

Third Period: Toward Contextually and

intelligence in the Baoule child in Cote d’Ivoire

Culturally Appropriate Research

based on their Piagetian research. In the same year,

Movement away from the comparative para-

Erny (1987) offered an educational perspective on

digm of cross-cultural research and toward con-

African children and their developmental setting.

textually sensitive research projects that “value

Collaborating with B. B. Whiting, the Munroes

Africans in the African context” (Callaghan, 1998,

(Munroe, Munroe, & Whiting, 1981) published

p. 31) is the distinct mark of the third period of

the first comprehensive handbook on cross-cultural

developmental research in Africa. The contextual-

human development, one that integrated anthro-

ization movement represents a milestone in Africa’s

pological and psychological research and included

struggles to document the social capital within

insightful glimpses from databases obtained from

which it prepares its children for life and patterns

across Africa. Serpell’s (1984) overview and cri-

of African child development. A publication dur-

tique of cognitive development research and psy-

ing this phase, one that has been listed as a land-

chological testing in Africa revealed that, ab initio,

mark contribution to both developmental science

the studies were designed to determine how well

(Lonner & Berry, 1992) and cross-cultural research

African children performed the “tricks” of Western

(Gielen, 2004), is Nsamenang’s (1992 a) Human

schooling rather than to understand abilities in

Development in a Cultural Context: A Third World

African children and the conditions under which

Perspective that depicted a worldview that Serpell

they were developing. The differences observed in

(1994, p. 18) characterized as constituting “a very

test scores between African children and Western

different psychological frame of reference from

comparative samples were interpreted as “devel-

that which informs contemporary developmental

opmental lags.” A “deficiency” interpretation was

psychology.” Given that early childhood develop-

thus imputed into African children’s abilities rather

ment, for example, involves an encounter between

than differences in cultural routines and the curri-

and engagement with the cultural world of the

cula of schooling experiences between African and

child’s family and that of any other representative

Western children.

of society or stakeholder community (Bram, 1998),

Regarding social development, LeVine (1973;

contextually oriented research would strengthen

LeVine & LeVine, 1963) hinted that Gusii parents

contributions to the science from research within

in Kenya tended not to be overtly affectionate with

Africa’s varied ecocultures. In this regard, LeVine

their infants and toddlers, and Ainsworth (1967)

and colleagues (1994) reported an interdisciplinary

described lack of face-to-face interactions between

research project on childrearing among the Gusii,

Bugandan (Ugandan) mothers and their infants.

a high-fertility, polygynous society of Kenya, as

nSa mena nG

65

Lessons from Africa to developmental psychology.

world region, one with its own knowledge systems

It is instructive that LeVine (2004, p. 149) revis-

that deserve visibility within global knowledge

ited this dataset a decade later to acknowledge

systems. The aim should be to generate, interact,

sub-Saharan African mothers as employing “a share, and exchange them widely, particularly practical understanding of infant care and develop-Africa’s developmental knowledge and practices,

ment contrasting sharply with expert knowledge in

so that they can enrich and extend the frontiers of

the child development field.” To be specific, “Gusii

developmental science (Nsamenang, 2007).

mothers raised their infants and toddlers accord-

ing to a different set of standards” (LeVine, 2004,

Researching Human Ontogenesis Within

p. 159) than the developmental practices that have

Africa’s Indigenous Knowledge Systems

been derived from European and American cultural

It is instructive to note that the realities of

realities (LeVine, 2004). On their part, Dawes and

Africa are not identical with those of the United

Donald’s (1994) edited volume mapped out several

States, Europe, and other regions of the world

dimensions of the psychosocial consequences of

that have accumulated impressive but invasive

adversity on childhood development from South

research findings. It is equally important to be

African research. Similarly, Weisner, Bradley, and

reminded that the bulk of what we have learned

Kilbride (1997) devoted an edited volume to the

about African social systems and African child

African family as varying in social capital and chil-

development so far has been produced mainly

drearing patterns but as resilient and fairly adaptive

by expatriates. And it is not only African authors

in the “crisis of social change.”

who have noted the Anglo-American domina-

tion of scientific psychology. Arnett (2008), for

Fourth Period: Dialectic Between

example, has critiqued psychological science that

Indigenization and Integration

bypasses the 95% of the world’s population that

into Global Scholarship

lives in the Majority (nonwestern) World while

The fourth and current period includes Azuma’s

“American psychology” produces what it claims

(1984) indigenizing psychology (Mashegoane, to be “research findings that implicitly apply to 1998) and attempts by African scholars to develop

the entire human population, the entire species”

a psychology that builds on an African theory

(Arnett, 2008, p. 602)! In my view, the psychol-

of the universe and speaks to the stark reali-

ogy and human development community needs

ties of the bewildering diversity of the continent

reminding that the movement for indigenous psy-

(see Nsamenang & Tchombe, 2011; Tchombe, chologies “arose as a reaction to the mainstream Nsamenang, Keller, & Folűp, 2013). This indi-version of psychology” that did not and still

genization movement represents attempts by grossly fails to “reflect the social, political, and African scholars to frame a psychology that makes

cultural character of peoples around the world”

sense in their social and cultural systems and by

(Allwood & Berry, 2006, p. 243).

which they can gain understanding of their mind-

All this notwithstanding, what can we actu-

sets, subjectivity, intersubjectivity, and modus ally learn from Africa that is valid and authentic?

vivendi, particularly the preparation of their young

This challenging concern obliges Africa and her

citizens who retain their cultural identities in a

scholars to develop and disseminate their own

world in transition.

research-based findings on human functioning and

Simultaneously, however, there exists a muted

psychosocial differentiation (e.g., Erny, 1973). The

determination and long-standing debate as to critical issue is whether Africans will do this in iso-whether to frame Africentric scholarship within the

lation or within cutting-edge trends in global schol-

outlets and forums of fiercely competitive global

arship. As a result, I perceive the necessity to focus

scholarship. Emerging signs in developmental sci-

on contextually meaningful research and possible

ence point to efforts by African and Africanist

lessons that can emerge from Africa, some of which

scholars (e.g., Dasen, 2011; Nsamenang, 2010; may overlap or may introduce new insights into 2013 a; 2013 b; Tchombe et al., 2013) to accumulate

research findings from long-standing European-

competitive Africentric databases from how African

and American-based research. Such research would

ecocultures imprint onto child development and

not only be useful to Africa and its populations, but

psychological differentiation (Marfo, 2011) and to

also to the discipline, the international community,

endeavor to disseminate them into global knowl-

and relevant policy development at local, national,

edge networks. In my view, Africa is an important

and international platforms.

66

inDiGenouS SoCi a l SCienCe at t he inter SeC t ion W it h hu m a n Dev elopment

Here, I briefly introduce four interesting, useful,

characteristics. A majority of young children in

and innovative research findings indicative of what

rural Africa are more familiar with clay or other

Africentric research could offer to the field.

local materials as mediums of play than they are with

First, Goze Tape’s (1994) research is commercially prepared toys or pencil-and-paper neo-Piagetian, wherein he studied constructivism

test items. Furthermore, familiarity with “intelli-

in the local context of 12- to 16-year-old Ivorian

gent behavior” in sub-Saharan Africa reveals that

adolescent students. Tape (1994) acknowledged primacy is placed on social rather than mentalistic age as an important variable that factors into the

or cognitive intelligence per se.

attainment of the operational stage, but reasoned

Fourth, Sternberg and his colleagues (2001)

that the critical period when the structures of “for-

studied the relationship between academic and

mal operations” are being elaborated depends more

practical intelligence in Luo children of a rural

on the school content with which the adolescent

Kenyan community (Sternberg et al., 2001). They

student interacts than on her or his age per se. He

developed a Test for Tacit Knowledge for Natural

made an important distinction between the school

Herbs. The test sampled from common illnesses

that promotes formal thinking and experimen-

in the Luo community and standard herbal treat-

tal reasoning and the traditional Ivorian learning

ments for those illnesses in that community.

environment that fosters essential analogical think-

ing. Faced with these divergent modes of cognitive

Implications of and Lessons from

operations, Tape (1994) proposed an integration of

Indigenous Social Science Research

the constructivist model with the theories of cog-

These four lines of research all exemplify

nitive styles. For him, cognitive research should

Allwood and Berry’s (2006) goal that “the sci-

focus on understanding how individual personal

ence [of psychology] has a dual responsibility: to

characteristics influence their cognitive function-

understand people in their own terms [Indigenous

ing in particular settings. He hypothesized that

Psychology (IP)], and to search for general prin-

formal and analogical thinking are complementary

ciples of human behaviour. The development of

in human activity but are supported differently.

an IP is valuable in its own right, but they may

Dasen (1993, p. 156) recognized Tape’s research as

also collectively serve as building blocks in creat-

“a good beginning of the development of a truly

ing a more general psychology” (Allwood & Berry,

African psychology.”

2006, p. 265) IP is useful for studying the impact

Second, my life cycle developmental trajectory

of political, economic, religious, social, and accul-

is a sociogenic explication of human ontogenesis

turative aspects of life on a specific society. Putting

within Africa’s social systems and cultural capi-

IPs together offers broader insights, but insights

tal (Nsamenang, 1992 a) that Serpell (1994, p. 18)

truly built on local knowledge rather than on the

judged as offering a different “theoretical focus knowledge of typically local Western or American from the more individualistic account proposed by

ideas and precepts that are being universalized

Freud, Erikson and Piaget.” Ngaujah (2003) recom-

(Atteh, 1989). IP refers to “the scientific study

mends this theoretical approach for education, mis-

of human behavior or mind that is native; that

sionary work, and pedagogy because it highlights

is not transported from other regions and that is

the affective nature of the environment on children’s

designed for its people” (Kim & Berry, 1993). IP

cognitive and social learning possibilities at all ages.

generally advocates examining knowledge, skills,

Missionaries can take from it “a healthy respect for

and beliefs people have about themselves and the

the people of Africa” (Ngaujah, 2003, p. 9).

universe, studying them in their natural settings.

Third, Serpell (1977) initiated research into Theories, concepts, and methods are developed to African forms of intelligent behavior by charting

correspond with psychological and developmental

the perceptions of intelligence in a rural community

phenomena in context.

in eastern Zambia. This eventually led Kathuria

As noted by Chilisa (2012) and reflecting

and Serpell (1999) to develop a language-reduced

Nsamenang’s (1992 a; 2004) earlier views, Africa’s

test suitable for use by children in rural Africa—

developmental science scholarship must innovate or

the Panga Muntu Test (Make-A-Person Test). The

generate theories and methodologies that are con-

test presents children with wet clay, and the chil-

sistent with the existential realities and the “facts”

dren are asked to “make” a person with the clay.

and processes of Africa’s childhoods and liveli-

The children’s figures are then quantitatively scored

hoods. Development of IP in South Africa, which

for accurate representation of human physical has endured political and racial turmoil for decades nSa mena nG

67

if not centuries, would help to cultivate socially

with indigenous materials for the purpose of sup-

appropriate methods for its cultural communi-

porting local educational activities or practices in

ties. In short, IP explicitly advocates incorporating

other sectors. Although promising beginnings have

both the content and the context of development

been recorded in indigenizing the measurement of

into research agendas because no child develops

human development and calibration of intelligence

in a vacuum or in a universal ecoculture. Human

and other abilities in sub-Saharan Africa, much

development is context-bound and culture-imbued

remains to be achieved in terms of programmatic

(Nsamenang, 2009; 2011; Nsamenang & Akum,

research in these and other areas.

2013). Furthermore, indigenous knowledge is

the systematic body of knowledge acquired by Some Indigenous Research Themes

local people through the accumulation of experi-

In this section, I identify some broad research

ences, informal experiments, and intimate under-

themes that I perceive as priority areas for

standing of the environment in a given culture

Africentric developmental research and that can

(Rajasekaran, 1993). Indigenous knowledge is the

also serve for theory building and methodological

actual knowledge of a given population; it reflects

innovation.

their experiences based on traditions and includes

I focus on a description of emerging indigenous

more recent experiences with modern technolo-

work in Africa in order to highlight what we know

gies (Haverkort, 1993). Local people, including

and can learn from Africa.

parents, farmers, landless laborers, women, rural

artisans, and cattle rearers, are the custodians of

Exploring Africa’s Universe

indigenous knowledge systems. Moreover, these of Human Ontogenesis

people are well informed about their own situa-

Human ontogenesis, the story of individual

tions, their resources, what works and does not

development, occurs in all habitable environments

work, and how one change impacts other parts

and cultures across the globe. Human develop-

of their system (Butler & Waud, 1990), but they

ment scholarship in Africa, as elsewhere, must

cannot articulate their circumstances as scholars

first understand the directive ethnotheories of the

do. These knowledge systems may appear simple

people under study, the place of the human being

to outsiders, but they are intricate and repre-

in his or her universe, and specifically how people

sent mechanisms that ensure livelihoods for local

in each cultural context think about and prepare

people. Indigenous knowledge systems often are

children for life. The last point should be the focal

elaborate, and they are adapted to local cultural

subject matter for human development scholarship,

and environmental conditions (Warren, 1987). given the implausibility of a universal human ecol-Indigenous knowledge systems are attuned to the

ogy. That is, a universal child development envi-

needs of local people and the quality and quantity

ronment does not exist; child development occurs

of available resources (Pretty & Sandbrook, 1991).

in Africa’s specific physical and cultural settings

They pertain to various cultural norms, social roles,

and not in universal contexts or civilizations, in

or physical conditions. Indigenous social science is

spite of acculturation. In fact, every cultural com-

built on such knowledge. Research into it can be

munity possesses a worldview or theory of the uni-

carried out by whoever is qualified and sensitive to

verse that frames its conception of the child and

the nuances of developmental contexts, but it spe-

his or her preparation for adult life (Nsamenang

cifically behooves Africa’s scholars to develop their

et al., 2008). Ochs (1988) posits at least one theory

knowledge systems and share with and disseminate

of knowledge for every culture that specifies the

them into global knowledge communities and pub-

limits of knowledge and the path to its acquisition.

lication outlets.

Bram (1998) elaborates that the unique features of

The significance of indigenous knowledges and

a culture are its system of values, norms, ideologies,

the four exemplary studies just cited is that they

beliefs, symbols, and signs that cumulate into one

depart from normative comparisons and represent

whole system singular to that culture.

genuine attempts to recognize, respect, and describe

indigenous mindsets and intellectual values by A Holistic Versus a Cartesian

using ecologically meaningful local materials and

Theory of the Universe

media to focus on indigenous psychosocial pro-

An African theory of the universe is holistic and

cesses (Mpofu, 2002). They also demonstrate the

theocentric in its shaping of African outlooks and

appropriate application of psychometric procedures

modes of life; it acknowledges everyone’s humanity

68

inDiGenouS SoCi a l SCienCe at t he inter SeC t ion W it h hu m a n Dev elopment

and bestows an omnipresent spirituality on being

because it is the institutional hub in which child-

human (Nsamenang, 2010; Nsamenang et al., bearing and childrearing are located, such that child 2008). The holism of Africa’s non-Cartesian theory

care is a collective enterprise rather than a parental

of the universe (Nsamenang, 2010) interconnects

prerogative (Nsamenang, 1992 b). “Kinship is the

the sacred and the secular worlds to the human

nucleus from which social networks ramify, moral

condition, visualizing them as conceptually insepa-

behavior is initiated and prosocial values, produc-

rable (Bongmba, 2001). This theory of the universe

tive skills and the mother tongue are learned”

should not be ignored. Anthropologist Levy-Bruhl

(Nsamenang et al., 2008, pp. 55–56). The theory

(1910/1966) indicated that the cultural systems

positions the child not in his or her lonesomeness or

of indigenous peoples are constituted on the law

independence but as socially integrated into social

of mystical participation, which conceptualizes networks; meaningful development involves inter-human beings and nature as parts of an insepa-

connectedness to networks of other humans at dif-

rable entity that can be viewed as a consciousness

ferent developmental stages. Thus, values and their

of cosmic holism (Tylor, 1871/1929). In addition,

intergenerational continuity (Nsamenang, 2012 a)

Africa is neither homogeneous nor a monocultural

are ingrained in family structures and reproduc-

continent but exhibits a bewildering diversity and

tive roles, as are the treatment of and experiences

extraordinary dynamism (Olaniyan, 1982, p. 1)

or settings to which children at different ages and

that convolutes its holism.

developmental stages are subjected or exposed to.

The theory of holism invokes an indivisible The social capital that flows from such human interplay of secular and sacred forces to ensure

interconnectedness engenders strengths that prime

the well-being of the people. It equally posits the

resourcefulness and resilience; these sometimes

indestructibility of the human life force, like the

generate outstanding accomplishments from con-

indestructibility of “force” in physics, which only

ditions of poverty and extreme inequality, but they

transitions from one life stage to another. For exam-

are largely unexplored and uncharted.

ple, the life force is not decimated at death; it trans-

forms into an afterlife of the ancestral world and

A Life Cycle Versus a Life Span

spiritual realm (see Nsamenang, 2005 a). Although

Developmental Trajectory

not overtly acknowledged in psychology, evidence

If we could carefully explore it, we would

of this view of the afterlife can be discerned from

notice that across cultures, human development

funeral ceremonies and death wishes wherein the

can be seen as being organized in systematically

living request the dead not to forget them. The

varying pathways, with developmental learning

world’s most visited memorials—for example, the

(Nsamenang et al., 2008) in both the institu-

Washington Monument—are devoted to the dead.

tional school and the school of life (Moumouni,

This brief account depicts a more complex picture

1968) sequenced “to fit the different milestones

of human ontogenesis than has hitherto been con-

of development that the culture perceives or rec-

ceptualized and researched. This complexity exists

ognizes” (Nsamenang, 2005 b, pp. 329–330). “The

at two main levels of reality: reality itself that is

developmental organizers of these pathways are

transcendent and cannot be understood by human

the pan-human themes of autonomy and related-

beings and the reality that human beings have

ness, which are differentially emphasized in differ-

constructed with language, which includes the ent cultural environments” (Keller, 2008). These lifeworlds constructed by cultural groups in their

themes are pervasive and directive in that they

long social-cultural history of development, and

structure and route enculturation, socialization,

the reality of the scientific microworlds constructed

and education agendas, wherein parents and off-

by individual scientists or scientific communities

spring construct and co-construct their psycholo-

(Hwang, 2013).

gies within the existential realities and dynamics

Theories of the universe position the child as

of their cultural environments and with support

a cultural agent to whom various cultures teach

from their cultural tools and ecological resources.

or organize for children to teach themselves their

Cross-cultural empirical evidence (e.g., Keller,

cultural curricula at different stages of ontogeny.

2008; Sagi-Schwartz, 2008; Trommsdorff, this vol-

African theories of the universe situate the child

ume) from multisite research in different parts of

as a cultural agent who must undertake a cultural

the world validates these theoretical assumptions.

curriculum at various stations of development. The

An African theory of the universe visualizes a

family (e.g., Fortes, 1950) is central to this role

life cycle developmental trajectory in three phases

nSa mena nG

69

of selfhood; namely, social selfhood or the expe-

Toward Researching the Resilience and

riential self and the metaphysical phases of spiri-

Resourcefulness of Children in Adversity

tual selfhood and ancestral selfhood. A universal

The appalling state of children in Africa depicted

but mostly inferred recognition of the metaphysi-

in Western media hypes and research-based reports

cal phases of human selfhood is discernible in

obscure noticing and researching the robust resil-

the intentions and connotations of funeral rites

ience and resourcefulness of children in adversity.

and the significance of the forms of memorabilia

In fact, bare statistics of children in poverty and

people in all cultures hold of their loving dead

their desperate situations tend to mask the count-

(Nsamenang, 2005 a) decades, even centuries, less examples of domestic heroism by children in after they died. Developmental science, however,

AIDS-affected families in Africa. Strengths-based

excludes them from its focal content, even though

research in Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, and Zambia

they are issues of intimate attention for the bulk

suggests that family structures are more resil-

of humanity across the globe. For instance, people

ient than the international development field and

in all cultures loathe death perhaps because most

human development researchers had expected

can never be truly ready for it, or they dread to

(UNAIDS, 2006). Yet most interventions in Africa

imagine their transition into the spiritual world of

continue to bypass such strengths, resourceful-

evil or loving-dead ancestors in their afterlife. To

ness, and achievements because such interventions

the extent that Africans, like everyone else, recog-

have been framed by mindsets and strategies that

nize the implications of the metaphysical phases

advocate replacing Africa’s social capital instead of

of the human life cycle, these concerns constitute

exploring, understanding, and enhancing it. This

an essential component of their psychosocial being

is a provocative reality for Africa’s human develop-

and functioning, a fact that challenges science ment scholars. Thus, it might be more fruitful and to develop the capacity to operationalize and the

serviceable to ground research on the strengths of

tools to capture and measure. It might be noticed

children and their families in adversity and poverty

that some people sometimes deploy more time and

rather than on elusive so-called developmentally

resources into anticipation of their afterlife than

appropriate norms that have been derived from the

they expend on their children’s needs and welfare.

realities of non-African childhoods.

Within the experiential or social selfhood, the

forte of Anglo-American developmental science,

Children’s Agency Within Africa’s

African social ontogeny posits seven ontogenetic

Social Capital and Cultural Tools

stages. These are added to the two metaphysical

Social capital is inherent in African parental

phases to give a total of nine distinctive periods

values that permit peer group life and support

of the human life cycle. They include the neona-

children’s self-care, peer interstimulation, and per-

tal period, social priming, social apprenticeship,

formance of household duties from an early age

social entrée, social internment, adulthood, old (Nsamenang, 2008; Pence & Nsamenang, 2008, age/death, and ancestral and spiritual selfhoods

Richter, Foster, & Sherr, 2006). African peer cul-

(see Nsamenang, 1992 a; 2005 a). Each ontoge-

tures are significant developmental spaces not only

netic stage is marked by distinctive developmen-

for transmitting and innovating or/and creating

tal tasks, defined within the framework of the

values, which await exploratory discovery and

culture’s conception of child, family, and their enhancement, but also for original theory build-welfare. An essential task in African family tradi-

ing and methods development. From an early age,

tions that traverses all stages is responsibility train-

most children in Africa observe and participate in

ing, which begins from an early age. Within the

family tasks as well as in caregiving to younger sibs

African worldview, responsibility is more valued

with little or no instruction but with the guidance

than cognition, per se, in the sense that one can-

and encouragement of parents and peer mentors

not be responsible without necessarily cognizing.

(Nsamenang & Lamb, 1995). This pattern of early

This is because Africans cherish cognition not as

learning through caregiving is rooted in African

an end in itself but as a means to social ends or as

perceptions of children as social agents in their

it is subordinated to servicing or enhancing human

own “becoming” (Erny, 1968) and in participatory

needs, and they are aware that some people may

processes “as participants in cultural communities”

be cognitively alert but irresponsible. Cultures dif-

(Rogoff, 2003, p. 3), often in peer cultures without

fer in the manner in which they guide children’s

the usual sense of classrooms and schools (Bruner,

development and organize developmental learning.

1996). Social capital is also noticeable in children’s

70

inDiGenouS SoCi a l SCienCe at t he inter SeC t ion W it h hu m a n Dev elopment

capacity to transcend adult models by creating

West offers unprecedented opportunities for inno-

their own social worlds even when living up to

vative theorizing and methodological creativity to

adult demands and commands (Nsamenang & transcend the insularity of Euro-Western theories Lamb, 1995).

and methodologies on developmental phenomena.

Children’s agency and protagonism has been

The “differentness” of the African landscape ought

recorded in young caregivers who support ail-

to oblige “research that interrogates policy (instead

ing parents or ageing guardians, especially those

of informing it)” and that dissuades the “construc-

affected by HIV/AIDS. Drawing on data collected

tion of a knowledge which is exclusive of many

in Western Kenya, Skovdal, Ogutu, Aoro, and other knowledges” (Urban, 2006). Thus, research-Campbell (2009) reported how young caregivers

ers should adopt a learning posture (Agar, 1986),

coped with challenging circumstances, often with

a discovery mindset, and an exploratory approach

skill and ingenuity. They concluded that children’s

to researching the human condition in Africa

ability to cope with adversity was determined by

(Nsamenang, 2005 b). With such an orientation, it

the extent of their community participation and

is possible to learn, discover, and chart patterns of

proficiency in negotiating for social and material

human ontogenesis in any context.

support from it. Their data revealed how young

caregivers, on their own terms and initiatives, mobi-

Personality Development and

lized social support, engaged in income-generating

Individuation in Africa’s

activities, and constructed positive social identities

Cultural Settings

around their caregiving roles. In fact, sibling care-

A claimed basic African personality type is

giving eased children’s transition into adult roles

understood to be based on a deep-seated, spiri-

after their parents’ death from AIDS (Nsamenang,

tual, psychic property shared by and unique to all

2007; 2013 b). In brief, adversity and peer group

Africans, namely the African thought processes

processes breed a genre of resourcefulness in and cosmological ideas that regard the human African children that has scarcely been captured

not as a social means but as an end, an entity in

by Euro-Western epistemes and research tools. society (Okpara, 1989, p. 168). A number of con-Africentric research ought to innovate and capi-

temporary African psychologists have sought to

talize on such inventiveness in young citizens and

affirm this view of a basic African personality type

on other unexplored facets of Africa’s social capital

in their theories. For example, the Nigerian psy-

and political economies.

chologist Olowu (1984; 1986) claims that African

Furthermore, in order to generate research that

self-identity is a collective phenomenon derived

transcends Eurocentric governing theories and nar-

from the extended identity of group “beingness”

ratives, scholarship in Africa must benefit from the

(Akotia & Olowu, 2000, p. 7). In his earlier stud-

fact that the early childhood developmental learn-

ies of self-concept among Nigerian youth, Olowu

ing contexts of children in Africa offer opportuni-

(1984; 1986) suggests that it is distinctive Yoruba

ties (Curran, 1984) that have seldom been taken

socialization patterns that account for their strong

into explicit account by European and American

self-concepts relative to English youth and to those

theories and methodologies. In addition, the in Nigeria, who are alienated from these roots by hybridism shaping the development and individua-social class factors. The South African psychologist

tion of African children’s personalities and cultural

Bodibe (1992; 1996) argues that there are distinc-

identities is an intermingling, like strands in a braid,

tive manifest behavior patterns among Africans that

of Eastern and Western-Christian legacies as they

can only be understood as evolving from unique

have been superimposed onto a resilient Africanity

African epistemologies. He suggests that in indig-

(Nsamenang, 2005 b). This intermingling offers a

enous African social thought, self-knowledge is a

novel theoretic and methodological terrain that no

matter of projecting oneself “outward” and estab-

existing theory fittingly explains, and no anteced-

lishing relationships with the sky, land, and one’s

ent evolutionary template exactly corresponds to its

kinship group, rather than dwelling on the rela-

triple-strand braid (Nsamenang, 2005 b, p. 276). In

tionship that people have with their own thoughts

other words, Africa’s existential hybridism, exud-

and feelings. Accordingly, he believes that Western

ing the concocted developmental trajectories and

concepts of knowledge promote ill-health among

educational ideas of Africanity (indigenous Africa)

Africans based on the very fact that they propagate

and imported heritages and legacies from the dualist, non-African or non-Cartesian notions of Islamic-Arabic world and the Christian-scientific

mind-body, thinking-feeling, experience-behavior,

nSa mena nG

71

and subjectivity-objectivity. And Nyasani (1997), a

dominated as it is by narrowly conceived positiv-

Kenyan philosopher and theoretical psychologist,

ism, operationalism, and Cartesian conceptions of

develops perhaps the most comprehensive of all the

mind, has failed to engage adequately the problems

published accounts of a distinctive African person-

of Africa.

ality: the African mind reveals itself through what

may rightly be called a congenital trait of social-

Conclusion

ity or sociability. It further reveals itself as a virtu-

The aim of this chapter is to get researchers to

ous natural endowment of patience and tolerance.

think differently about human ontogenesis, in a

And, last, it manifests itself as a natural disposition

way that encompasses all corners of the globe and

of mutual sympathy and acceptance. These three

produces hybrid contextualist theories. I also chal-

areas then appear to serve as important landmarks

lenge the scientific community of Africa,—home

in the general description of the phenomenology of

to the earliest humans and to the longest “experi-

the African mind.

ments” in childrearing and practices of preparing

Perhaps the most important point is that this

the next generations—to show the world what

view of the individual is not merely a matter of aca-

knowledge Africa has to offer in the field of human

demic psychology but functions as a deep folk or

development. Research into these centuries-old

collective psychology of the people. Okpara (1989)

social systems and timeless fountains of wisdom of

points out that belief in this basic personality type

child care ought to extend the frontiers of human

permeates African history and society. It is mani-

development research and inspire inventive theoriz-

fested in all areas of life, in religion, commerce, and

ing and methodologies sensitive to African ecocul-

cultural activity; it is “found among even the least

tures. But, thus far, human development research

rhetorical of African nationalists and thus consti-

in Africa seems to have been overwhelmingly fix-

tutes part of the mythology of our political life”

ated on European and American templates, as if the

(Okpara, 1989, p. 168). Importantly, the tendency

conditions of human life and child development in

to position African psychology in opposition to

Africa match those in Europe and North America.

European and American psychology derives to a

If African parents promote relational individu-

large extent from this strong concept of a singu-

ation, defining the self by connecting a unique

lar African personality. So, for example, Eze (1991)

personal identity to that of the shared social per-

considers it a substantive requirement, in order to

son (Woodhead, 2008, p. 6), then we must expect

create an overall African perspective in psychol-

developmental indicators and norms that diverge

ogy, to put forward a “thesis calling for a system-

from those of the independent construal of the

atic identification and separation of the … black

self that governs a universalizing Western develop-

African ‘we’ from the European, foreign ‘they’ mental science. If the contemporary social systems as the first step towards the development of an

in Africa are a hybrid of East, West, and a deeply

African psychology and nationalism” (Eze, 1991,

resilient Africanity, how can we expect epistemes,

p. 29). And Goduka (2000) argues that it is the

theories, and methods imported from elsewhere

fact that all Africans bear within them a stock of

to fit? The hybridism of contemporary Africa

innate, spiritually centered wisdoms that necessi-

does not correspond to any antecedent evolution-

tate nzagwalu (“answering back when one has suf-

ary template. Even more importantly, the bulk of

fered many years of insult”) against ignorant and

the knowledge and practices within Africa’s social

racist European/Western scholarship in philosophy

systems and developmental mores exists in invis-

and psychology (Goduka, 2000, p. 11).

ible norms and tacit precepts that are mostly inac-

But this view of a distinctive African mind or

cessible to developmental science’s epistemes and

psyche, however, is by no means unanimous among

methods. This perhaps explains why when scholars

African psychologists and philosophers of psychol-

apply Western epistemes, theories, and methods

ogy (Moll, 2007). There has been an equally sophis-

to African systems, they repeatedly discover that

ticated theoretical perspective evident in Africa that

they do not fit (MacGaffey, 1981). So, what does

is skeptical of these notions and instead looks to

Africa’s cyclical life cycle vision of human ontogen-

the development of authentic universal theories to

esis portend for theory building and methodologi-

provide psychological interventions and solutions

cal innovation?

for Africa. It should be noted, though, that the

That Africa’s sociogenic developmental tra-

stream of thought about a unique African person-

jectory differs in theoretical focus from the indi-

ality shares the view that mainstream psychology,

vidualistic accounts espoused by Western scholars

72

inDiGenouS SoCi a l SCienCe at t he inter SeC t ion W it h hu m a n Dev elopment

(Serpell, 1994, p. 18) reinforces the call for system-

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powerful global psychology. The scientific method,

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76

inDiGenouS SoCi a l SCienCe at t he inter SeC t ion W it h hu m a n Dev elopment

P A R T 2

Birth, Infancy, and

Toddlerhood

C H A P T E R

Charting Infant Development:

6 Milestones Along the Way

Charles Super and Sara Harkness

Abstract

Determining the age of selected, presumably universal behavioral accomplishments—milestones—

has played a uniquely important role in history of developmental research. This chapter presents a brief overview of how charting the mastery of motor skil s contributed to early child development research, fol owed by an extended example of how cross-cultural work has helped us better understand the meaning and dynamics of particular milestones. As a cultural perspective has been applied to the cognitive and social behaviors of more recent interest, it has become clear that the list of behaviors under study is limited by its European-American roots. Nevertheless, one can see in both theory and practice a growing recognition of cultural y regulated diversity in the universal milestones of infancy.

Key Words: infant development, cross-cultural research, developmental milestones, developmental research, Developmental Niche, motor development, cognitive development, social-emotional development

Determining the age of selected, presumably uni-

their pantheon of interests beyond motor acts to

versal behavioral accomplishments—milestones—

include a variety of cognitive and social behaviors,

during infancy has played a uniquely important

and soon cultural questions were asked about them

role in developmental research since its early years.

as well. One result, as developmental and cultural

Although the behaviors of interest have changed

perspectives are becoming more truly integrated, is

over the decades as developmental theory evolves,

the current realization that even the expanded list

the study of milestones continues to be a mainstay

of behaviors under study is limited in ways we do

of the field. Change in this research tradition has its

not yet fully understand by its European-American

own milestones, marking an increasing maturity of

roots. Nevertheless, one can see a growing recog-

the field.

nition of culturally regulated diversity in universal

This chapter begins with a brief historical over-

developments. The chapter concludes with a reflec-

view of how charting the mastery of specific behav-

tion on how we have arrived here.

iors—particularly gross motor behaviors—figured

in the early history of child study and child devel-

Emergence and Elaboration

opment research. This is followed by an extended

The milestone strategy seems obvious enough as

example of how cross-cultural work sheds new a first phase of studying an ability of interest: watch light on the original milestone questions and, in

for its emergence and then its elaboration into the

so doing, added new ideas about parental beliefs

mature form. As a framework for analysis, this

and behaviors in particular cultural settings. strategy stands as a postnatal, behavioral ver-During the same era, developmentalists expanded

sion of embryology, which, like so many areas of

79

natural science, was advancing dramatically in idea. McGraw, for example, was explicit in her aim the mid-19th century. Darwin’s “baby biography”

to understand not only norms, but also “process,

stands as perhaps the earliest modern instance of

not end result or achievement” (quoted in Bergenn,

this natural (as opposed to experimental) approach

Dalton, & Lipsitt, 1992, p. 384). Framed as a

to understanding human development. Although

“nature–nurture debate,” these issues came into

Darwin’s interest focused on the emergence of full bloom in the decades between the two World emotional expressions, his observations ranged Wars. The reasons for behaviors’ emergence, and more broadly. “When between 80 and 90 days

internal versus external influences on their timing,

old,” Darwin wrote of his son, for example, “he

became key questions (Shirley, 1931). “The pre-

drew all sorts of objects into his mouth, and in

dominant activity of the institutes and centers of

two or three weeks’ time could do this with some

the Child Development movement from the 1920s

skill; but he often first touched his nose with the

to the 1940s,” writes White (2005, p. 290), “was

object and then dragged it down into his mouth”

addressed to efforts at quantitative descriptions of

(Darwin, 1877, p. 1).

the activities and qualities of developing children,

This “natural history” approach to human [or] norm-gathering.” Nowhere was this more evi-development was specifically promoted in the late

dent, at least in popular understanding, than in

19th century by G. Stanly Hall (1893, p. 283),

the work of Myrtle McGraw (1932) and of Arnold

widely regarded as the founder of developmental

Gesell (Gesell & Ilg, 1949). Although there was

psychology (Cahan & White, 1992). For Hall,

more difference in their positions on the “nature

the emergence of specific behaviors was a natural

vs. nurture” dichotomy than may have been appar-

place to look for “recapitulation,” the influential,

ent at the time (Dalton, 2004), the delineation of

late 19th-century postulate (from embryology) behavioral norms and their use in both normal that individual development replays key sequences

assessment and clinical practice became an estab-

of our species’ evolution (Richardson & Keuck,

lished topic for developmentalists.

2002). He incorporated this view into his own

The most lasting contribution from this era is

work, stipulating that only by relating development

probably what eventually became the Bayley Scales

during childhood with development of the species

of Infant Development (Bayley, 1933, 1936, 1969).

“can we hope to find true norms against the ten-

This developmental test consists of a large number

dency to precocity… . and… . establish criteria by

of specific behaviors, such as reaching for a small

which to… . measure arrest and retardation” (Hall,

cube, arrayed in order of increasing difficulty. The

1904, vol. 1, p viii). It was during this era, in 1900,

behavioral items are individually administered in

that the term “norms” was introduced (Woolley,

a standardized format but flexible sequence—the

1936). Although Hall’s questionnaire studies actual sequence depends on the infant’s level of themselves ultimately produced few empirical find-maturity and the flow of interest during the test-

ings of lasting value, the “child study movement”

ing session. The particular items were originally

he set in motion and the ontogenetic, evolutionary

derived from “several theoretically eclectic scales

framework he applied to early development formed

of infant development and a broad cross-section

the intellectual structure for the next generation of

of infant and child research,” thus there was “no

developmentalists.

particular theory driving the content” (Bayley,

The centrality of motor milestones in the sub-

2006, p. 1). The test was initially divided into sepa-

sequent study of infancy stems from two charac-

rate Motor and Mental scales, but Bayley herself

teristics. First, motor milestones involve common

has pointed to this distinction as somewhat arti-

behaviors evident to the naked eye—father Darwin

ficial because various abilities mature and differ-

can observe hand-to-mouth behavior at home as

entiate over time (Bayley, 1969). Now in the third

well as pediatrician Gesell can in his high-tech

edition (Bayley, 2006) and comprising five scales

observation dome, as indeed can a visiting devel-

(Cognitive, Language, Motor, Social-Emotional,

opmentalist with little knowledge of the local and Adaptive), the Bayley Scales are widely con-language or morays. Second, motor development

sidered the best instruments for developmental

is a useful arena for exploring more fundamental

evaluation during the opening years of life. There

questions about the interdependence of structure

are, however, several similarly constructed instru-

and function, of constitution and experience, in

ments used in the research literature (Gesell &

development of the nervous system—a more gen-

Ilg, 1949; Griffiths, 1954). Test results are usually

eral and less archaic cousin of the recapitulation

summarized into scaled scores and developmental

80

Ch a rt ing infa nt Dev elopment

equivalents (months and days of chronological basis were widely accepted, and the core findings age) in comparison to norms. Thus, for example, a

were included in some introductory textbooks and

child who at 10 months has all the motor achieve-

edited readers well into the 1960s (Brackbill &

ments of an 11-month-old (but none above) would

Thompson, 1967).

be assigned a Developmental Quotient (or DQ) of

100 * 11/10 or 110.

Motor Development in the Field

Although McGraw’s doctoral dissertation

It was in this context that the present authors

(McGraw, 1931) compared the development of moved to western Kenya to study child development

“southern white and negro infants,” the very lit-

and family life among the Kipsigis people, in a rural

tle comparative research undertaken outside the

village we call Kokwet. Basic ethnographic work—

United States was done by a few anthropologists

watching, talking, listening—quickly revealed that

with interdisciplinary interests (Mead, 1928; Mead

many infant milestones there emerged, yes, earlier,

& Macgregor, 1951). World War II caused a major

but in a context vastly different from the originating

disruption of domestic, and certainly overseas, ecology of the normative studies. One salient differ-developmental research; thus, the understanding of

ence was that most mothers in Kokwet (more than

infant development in the 1950s was still guided

80% in a later formal survey) believed it important

by the ethos of universal pattern of emergence, pro-

to teach an infant several behaviors that figure cen-

viding a species-specific metric of developmental

trally in the Bayley (1969) and Gesell exams (Gesell

progress. The specific “ontogeny-recapitulates-phy-

& Ilg, 1949): to sit, to stand, and to walk. “What

logeny” hypothesis had been largely set aside, but

kind of mother would not do this?” most Kipsigis

so powerful was the “milestones of emergence” tra-

mothers exclaimed to our inquiry.

dition that when the French pediatrician Marcelle

It soon became evident that these motor accom-

Géber encountered a precocious pattern of devel-

plishments were prominent in the way Kipsigis

opment among infants in Kampala, Uganda, mothers conceptualized infants and thought about over the first year of life (Géber, 1956, 1958) and

their own role as mothers. These ideas were woven

subsequently found Ugandan neonates to be neu-

into the consciousness of everyday life. Seeing an

rologically advanced (Géber & Dean, 1957 b), she

acquaintance on the path with child on her back,

concluded that “[I] t was fairly clear that [the pre-

one might call out the greeting “Tianná?” (“What

cocity] had a genetic basis” (Géber & Dean, 1957 a,

has he/she learned?”), and it would be answered,

p. 1061). Her results were eventually picked up by

“He is sitting now” or “She walks.” This cognitive

Arthur Jensen (1969), among others, to press the

orientation operated from the moment of birth or

argument that Africans and African Americans are

even before, as objective, structured judgments

inherently limited in their intelligence (using the

of specific newborn behaviors revealed (Super &

phylogenetic analogue that rapidly developing spe-

Harkness, 2009). In comparing behaviors such as

cies end up with lesser cognitive abilities, such as

holding the head up straight and the Moro (startle)

lower primates compared to humans [Jensen, 1973,

reflex, the Kipsigis mothers were especially attuned

p. 283]). As more studies from Africa (and else-

to motor integrity and responsiveness. A sample

where; see Phatak, 1969) accumulated, they tended

of mothers in Boston, in contrast, focused on an

to replicate the picture of advanced early develop-

underlying concept of cognitive competence, which

ment, reporting average developmental quotients

they saw, for example, in orientation and habitua-

(DQ) as high as 130 (Leiderman, Babu, Kagia,

tion. The different ways of “seeing” the same behav-

Kraemer, & Leiderman, 1973; Vouilloux, 1959).

ior is made evident in the comment by one US

A small number of reports offered environmental

mother that her newborn son was very “alert and

explanations (Faladé, 1955), and an unevenness in

attentive.” Asked to elaborate, she replied, “Well,

the areas of early advance was occasionally noted

I can tell because he holds his head up, you know,

(Falmagne, 1962), calling into question the idea

with his neck straight.” For her, the cognitive atten-

of a truly generalized precocity; however, this lit-

tional element in a controlled orienting of the head

erature was scattered and not always in English.

was more salient than the underlying neuromus-

Furthermore, for a long time, there was no rebuttal

cular skill. A Kipsigis mother would have built her

to the neonatal findings, which had been presented

interpretation around the integrity and smoothness

in the prestigious international medical journal

of the motor accomplishment.

Lancet (Géber & Dean, 1957 b). Thus, the phenom-

As a natural consequence of this focus on motor

enon of “African infant precocity” and its genetic

accomplishments, the Kipsigis mothers (and their

Super, h a r k neSS

81

mothers, and the babies’ siblings) carried out several

straddling the hip and held securely with a cloth,

specific, deliberate routines that promoted walk-

an arrangement that engaged frequent vestibular

ing, sitting, and standing. Starting in the first week

stimulation and required almost constant postural

of life, the common newborn stepping reflex was

accommodation, including exercise of muscles in

elicited by the mother or grandmother, sitting with

the trunk and legs. In contrast, body contact for the

legs outstretched on the floor of the hut or, after

US infants, when it occurred, more often involved

a week, on a cowhide laid outside. This activity,

being held in a face-to-face position on the lap, sup-

called keguldó, was evidently an enjoyable way to

ported under the arms, a positioning that probably

play with the baby, but, in addition, the “bounc-

involved less use of muscles and coordination.

ing” was believed by adults to develop the muscles

Experimental evidence confirms the hypothesis

and skills for walking. The frequency of keguldó

underlying these observations, that substantial dif-

can be estimated by averaging nearly 2,000 “spot

ferences in the physical postures of daily life can

observations” and “quick interviews” that indicate

influence the development of both specific skills

that the activity took place two or three times per

and also more general aspects of development.

week during the first month, increased in frequency

Brief passive exercise through cycling movement

to nearly every day at 4 and 5 months, and then

of the arms and legs (Porter, 1972) and vestibular

decreased somewhat as a more directed “teach-

stimulation in a swivel chair (Clark, Kreutzberg,

ing to walk” ( kitwalse) began around 6 months.

& Chee, 1977) over the course of 1 or 2 months

Kitwalse, which involves holding one or both of the

have both been shown to significantly advance

standing child’s hands and moving slowly along to

gross motor development in infants. Observational

encourage stepping, then increases in frequency to

studies of variations in posture and sleep posi-

98% of days in the closing months of the first year.

tion yield similar conclusions (Abbott & Bartlett,

There is a parallel set of practices involving a shal-

2001; Vaivre-Douret, Dos Santos, Charlemaine, &

low pit or a semicircle of cloths supporting the back

Cabrol, 2005). Furthermore, vertical posture (one

to “teach” sitting. Experimental evidence from the

aspect of back- or hip-carrying) is conducive to

United States confirms that deliberate, anticipatory

calm alertness (Korner & Thoman, 1970), possibly

exercise of walking, sitting, and crawling—at a fre-

through increased levels of the hormone cortisol

quency much lower than observed in the Kokwet

(Harper, 1972).

sample—produces accelerated development of

The maternal beliefs, customary practices, and

those skills (N. A. Zelazo, Zelazo, Cohen, & particular settings described here form a distinc-Zelazo, 1993; P. R. Zelazo, 1976).

tive aspect of the Kipsigis infants’ “Developmental

Notably, none of the mothers in Kokwet was

Niche” (Super & Harkness, 1986). The

interested in teaching her baby to crawl. More

Developmental Niche framework is useful not only

so than walking, crawling exposes a child to dirt

for identifying specific elements in a child’s daily

and insects, and it was seen as more dangerous

surround, but also for understanding how the vari-

with regard to fire pits inside and roaming calves

ous elements combine (or conflict) with each other.

or other creatures outside. The spot observations

In this case, there are substantial synergies in the

confirmed that teaching or exercising crawling was

promotion of early motor development, yielding

virtually nonexistent in Kokwet.

a prime example of “contemporary redundancy”

Other aspects of daily life for the infants in

(Super & Harkness, 1999). When contemporary

Kokwet promoted development more than the redundancy occurs during a period of particu-typical US scenario. In part, no doubt, because of

larly rapid development, it can have profound and

the absence of sanitary floors and protective cribs,

long-term effects. With regard to motor develop-

babies in Kokwet spent much less of their waking

ment, there is some evidence from animal models

time lying down than did a sample of US infants

that early motor experience alters muscle anatomy

(10% vs. 27%), thus providing them with less and motor output, lasting even into a sedentary opportunity to learn or practice crawling and roll-middle age (Serradj, Picquet, & Jamon, 2013).

ing over. Instead, they were often carried and were

In any case, the immediate result for under-

in physical contact with their caretakers (8 a.m. to

standing motor milestones in Kokwet is that test

6 p.m.) twice as much as (78% vs. 39%); even when

items related to sitting and walking were achieved

asleep this was true 34% of the time compared to

“precociously.” The advances averaged as much as

1% (Super, 1981). For the Kipsigis infants, virtually

3 months or more. Crawling, in contrast, tended

all this contact was either on the caretaker’s back or

to be delayed by about 1 month (Super, 1976).

82

Ch a rt ing infa nt Dev elopment

Curiously, the commonly used Bayley scales con-

based on exams after several days of postnatal life,

tain 15 items based on sitting, standing, and walk-

during which common African practices of mas-

ing in the first year, but only 1 item for crawling

sage are likely to have already influenced growth

and a total of 4 items while lying prone (on the

and development (Acolet et al., 1993; deVries &

stomach). It would appear that this is the unin-

Super, 1979; Field et al., 2004; Hopkins, 1976;

tended result of item selection for easily distin-

Super & Harkness, 2009).

guished, qualitatively distinct behaviors, which

A broader review of the literature on motor

happen to provide more intermediate stages for sit-

development in various groups around the world

ting, standing, and walking than for crawling and

indicates a number of other patterns (Super, 1981).

rolling over. In any case, the result is that Bayley

Arai and colleagues (Arai, Ishikawa, & Toshima,

scores in the first year are heavily weighted—nearly

1958), for example, report no difference between

four times as much—for items in which the infants

a sample of Japanese infants and Gesell norms in

of Kokwet were specifically trained and for which

the first 3 months, but found subsequently a gen-

they received massive daily practice. In this light,

eral decline in Japanese scores, especially toward

the pattern of relative advance and delay is under-

the end of the first year. The authors hypothesized

standable from the pattern of specific teaching and

that the relative decline results from a low level

experience. In addition, the pattern of very high

of maternal stimulation and restricted practice in

Developmental Quotients in the first year followed

locomotion due to frequent back-carrying, but they

by decline in year 2 can now be seen to match a

provide no empirical evidence in this regard. Other

shifting emphasis from rural Afro-centric items

observers have noted that Japanese parents typi-

(e.g., walking) to urban Euro-centric ones (e.g., use

cally place a low value on precocious development

of stairs).

(Kitano, 1961). Reports from Guatemala (Wug de

There are currently dozens of studies that rep-

Leon, de Licardie, & Cravioto, 1964) and Mexico

licate the key points of this argument, across (Robles, 1959; Solomons & Solomons, 1975) sug-East, West, and Southern Africa and in commu-

gest that fine motor coordination and sitting are

nities of the African diaspora (Ainsworth, 1967;

somewhat advanced in the samples studied, relative

Bril & Sabatier, 1986; Faladé, 1955; Gottlieb, to US norms, but that walking is delayed. Given 2004; Hopkins & Westra, 1989; J. E. Kilbride

the age distribution of these items, there is an over-

& Kilbride, 1975; LeVine et al., 1994; LeVine &

all appearance of early precocity and later decline

LeVine, 1966; Rabain-Jamin & Wornham, 1990;

in the Mexican and Guatemalan samples. There

Varkevisser, 1973). Diversity in the timing and

are related reports on the timing and patterning

patterning of infant motor development has been

of early motor skills from South Asia, the Middle

accepted into the mainstream literature (Adolph,

East, and the Insular Pacific (see Super, 1981; Super

Karasik, & Tamis-LeMonda, 2009) and stands as a

& Harkness, 2010). Although none of these reports

distinctive and commendable case of broad global

provides the empirical detail on parental beliefs

samples contributing to a fuller understanding of

and practices available for the African case, they

human development (Karasik, Adolph, Tamis-

are all consistent with the conclusion that infants

LeMonda, & Bornstein, 2010). The neonatal and toddlers become more proficient, earlier, in reports that so reinforced a nativist interpretation

the kinds of motor activities that are enabled and

of “African infant precocity” ultimately proved to

encouraged by their environments.

have serious methodological flaws (Super, 1981;

Warren, 1972). Furthermore, the claim of neuro-

Beyond Motor Performance

logical precocity has never been replicated despite

Despite the early focus on motor milestones, the

several attempts (Brazelton, Koslowski, & Tronick,

movement to describe and norm universal achieve-

1976; Freedman, 1974; Keefer, Dixon, Tronick, &

ments was not limited to motor acts. Some behav-

Brazelton, 1991; Konner, 1972; Super & Harkness,

iors, even at the earliest of ages, reflect the quality

2009; Vouilloux, 1959), including one drawing of higher level internal processes. A neonate’s sus-from the same Ugandan population used by Géber

tained focus on a red ball suggests a certain level

(Warren & Parkin, 1974). There remains the pos-

of attentional control and perceptual processing.

sibility of subtle group differences in some aspect

Two years later, her ability to correctly arrange

of motor tone even “at birth” (Keefer, Tronick,

pieces of a jigsaw puzzle is of research interest

Dixon, & Brazelton, 1982; Super & Harkness,

not for its motor coordination, but for the mental

2009), although such neonatal reports are usually

analysis and organization assumed to lie behind

Super, h a r k neSS

83

finding the solution. Her excited waving of the

economic status and amenities in the household,

arms and expression of pleasure directed toward

scored higher on the mental scale. Others have also

her mother at that moment draws attention to her

reported mental scores on the Bayley or other such

social-emotional growth more than her upper-body

tests to be relatively advanced in the early months,

coordination. As the field of human development

but less so than measures of motor skills, and for the

advanced, behavioral domains beyond motor skills

advance to be declining by the second year. This is

grew in importance to researchers, and they, too,

true in East and West Africa (Aina & Morakinyo,

have become delineated with milestones. Four 2005; Faladé, 1955; Lusk & Lewis, 1972) and parts approaches of mental and social growth are briefly

of India (Phatak, 1969) and East Asia. Lim and

reviewed here from the vantage point of establishing

colleagues report specific item differences between

universal milestones. We have far less information

infants in Singapore and the United States (Lim,

in these domains about how specific beliefs, cus-

Chan, & Yoong, 1994).

toms, and settings surrounding the child shape the

Studies using items from infant mental scales

particular pattern and timing of accomplishments,

generally do not provide much insight into the pat-

but at times enough aspects of the Developmental

terning of experience that produces the diversity

Niche are evident to suggest that the kind of Niche

in results. The Kilbrides’ reports from East Africa

analysis applied to motor skills can be applied more

are an exception (J. E. Kilbride & Kilbride, 1975,

broadly.

1990; P. L. Kilbride, 1980). For historical and eco-

nomic reasons, social and political success among

Mental Scales

the Baganda group they worked with depended on

The California First-Year Mental Scale (Bayley,

interpersonal skills and highly mannered interac-

1933) was devised at the same time as the motor

tions. Relatedly, Baganda mothers and caretak-

test (Bayley, 1936), and the two together com-

ers were especially devoted to social engagement

prise the full Bayley Scales of Infant Development,

with their infants, with the result that the babies

versions I and II (Bayley, 1969). Items from the

progressed more rapidly through the various

mental scale have been less commonly used than

social items on the Bayley mental scale (on aver-

motor tests in comparative studies, but the avail-

age: 2.2 months, compared to the US norm of

able reports suggest an overall pattern similar but

3.7 months). J. E. Kilbride and Yarczower (1976)

not identical to the motor results. In many ways,

also report longitudinal correlations within a

this is not surprising—the distinction between Baganda sample between specific developmental motor and mental items is not based on any par-advances and specific child care practices, such

ticular theory (Bayley, 2006), they involve many

as high scores on visual attention items and fre-

overlapping brain circuits (Diamond, 2000), and

quency of being lifted up to an upright position;

the two scales are highly correlated (for example at

most of these specific correlations correspond to

6 months the correlation is .78; Bayley, 2006).

the Baganda–US group differences (e.g., regard-

Leiderman and colleagues (1973), studying ing time in an upright position). There are other a Kikuyu sample outside Nairobi, reported an reports of individual development–environment advance in both motor and mental scores during

correlations that further support this picture for

the first year, compared to US and UK norms,

early mental development (Miquelote, Santos,

but a mental DQ that was lower than the motor

Caçola, Montebelo, & Gabbard, 2012; Yarrow,

DQ (108 vs. 130). Both scales showed the great-

Rubenstein, & Pedersen, 1975).

est advance at about 8–10 months, followed by

a decline as the first birthday approached. The

Tests of Theory

authors did not carry out a formal item analysis

The motor, mental, language, and other scales

but noted their “impression that Kikuyu infants

devised by Bayley, Gesell, Griffiths, and oth-

lagged… . on items involving implements which

ers were designed to evaluate individual children

were less familiar in their environment than in the

across a general gradient of “development,” and, as

United States” (Leiderman et al., 1973, p. 247f); as

noted, there was no particular theory driving the

with motor items involving stairs, for example, the

selection of items. The aggregated results from chil-

less familiar implements (such as colored blocks)

dren in a particular group were initially intended

are increasingly found with mental items for the

to reveal something about the nature of those chil-

older ages. Relatedly, the authors report that infants

dren; only as investigators delved deeply into the

from more “modernized” families, as indexed by

results did it become evident that they told us as

84

Ch a rt ing infa nt Dev elopment

much about the tests as about the children and,

similarity” (p. 125) in unstructured play with

ultimately, about the nature of “development.” On

objects when Baoulé and French infants were

the other hand, other infant tests weave closely

compared, even though “toys” in the Baoulé vil-

elements of theory and tools for evaluation: the

lage were minimal, and adults did not use objects

theory inspired the development of measures, and

to mediate social interaction as much as Western

the test results contribute to refinement of the the-

parents typically do. They subsequently found the

ory. Milestones demarcating development in these

Baoulé infants to be slightly advanced compared

theoretical approaches have also been investigated,

with French norms on tasks involving use of objects

and the results speak to both the broader validity of

as tools, but on par with regard to object perma-

the underlying theories, as well as to the potential

nence tasks. Konner (1972, 1976) in Botswana and

contributions of varying environments.

Goldberg (1977) in Zambia also found occasional

and small differences in timing reflecting vari-

Genetic epistemoloGy

ability in culturally structured opportunities for

Around the same time that McGraw, Gesell,

exploration. A report from India (Kopp, Khoka, &

Bayley, and others were charting the emergence

Sigman, 1977) indicates broad similarity in the

of skilled behavior in US infants, Jean Piaget was

sequence and timing of Piagetian accomplishments

carrying out detailed observations of his daughter

between infants in New Delhi and the United

Jacqueline. These resulted in his seminal publica-

States. Two specific situations were found in which

tion on the origins of infant intelligence (Piaget,

the US babies excelled, regarding search for hidden

1936). The theoretical framework of developmen-

objects and use of intermediary tools (e.g., string)

tal epistemology Piaget brought to this work was

to obtain an object out of reach, but the authors

detailed and complex. Some of the specific behav-

speculate that the discrepancies result primarily

iors he focused on are the same as those found in

from subtle differences in caretaker behavior dur-

the classic “baby tests”—not surprising, perhaps,

ing testing.

given the limited behavioral repertoire of infants—

The only reports of substantial differences in

but, for Piaget, success in using a stick to attain

attainment of Piagetian stages involve timing,

an object out of reach did not just add one more

not sequence, and the differences are attributed

point to a test score; instead, it marked an advance

to very low levels of experience and interaction

in the attainment of “tertiary circular reactions,”

with the environment found in orphanages (Hunt,

an understanding of the relationship between one’s

Mohandessi, Ghodssi, & Akiyama, 1976;

own body and the “behavior” of objects. In other

Paraskevopoulos & Hunt, 1971) and isolated vil-

words, Piaget was less interested in “age equiva-

lages where infants spend most of the first year in

lents” and DQs than he was in qualitative changes

the “small, dark interior of [a] windowless hut,… .

in infants’ behavior that signal a shift in their

[are] rarely spoken to or played with” and have

understanding of the world.

access to no toys or playthings (Kagan & Klein,

Are these Piagetian milestones—transitions 1973, p. 949).

from one stage or substage to the next—accom-

plished at the same rate in various settings, or

memory and attention

are there particular cultural routines that support

Yet a third approach to infant mental life and

their development at a different pace? If so, is the

its milestones emerged from the “cognitive revolu-

difference a minor one? More profoundly, does

tion” in developmental psychology, which began

the sequence of milestones shift in some settings?

as the era of grand overarching theories (Freudian,

Unlike for Bayley scales, that result would pose a

Piagetian, Skinnerian), in general, started to

major challenge to the theory and indeed the entire

wane. For infants, the laboratory study of atten-

paradigm. As it turns out, however, compara-

tional processes was a key method, and, despite

tive studies strongly emphasize the universality of

the technical complexities, some of this work

sequence and, to a large degree, the timing of key

has been used outside its culture of origin. A key

behaviors.

paradigm concerns novelty and habituation—

Dasen and colleagues (Dasen, Inhelder, babies will usually look more at an object that is Lavallée, & Retschitzki, 1978) observed infants

novel (or not remembered), and, as it is repeated,

in a rural agricultural village of the Baoulé people

their interest eventually declines and they attend

in the Ivory Coast, attending to the same aspects

elsewhere. This pattern has been replicated in an

that concerned Piaget. They found a “remarkable

Ethiopian sample (Kennedy et al., 2008), but its

Super, h a r k neSS

85

reliable appearance was slowed with malnutri-

elsewhere (Kagan et al., 1978; Super & Harkness,

tion. Healthy Ivorian infants, on the other hand,

2010), there is a rise in distress to maternal depar-

showed no difference from a French sample in the

ture and/or an approaching stranger in the second

rate or growth of visual habituation (Lécuyer &

6 months, peaking shortly after the first birth-

Tano, 1990). A more extensive use of the labo-

day, in samples of Mayans and Ladinos in rural

ratory paradigm by Kagan and his colleagues

Guatemala (Lester, Kotelchuck, Spelke, Sellers,

measured the increase in attention to distorted

& Klein, 1974), !Kung San in the Kalahari desert

models of the human face and/or figure during

(Konner, 1972), Kipsigis in western Kenya (Super,

the first 2 years. The U-shaped curve found in the

1981), Baloué infants in the Ivory Coast (Dasen

United States (Kagan, Kearsley, & Zelazo, 1978)

et al., 1978), babies from a group home in an Israeli

was essentially replicated with Ladino infants

kibbutz (Fox, 1977), Navajo infants (Chisholm,

in rural Guatemala (Sellers, Klein, Kagan, &

1983), and even among malnourished infants in

Minton, 1972), Mayans in Mexico (Finley, Bangladesh (Super, Guldan, Ahmed, & Zeitlin, Kagan, & Layne, 1972), and !Kung San infants

2011). The subsequent decline in rate of distress,

in Botswana (Konner, 1973). This would suggest

however, varies considerably across groups. The

that long-term memory (believed necessary to

anxious response was nearly absent by 24 months

recognize and process the distortions) develops

among the kibbutz and Mayan infants, who had

similarly in these diverse settings (Kagan et al.,

presumably become used to the practice of daily

1978), especially in the second year. It is likely

care shared by several individuals, whereas it was

that the timing of the upswing in the first year

still displayed by almost half of the US and San

is similar everywhere, but less than certain given

infants, who typically received care primarily by

variations in the age of testing and one set of

their mother.

discordant results from Japan (Takahashi, 1973,

These three behaviors—smiling, stranger anxi-

1981).

ety, and distress to maternal departure—are all

emotional development

relevant to the much more complex construct

The social smile is a developmental marker of attachment (Bowlby, 1969). During the sec-valued by parents and researchers alike. Its rapid

ond half of the first year, the complex of behav-

increase in the second and third month is a uni-

iors that characterize “secure base behavior”

versal charm, and it is included in most of the clas-

become evident. Establishment of this platform

sic “baby tests,” such as the Bayley. A confluence

for exploring the world is said to constitute the

of several changes that peak around 4 months has

key third phase of a universal attachment process

led to the supposition of a broad neurological shift

and is surely a milestone itself. Although there

at that age (Kagan, 1971), and therefore, to the

is a large and growing body of cross-cultural

hypothesis that a rise and 4-month peak in smiling

research on attachment, however (see chapter

would be found in all normal populations. Indeed,

by Morelli, this volume), it largely concerns the

the cross-cultural literature supports this hypoth-

characteristics and determinants of individual

esis because the rise occurs similarly in a variety

differences in attachment style, such as “secure”

of samples from the United States, Europe, the

(Posada & Jacobs, 2001; Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott,

Middle East, Africa, and the Far East, even though

Miyake, & Morelli, 2000; Super & Harkness,

the absolute rate at any given age depends on the

2010; van IJzendoorn, Bakermans-Kranenburg,

rearing environment (see Super & Harkness, 2010).

& Sagi-Schwartz, 2006). Variations in timing

Two other closely related emotional behaviors

have not been a focus of inquiry. Nevertheless,

thought to reflect a critical shift in psychologi-

overlooked in the differing perspectives on attach-

cal functioning are “stranger anxiety” (distress at

ment research is the fact that all reports outline

approach by an unfamiliar adult) and distress to

roughly the same developmental timing of attach-

maternal departure. Typically, these reactions ment behaviors. The analysis of distress to mater-emerge toward the end of the first year in US and

nal departure described earlier provides a succinct

European samples and are thought to result from

demonstration of similarity in timing of at least

the same emerging memory skills that lie behind

one of the distinctive milestones.

the changes in attention to normal and distorted

A curious aspect of this emotional domain,

facial masks mentioned earlier. In this case as well,

however, is that some indices (e.g., distress at

the comparative research reveals great similarity in

stranger approach and at maternal departure) pro-

the rise of these emotional responses. As reviewed

vide compelling evidence for a “universal” timing

86

Ch a rt ing infa nt Dev elopment

of development at the group level but are not “uni-

that 3-year-olds there scored nearly a full standard

versal” in the sense that all individuals show this

deviation below the US norms. Not surprisingly,

response. For example, at around 12 months, when

perhaps, scores on the Bayley correlated positively

distress to a stranger’s approach peaks in all stud-

and significantly ( r = .47) with maternal educa-

ied populations, the response is exhibited by nearly

tion. It is not the case, however, that the children

all US and !Kung San infants (Kagan et al., 1978;

of mothers with lower formal education were not

Konner, 1972) compared to about 65% among the

developing and learning from their environment.

Mayan and Israeli infants (Fox, 1977; Lester et al.,

Ethnographic interviews and observations made it

1974). It seems that commonly timed biopsychoso-

clear that these mothers were particularly attuned

cial changes underlying this response may or may

to and supportive of two domains of learn-

not result in the milestone behavior, depending on

ing: motor skills and the exercise of “responsible

dynamics of the Developmental Niche (and, pre-

obedience.” Young children were taught respectful

sumably, individual temperament). This is unlike

greetings and household tasks needed to advance

the case for major motor and cognitive milestones

appropriately with age. Mothers and older siblings

in the first year, at least, which all normal infants

frequently taught words for concrete objects and

master even though the timing may be influenced

actions in the context of early training for chores.

by the Niche. (Conventional hands-and-knees A 6-month-old would have an object placed in crawling is an exception: about 4% of infants her hand and would learn to “take” and “give.”

never use this type of locomotion; World Health

Somewhat later, when walking was mastered, the

Organization [WHO], 2006 c).

child would be instructed to deliver an object to

another person in the room and later to carry out

Beyond Western Milestones

more substantial errands. This sequence of expec-

Despite the breadth of behavioral domains just

tations integrated young children into relations of

reviewed and the variety of specific behavioral daily life, and it also enabled them ultimately to acts thought of as milestones, the inspiration for

contribute to family maintenance tasks such as

all this work has come from the minds of North

food preparation. Capitalizing on the ubiquity of

American and European researchers. They have

socialization for chores, the investigators devel-

studied aspects of early development that seemed

oped a local scale of developmental accomplish-

important to them either because they appear ment based on maternal reports about such tasks common in our environments or because they are

as making deliveries, carrying water in a bowl,

distinctive of a particular theoretical point of view

and tidying up (as well as some motor skills and

(see Nsamenang, this volume). Are there behav-

“good” behavior such as respectful greetings to

iors common in another cultural place, valued and

elders). Both this local scale and the Bayley were

encouraged by parents and caretakers, that could

positively correlated with health measures such as

serve as important markers there?

hemoglobin count and physical growth, suggest-

Many candidates can be found in the ethno-

ing that both reflect a fundamental well-being.

graphic and culturally oriented literature: com-

Unlike the Bayley scores, however, the local

petence in music and dance (Kreutzer, 1998) and

developmental scores were significantly correlated

particular feeding behaviors (Schulze, 2001); pos-

negatively with maternal education ( r = −.24). All

sibly the kiss (Singhi & Radhika, 1992). A detailed

the children were learning, but mothers with dif-

survey of culturally defined developmental agenda

ferent levels of education were following different

is beyond the scope of this chapter (see chapter

models for development.

by Harkness et al., this volume), but one report is

Thus, to answer the question posed at the begin-

particularly relevant here because it reinforces the

ning of this section: Yes, there are common, val-

point that, even in infancy, “universally” emerging

ued, and encouraged behaviors in other cultural

competences are encouraged (or not) and shaped by

settings that can serve as important markers of

the customs, settings, and parental ethnotheories

development. The particular items can be viewed

that surround the child.

with existing theory as reflecting the same kind of

Zeitlin and Barry (2004, 2008, as reported

psychological processes inherent in the standard-

in Harkness, Super, Barry, Zeitlin, & Long, ized tests—attentional control, memory, elements 2009; Super, Harkness, Barry, & Zeitlin, 2011)

of theory of mind—even though the specific tasks

adapted the Bayley cognitive scale for adminis-

are not particularly valued or encouraged in the

tration in the Louga area of Senegal and found

urban Western setting.

Super, h a r k neSS

87

Milestones in Research

Unpacking

From the global perspective of the early 21st

A third and sometimes overlapping phase,

century, it can be seen that developmental research

occurring at various times for separate domains,

often has four phases; the history of “milestones”

involves “unpacking” the environment to identify

and what promotes them is no exception. In ideal

causal pathways (Weisner, Gallimore, & Jordan,

form, the four phases are local inquiry, search

1988; Whiting, 1976). Methods to understand and

for group variation, search for causes underlying

measure the environment, however, have lagged

any such variation, and, finally, integration of far behind child assessment. Several scales are the results into mainstream theory and practice.

designed for exploring specific predefined aspects

There are no doubt many forces shaping this pat-

of the environment, such as stimulation for cog-

tern, including the biases of scientists, restricted

nitive and socioemotional development (Bradley,

funding, complexities of cross-culture research,

Corwyn, & Whiteside-Mansell, 1996), support

and the long process of humanity discovering for motor development through objects (Caçola, itself. Nevertheless, this sequence has a curiously

Gabbard, Santos, & Batistela, 2011; Doralp &

Piagetian look to it, from concrete attributes, Bartlett, 2013), and orderliness of the environment through process and operations, to abstract func-

(Matheny, Wachs, Ludwig, & Phillips, 1995). But,

tions as units of description. (A similar parallel

even for the core motor behaviors, predefined scales

between historical sequence and individual ontog-

are likely to miss important elements in a foreign

eny has been described for mathematics by Piaget

culture, as the Kenyan work described earlier illus-

[1950]).

trates. For more advanced cognitive and social

behaviors—such as jigsaw puzzles, group danc-

Local Inquiry

ing, and message delivery—where cultures do not

In the first phase, investigators explore the just support but construct the milestones, a more parameters of a behavior of interest (walking, complex, mixed-methods approach to understand-searching for a moved object, distress to mater-

ing the Developmental Niche is needed (Super &

nal departure, etc.) in their local environment,

Harkness, 1999). For most of the child behaviors of

which has traditionally been middle-class North

theoretical interest to developmental science, this

America or Europe. It is common in this phase

work remains to be done.

to assume that the basic structure, timing, and

meaning of developmental growth found at home

Integration

are essentially universal. Thus, results are pre-

Finally, in the ideal fourth phase, insights from

sented as for the species, describing, for example,

cross-cultural work are integrated into the main-

the emergence of “erect posture and ambulation

stream literature, where they contribute to stronger

in the human infant” unmarked by time or place

theories (Karasik et al., 2010), novel experimenta-

(McGraw, 1932).

tion (N. A. Zelazo et al., 1993), innovative therapies

(Field, 2002), and more sophisticated evaluations

Seeking Variation

for programs and policy (Engle, Najimidinova,

The second phase involves a search for variation

Agency of Sociological and Marketing Surveys, &

in other locales and populations. Initially, this was

Faromuzova, 2011; Fernald, Kariger, Engle, &

done by anthropologists (Mead, 1928), later by

Raikes, 2009; Harkness, Super, Mavridis, Barry, &

Western investigators with interdisciplinary train-

Zeitlin, 2013). This last purpose is particularly

ing (Konner, 1972; New & Richman, 1996), and

notable in the case of the milestones and norms that

still later by professionals in their non-Western

were part of the creation of developmental science

home countries (Adjei, 1977; Agiobu-Kemmer, more than a century ago. On the one hand, the 1984; Nsamenang, 1997; Serpell & Jere-Folotiya,

World Health Organization’s Multicentre Growth

2008). This phase is marked by the discovery of

Reference Study has included six core motor behav-

“strong” and “weak” universals (Dasen, Lavalée, &

iors along with physical growth norms for healthy

Retschitzki, 1979), interesting variations in tim-

human infants around the world (World Health

ing and sequence (Jahoda, 1983; J. E. Kilbride

Organization [WHO], 2006 c). As intended, the

& Kilbride, 1975; Mead & Macgregor, 1951; results provide a global standard for rigorous pro-Nelson, Yu, Wong, Wong, & Yim, 2004), and

gram evaluation (even though between-group

the occasional discovery of something quite novel

variation is likely to be underestimated due to the

(Shweder & LeVine, 1975).

sampling strategy; WHO, 2006 a, 2006 b). On

88

Ch a rt ing infa nt Dev elopment

the other hand, sometimes locally defined behav-

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93

C H A P T E R

Comparative and Developmental

7 Anthropology: Studying the

Origins of Cultural Variability

in Cognitive Function

Daniel B. M. Haun

Abstract

This chapter examines the potency of combining cross-cultural, comparative, and developmental studies for understanding the dynamics of the interplay between cultural context and inherited predispositions during human development. This combined approach has contributed to our understanding of the emergence of cross-cultural variation in some of the most basic human cognitive functions such as spatial cognition, numerical cognition, visual perception, and social cognition. The same combined approach is also key to understanding human cultural variability in contrast to that found in other species: although there is now good evidence for population-level variation in apes and other animals, human’s vary in a wider repertoire of behaviors of which a larger proportion is social y acquired. By combining comparative, developmental, and cross-cultural studies, we may understand the species-typical psychological mechanisms that create, structure, and maintain uniquely human cultural variability.

Key Words: infancy, primates, evolution, phylogenetic comparative methods, physical cognition, social cognition, cultural variability

Comparative and Developmental

to go from back to front, and then pointed at the

Cognitive Anthropology

sky again. We had hit a dead end. It took the inter-

When I first visited the ǂAkhoe Haiǁom, a vention of several other members of the commu-Northern Namibian forager group, in 2005, I was

nity to make us understand each other. As it turns

packing my car to go to town for a 2-day break

out, he was pointing over his shoulder to indicate

when I was approached by a man whom I had not

the correct beeline direction toward Tsintsabis. He

met. Because we did not share a common language,

had laughed because the direction I had pointed

much of the conversation that followed relied on

in, down the road to Tsintsabis, was not at all the

facial expressions and gestures. I guessed that he was

direction to Tsintsabis. He had pointed at the sky to

looking for a ride, which is a valuable opportunity

ask about the estimated time of departure by indi-

for this remote population. Trying to make sure he

cating the position the sun would be at that time.

wanted to go where I wanted to go, I pointed down

Finally, he had attempted to enquire about the time

the road toward Tsintsabis, the next town, just

of departure and the time of return. Although we

over 60 kilometers away, and said “Tsintsabis?” He

both were under the impression that we communi-

laughed and pointed in the opposite direction, nod-

cated quite clearly, we had no idea what the other

ding. Then he pointed at the sky with a quizzing

was talking about or how to make the other under-

facial expression. I was lost. Recognizing this, he

stand. This miscommunication was, of course,

clarified. He pointed over his shoulder, then at the

only the tip of the iceberg. It was also clear that,

sky, and then reversed the point over his shoulder

even now that I understood his communicative

94

strategies, I could not respond in like manner. I did

2013; House et al., 2013; Liszkowski, Brown,

not know where the sun would be at 2 p.m., the

Callaghan, Takada, & de Vos, 2012), physical

time of intended departure, or how to communi-

cognitive skill (Goldstein, Davidoff, & Roberson,

cate that I planned to return only in 2 days’ time. I

2009; Haun & Rapold, 2009; Haun, Rapold,

also could not accurately point to any of the other

Call, Janzen, & Levinson, 2006; Haun, Rapold,

towns I was planning to visit. In other words, he

Janzen, & Levinson, 2011; Pica et al., 2004; Segall

had a different set of information available to him.

et al., 1963), and the differences in children’s envi-

We were in the same place at the same time, solving

ronments that might cause some of the variation

the same task in different ways, and, at least speak-

(Bolin, 2006; Gaskins, 2006; Keller et al., 2006;

ing for myself, without the ability to simply switch

Lancy, Bock, & Gaskins, 2010; LeVine, 2007;

to match the other’s communicative strategies. My

Rogoff, 2003).

conversation partner wielded a cognitive expertise

that I did not. He did not ride with me in the end.

Levels of Explanation

I am not sure why.

According to Tinbergen (1963), to assess any

behavior comprehensively one should address it on

Cross-Cultural Variability

four different levels of explanation. Two proximate

of Cognitive Function

(here and now) levels explaining the behavior of an

The Phenomenon

individual:

Interactions such as the one just described drive

home the fact that human cross-cultural varia-

(a) In terms of its ontogeny—how does it

tion is not restricted to behavioral strategies and

emerge across the life span of individuals?

traditions—eating either bread or rice for break-

(b) In terms of causation—what are the

fast—but also manifests in the cognitive abili-

mechanisms that enable it?

ties and preferences of individuals—the way we

And on two ultimate (historical) levels explaining

can, tend to, or prefer to process information.

the behavior of population or species:

Consequentially, two humans, in the very same

place, at the very same time, might handle the very

(c) In terms of its phylogeny—what is its

same task in very different ways. If such variation

evolutionary history?

in cognitive ability and preference occurs not only

(d) In terms of its adaptive advantage—why

from one individual to the next but on a popula-

was it selected for?

tion level, we refer to it as cross-cultural variabil-

The following sections assess the added value

ity of cognitive function. Cross-cultural variability

of a combined comparative, developmental, and

of cognitive function in adult humans has been

cross-cultural approach to addressing the first

investigated in different domains, showing that

three levels of explanation (a–c) concerning the

humans vary more than previously expected. For

phenomenon of cross-cultural variation of cogni-

example, human adults from different cultural tive function. This multifaceted approach provides backgrounds might disagree about which of two

the potential to understand the dynamics of the

lines is longer (Segall, Campbell, & Herskovits,

ontogenetic emergence of cognitive variability

1963), whether green and blue are the same color

by allowing the assessment of the ongoing and

(Roberson, Davies, & Davidoff, 2000), or whether

complex interaction between heritable predisposi-

a pile of seven coins is smaller than a pile of eight

tions of human cognition and the impact of the

(Pica, Lemer, Izard, & Dehaene, 2004).

individual’s environment. Any discussion of the

The cognitive sciences are again starting to interaction of heritable predispositions and envi-embrace the challenge of cross-cultural variabil-

ronmental influence, especially when observing

ity (Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010). A ris-

behavior only, is a radical simplification of a highly

ing number of publications abstain from rushed

complex process. The interaction of genetic, epi-

claims of universality, but discuss—or ideally even

genetic, and environmental influences on human

investigate—cross-cultural variability of cogni-

behavior is as of today largely unpredictable.

tive function. This includes the developmental The perspective presented in the next section of sciences, with a growing set of studies investigat-this chapter does not therefore aim to provide a

ing cross-cultural variation in children’s acquisi-

description for this process, but merely to provide

tion of social cognitive skill (Barrett et al., 2013;

the developmental behavioral sciences with a set

Callaghan et al., 2005; 2011; Cohen & Haun,

of didactic tools that will allow for a slightly more

h au n

95

nuanced discussion of the interplay between cul-

infant coGnition

tural context and inherited predispositions during

In developmental science, the early onset of a

human development, replacing the still existing

cognitive capacity or preference is considered sug-

dichotomous examination of “nature versus nur-

gestive of a heritable cognitive trait (Carey & Spelke,

ture.” The same combined approach also allows

1996; Karmiloff-Smith, 2010; Spelke & Newport,

for an assessment of the differences in human and

1998). Although the very early acquisition of a

nonhuman cross-cultural variability and, finally,

cognitive trait might support (not prove) claims of

the assessment of the mechanisms causing the

relevant heritable predispositions, a late acquisition

species-unique structure of human cross-cultural

does not prove the absence of such predispositions.

variability. Several examples from the current lit-

Inherited cognitive capacities and preferences are

erature from various areas of both physical and

not necessarily present at birth but might emerge

social cognition will serve to illustrate how these

only later in ontogeny. Children might be inher-

different methodological strands might be com-

ently prepared to acquire an ability or preference

bined meaningfully.

over time (Karmiloff-Smith, 2010). Although some

sophisticated capacities are not present at birth,

The Ontogeny of Cultural Variation

there is no a priori reason to exclude the possibility

Throughout development, children acquire that heritable factors construct children’s abilities cultural knowledge. They do so by means of in these late-blooming cognitive domains. Given and in interaction with universal biological pre-that they develop later in life, infant data alone are

dispositions. The acquired cultural knowledge insufficient in determining the relevance of heri-entails the contents and the tools to master the

table cognitive predispositions in a given domain.

challenges of particular environments. The term

environment refers to both physical and social

primate coGnition

structures and processes. In this view, develop-

As defined earlier, “heritable” cognitive charac-

ment is the construction and co-construction of

teristics should be seen as part of the evolutionary

cultural information based on informed hypoth-

endowment of the species, that is, inherited from

eses that are derived from the evolutionary heri-

an LCA (Mameli & Bateson, 2006). Conversely,

tage (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligni, & Maynard, any trait that is part of the evolutionary inheri-2003; Keller, Poortinga, & Schölmerich, 2002).

tance ever since an LCA becomes part of a shared

To start to describe this interaction, we require a

repertoire between related species (Byrne, 1995).

way of estimating both heritable predispositions

The reoccurrence of a certain cognitive trait across

and environmental impact.

related species therefore suggests its heritabil-

ity (Byrne, 1995; Haun, Jordan, Vallortigara, &

Estimating Heritable Predispositions

Clayton, 2010). Following this comparative

The first question at stake here is whether any

approach, humans have been compared to various

variance found in a human cognitive capacity is

primate species including pro-simians, monkeys,

due to species-typical genetic variance (Mameli &

and the great apes (Tomasello & Call, 1997). And,

Bateson, 2006). Although in some accounts, such

indeed, continuities in cognitive function between

as niche construction (Odling-Smee, Laland, &

humans and their phylogenetic cousins are striking

Feldman, 2003) or developmental systems theory

even in more complex cognitive tasks such as per-

(Oyama, Griffiths, & Gray, 2003), environmen-

spective taking (Hare, Call, Agnetta, & Tomasello,

tal features and even cultural systems can be used

2000; Kaminski, Call, & Tomasello, 2008; Liebal,

to transmit information across generations, here

Call, Tomasello, & Pika, 2004) and cooperation

we solely focus on genetic heritability. Within

(Melis, Hare, & Tomasello, 2006; Rekers, Haun,

this framework, “heritable” cognitive character-

& Tomasello, 2011). These continuities, in prin-

istics should be seen as part of the evolutionary

ciple, allow us to make inferences about extinct

endowment of the species; that is, as a set of reli-

evolutionary ancestors of the selected set of spe-

ably reoccurring developmental resources that is

cies. The strength of such an inference, however,

inherited from a last common ancestor (LCA)

crucially depends on the selected sample of species.

through descent with modification (Mameli &

To make any reliable statement about an extinct

Bateson, 2006). One way to approach this ques-

organism’s cognitive architecture with some con-

tion is to combine developmental and compara-

fidence, the comparisons need to be taxonomically

tive studies.

informed: evolutionary taxonomy, or cladistics,

96

Compa r at i v e a nD Dev elopmenta l a nt hropology

is the classification of species in such a way that

reconstructions (Garland, Midford, & Ives, 1999;

it correctly reflects evolutionary history. A valid

Pagel, Meade, & Barker, 2004). With the help of

grouping or “clade” within evolutionary taxonomy

these statistical tools, we can reconstruct states of

is a group of species with a common ancestor that

the common ancestor based on any reliable set of

is not ancestral to any other species (monophyletic

taxonomic relations of living species: if humans and

group). The currently most common, but by far

all other great apes share features of a certain cogni-

not the only, measure of similarity in cladistics is

tive trait, the features are likely part of all species’

molecular structure and function (Enard & Pääbo,

shared inheritance from their LCA and hence heri-

2004). Figure 7.1 presents such an evolutionary

table in all species, including humans. One alterna-

taxonomy of our own clade, the great apes.

tive interpretation is that (1) the same trait evolved

In evolutionary biology, cross-species compari-

independently several times within the same clade.

sons and historical reconstruction use a set of sta-

This phenomenon is called convergent evolution or

tistical techniques called phylogenetic comparative

homoplasy. The other alternative is that (2) similar

methods (PCM). Among other possibilities (Nunn,

traits are acquired during ontogeny due to contex-

2011) these methods enable researchers to recon-

tual constraints that are identical in all species. The

struct probable ancestral states of shared but vari-

likelihood of the former alternative decreases with

able cognitive traits (Haun et al., 2010; MacLean et

an increase in sample size (the number of species)

al., 2012) based on taxonomically informed selec-

and the completeness of the tested family of species.

tions of samples (Arnold & Nunn, 2010) and to

For humans, a complete set of species with a single

place statistical measures of confidence on these

common ancestor that in turn is not ancestral to

any other species is the great ape clade: orangutans

( Pongo pygmaeus), gorillas ( Gorilla gorilla), bono-

Chimpanzee

bos ( Pan paniscus), chimpanzees ( Pan troglodytes),

( Pan troglodytes)

and humans ( Homo sapiens; see Figure 7.1). Hence,

studies applying matched methods for comparing

cognition across all great apes by means of PCM

can estimate the likelihood that a certain cognitive

trait develops by means of and in interaction with

Bonobo

universal heritable predispositions.

( Pan paniscus)

The Interaction of Heritable

Predispositions and Cultural Context

One conclusion often drawn from the pres-

ence of cross-cultural variation in a cognitive trait

Human

is that its acquisition is subject to environmental

( Homo sapiens)

input only and not structured by heritable pre-

dispositions. One conclusion often drawn from

the absence of cross-cultural variation in a cogni-

tive trait is that it is impervious to environmental

influence and emerges based on heritable predispo-

Gorilla

sitions. Both conclusions are grossly premature if

( Gorilla gorilla)

LCA

based on the presence and absence of variation in

adults alone. The inadequacy of these conclusions

becomes apparent when we take a developmental

perspective. Cross-cultural comparisons of cogni-

tive abilities and preferences and the taxonomically

Orangutan

informed comparisons of the same traits across the

( Pongo pygmaeus)

great ape clade provide us with estimates of both

the variability of a trait across human popula-

Fig. 7.1 Consensus phylogeny of the great apes based on

tions and the heritable predispositions relevant to

results from the 10k Tree Project (Arnold, Matthews, &

that trait. These two factors interact constantly

Nunn, 2010). Branch lengths are proportional to the amount

throughout development. That’s why, based on

of genetic change. LCA, last common ancestor. Adapted from

Haun et al., 2010.

adult variation alone, it is impossible to identify the

h au n

97

relative contribution of either heritable predisposi-

et al., 2003). One example for a cultural behavior

tions or environmental impact to the developing

that appears to be partly genetically determined on

trait. However, when additionally considering a population level is the use of linguistic tone, i.e.

the developmental origins of a given trait, we can

the use of voice pitch to convey lexical or grammat-

track the patterns of emergence of said trait. These

ical distinctions. Dediu and Ladd (2007) showed

ontogenetic patterns, as detailed later, often take

that there is a relationship between the population

characteristic shapes. These characteristic shapes

frequency of two alleles (haplogroups of the brain

indicate different relative contributions of heritable

growth and development-related genes ASPM and

predispositions and contextual influence. The fol-

Microcephalin) and the presence of linguistic tone.

lowing examples demonstrate some of these recur-

They documented the relationship between the

rent developmental patterns:

population frequency of these two alleles and the

• The presence of variation in adult cognition

presence of linguistic tone, showing that it is not

across cultures is largely driven by

due to the usual explanatory factors represented

by geography and history. In their account, differ-

(a) genetic variation on a population level;

ences across cultures in cognitive traits might be

(b) context-dependent cultural learning in the

caused by certain alleles biasing information pro-

absence of heritable predispositions;

cessing and thereby influencing the trajectory of

(c) context-dependent cultural learning

individuals’ ontogenies, as well as of the trajectory

overriding heritable predispositions.

of a cultural trait through iterated cultural trans-

• The absence of variation in adult cognition

mission. Consequentially, a genetic base for cogni-

across cultures is largely due to

tive variability across cultures cannot be entirely

ruled out. Genetic variation should not, however,

(d) heritable predispositions that are either

be considered a likely candidate for explaining

impenetrable to learning or are under no pressure

the whole of cognitive variability across cultures.

to change;

Human groups are genetically much more similar

(e) learning in response to cross-culturally

to one another than to any of the other great ape

universal contextual features.

species (Figure 7.2; Kaessmann, Wiebe, Weiss, &

Pääbo, 2001). In contrast, they vary much more

This categorical structure is only an approxima-

in their behavior than the other great apes (Pagel

tion, ignoring the gradual and dynamic process of

& Mace, 2004). So, even if genetic variation plays

development. Its purpose is to serve as a didactic tool

a small role in accounting for cross-group varia-

to sort evidence and exemplify the ways in which

tion, it remains reasonable to assume that most

cross-cultural variation of cognition might emerge,

between-groups differences are overwhelmingly

taking a very first step toward a more nuanced

attributable to socially transmitted mechanisms

description. It also should make clear that the pres-

(Heine & Norenzayan, 2006). Hence, the heritable

ence and absence of variation in adult cognition does

predisposition discussed in the remaining sections

not enable us to infer its emergence. Here, I review

of this chapter are assumed to be universal and no

findings from the cognitive sciences to illustrate and

source of variation on a population level.

elaborate on each of the five categories (a–e).

The presence of variation in adult cog-

The presence of variation in adult cognition

nition across cultures is largely driven by

across cultures is largely driven by genetic varia-

context-dependent cultural learning in the

tion on a population level. This rarely discussed

absence of heritable predispositions. One exam-

account explaining how adult variation across cul-

ple of a cognitive trait that is entirely learned per-

tures emerges states that the observed variation of

tains to visual illusions. The perception of many

adult cognition across cultures is the consequence

visual illusions varies across cultures (Segall et al.,

of genetic variation on a population level. This is

1963). One particular illusion, the Ebbinghaus

a politically controversial explanation for psycho-

illusion (see Figure 7.3), appears to be a case of

logical differences between cultures, one with a

“context-dependent cultural learning in the absence

dark history, and it should be examined with care

of heritable predispositions.” In this illusion, a tar-

(Gould, 1981). Researchers have identified some

get circle surrounded by larger circles looks smaller,

genes that vary systematically across populations,

and one surrounded by smaller circles looks larger

such as genes associated with skin color (Jablonski &

than they really are. The Himba, a remote pastori-

Chaplin, 2000) or lactose intolerance (Beja-Pereira

alist group in Northern Namibia, experience the

98

Compa r at i v e a nD Dev elopmenta l a nt hropology

Gorilla

Pongo

Pan

Homo

Fig. 7.2 Phylogenetic tree of human, chimpanzee, bonobo, gorilla, and orangutan Xq13.3 sequences.

Adapted from Kaessmann, Wiebe, Weiss, & Pääbo, 2001.

Ebbinghaus illusion much less strongly than do

that the two populations diverge over ontogenetic

English university students (de Fockert, Davidoff,

time. Whereas children from both cultures per-

Fagot, Parron, & Goldstein, 2007). But suscep-

form equally well at age 4–5, both perceive the

tibility to the illusion increased even after brief

Ebbinghaus illusion increasingly strongly as they

exposure to an urban environment among some

grow older (6–7 and 8–9 years), but the effect is

Himba (Caparos et al., 2012). Recent developmen-

stronger in Japanese children, causing an increas-

tal studies of susceptibility to the Ebbinghaus illu-

ing divergence of the two populations (Imada,

sion found that at 4 years of age, English children

Carlson &, Itakura, 2013).

do not perceive the illusion and hence are more

Based on these developmental results, suscepti-

accurate than adults at judging the relative size of

bility to the Ebbinghaus illusion seems to develop

the central circle. Even by the age of 10 years, chil-

late in some individuals and in some cultures, such

dren still performed better than adults (Doherty,

as the Himba, hardly at all. A comparison between

Campbell, Tsuji, & Phillips, 2010). A compari-

humans and baboons ( Papio papio) demonstrated

son between US and Japanese children revealed

that only humans misjudged the central target

Fig. 7.3 The Ebbinghaus illusion. The two central darker circles are equal in size but appear different to adults in some cultures.

h au n

99

size under the influence of the Ebbinghaus illu-

results and the allocentric preference of young

sion, whereas baboons expressed a more veridical

human navigators The inherited cognitive mode

perception of target sizes (Parron & Fagot, 2007).

of operation in humans and the other great apes

As of yet, there are no data available from nonhu-

appears to be to process spatial relations using

man great ape species, precluding any firm state-

allocentric FoRs over view-dependent egocentric

ments about the LCA. Based on the baboon data

FoRs (Haun et al., 2006). In this case, cultural

alone, one might propose that, for the case of the

variation in spatial memory is no indicator of the

Ebbinghaus illusion, children appear to inherit absence of heritable predispositions. The nuanced no cognitive predisposition, and therefore adult

picture that emerges instead is one in which the

variation emerges as a result of context-dependent

inherited bias toward the allocentric coding of

experience.

spatial relations can be overridden by cultural

The presence of variation in adult cognition

learning.

across cultures is largely driven by context-

The absence of variation in adult cognition

dependent cultural learning overriding herita-

across cultures is largely due to heritable pre-

ble predispositions. One example for such a trait

dispositions that are either impenetrable to

is the use of spatial frames of reference (FoRs) in

learning or are under no pressure to change.

memory. Relational language follows coordinate

One example for a cognitive trait that is not

systems or FoRs, which serve to specify the direc-

learned but heavily structured by heritable predis-

tional relationships between objects in space in

positions is the ability to discriminate large quan-

reference to a shared referential anchor (Levelt,

tities by means of approximation (approximate

1996). Languages vary in the repertoire they arithmetic). This ability is common in human code and also in the habitual usage of different

adults across cultures such as the United States,

FoRs (Levinson, 2003). Some languages mainly

the Munduruku (Pica et al., 2004), and the Piraha

use egocentric FoR with terms like front, back,

(Gordon, 2004; Frank, Everett, Fedorenko, &

left, and right: “The ball is to the left of the tree”

Gibson, 2008), across which there is otherwise

(from my point of view). Some languages, such as

strong variation in numerical abilities (Frank

the ǂAkhoe Haiǁom mentioned in the introduc-

et al., 2008; Gordon, 2004; Pica et al., 2004).

tory anecdote, mainly use a so-called allocentric

Infants are able to solve quite similar tasks from a

FoR in which linguistic descriptions, for example,

very early age. Six-month-old infants, for example,

use cardinal direction type systems such as our

can discriminate 8 versus 16 dots on a screen (Xu

North, South, East, and West: “The stick is north

& Spelke, 2000). After seeing repeated presenta-

of the pebble.”

tions of either 16 (or 8) until they habituate, they

Spatial relational cognition can be categorized

will now look longer at an array of 8 (or 16) dots.

similarly in egocentric (view-dependent) and allo-

Hence, infants are able to discriminate the two

centric (view-independent) memory representa-

arrays. Controls for surface area and other char-

tions and varies similarly across cultures (Haun,

acteristics ensure that infants can discriminate by

2011; Haun & Rapold, 2009; Haun et al., 2006;

number alone (Xu & Spelke, 2000). Furthermore,

2011; Levinson, 2003; Majid, Bowerman, Kita,

a large set of studies has shown that the approxi-

Haun, & Levinson, 2004). While both egocentric

mate arithmetic abilities in infants are imprecise

and allocentric FoRs are common across cultures,

and ratio-dependent. Six-month-old infants suc-

children early on prefer allocentric over egocentric

cessfully discriminate 8 versus 16 and 16 versus 32

FoRs: As soon as they have become competent nav-

dots, but fail with 8 versus 12 and 16 versus 24 (Xu

igators (at 16 months of age; Acredolo, 1988), i.e.

& Spelke, 2000). In other words, 6-month-olds

they successfully use both allocentric and egocen-

can discriminate numerosities with a 1:2 but not

tric cognitive strategies, English-speaking children,

a 2:3 ratio (Feigenson, Dehaene, & Spelke, 2004).

at least between 3 and 5 years of age, are better

The ability to discriminate these more difficult

at allocentric strategies than at egocentric ones ratios, however, increases quickly with age. At (Allen, 1999; Haun et al., 2006; Nardini, Burgess,

10 months, infants are already able to tell apart

Breckenridge, & Atkinson, 2006).

arrays with a 2:3 ratio, and adults can discriminate

Finally, comparing across species, all great ratios as small as 7:8. In summary, approximate ape species, including 4-year-old German chil-arithmetic abilities emerge early and become more

dren, prefer to process spatial relations based on

proficient across age but do not change in struc-

environmental cues and not self. Based on these

ture (Feigenson et al., 2004).

100

Compa r at i v e a nD Dev elopmenta l a nt hropology

For the domain of approximate arithmetic, of points (Salomo & Liszkowski, 2012). On an basic performance characteristics in quantity dis-individual level, infants’ frequency of pointing is

crimination tasks are shared across animal taxa

related to social interactional practices of look-

(Cantlon, Platt, & Brannon, 2009), including all

ing together at objects and to social-cognitive

nonhuman great apes (Hanus & Call, 2007). All

skills for comprehending reference (Liszkowski &

tested great apes can select the larger of two quan-

Tomasello, 2011). Cross-cultural variability in the

tities by approximate arithmetic, both when pre-

amount of joint action and declarative gestures to

sented simultaneously and in sequence, even when

which infants were exposed across three differ-

the quantities are large and the numerical distance

ent cultures—Yucatec-Mayans (Mexico), Dutch

between them is small (Hanus & Call, 2007).

(Netherlands), and Shanghai-Chinese (China)—

Similar performance levels have been reported caused variation in the frequency with which for human children from roughly 6 years of age

infants pointed. Infants gestured somewhat more

onward (Halberda & Feigenson, 2008), indicat-

depending on the amount of joint action and ges-

ing a common heritage of the proximate number

tures they were exposed to (Salomo & Liszkowski,

system (Feigenson et al., 2004). Given the herita-

2012). Hence, whereas declarative referential

ble predisposition, early onset, and cross-cultural

pointing emerges most likely universally across cul-

stability of approximate arithmetic abilities, the

tures, the frequency with which infants point var-

absence of variation across cultures is likely due

ies both interindividually as well as cross-culturally

to a strong heritable predisposition that is either

depending on the amount of infant–caregiver

impervious to learning or under no contextual

social interaction.

pressure to change.

Interestingly, some scientists have argued that,

The absence of variation in adult cognition

given the right environmental structure, chimpan-

across cultures is largely due to learning in

zees will produce humanlike referential declara-

response to cross-culturally universal contextual

tive gestures when communicating with humans

features. One example that is at least suggestive

(Leavens, Ely, Hopkins, & Bard, 2012). This

of universal learning is declarative, referential ges-

would indicate that species differences in this

tures. The gestures exchanged among chimpanzees

behavior are not directly determined by differences

in their natural habitat are largely imperative and

in heritable predispositions to gesture referentially

non-referential (Tomasello, 2008). In contrast, with a declarative motivation. Another indicator is among humans, declarative referential gestures, that pointing is learned by both species, just much such as pointing, emerge already around the first

more naturally by humans. Hence, it appears that

birthday (Bates, Benigni, Bretherton, Camaioni, &

human infants acquire referential declarative ges-

Volterra, 1979; Liszkowski, Carpenter, Henning,

tures universally in the absence of a shared heri-

Striano, & Tomasello, 2004).

table predisposition.

Recent studies have shown remarkable

This last example provides a good opportu-

cross-cultural stability in the existence as well as

nity to highlight the complexity of the interaction

the structure of infant pointing across cultures.

between heritable predispositions and environ-

Children in Kyoto (Japan), Montaro Valley (Peru),

mental impact in development. As stated earlier, in

Nova Scotia (Canada), Rossel Island (Papua New

humans, the synchronous emergence of pointing

Guinea), Srikakulam (India), and Tzeltal and gestures and the similar frequency of use are likely Yukatec Mayans (Mexico) start pointing around

due to universal learning. The characteristic hand

their first birthday, as reported previously for shape of the index-finger point, however, might be European and American samples. In all settings,

promoted by a heritable predisposition to slightly

the majority of infants uses the specific form of

raise the index finger relative to its neighbor when

index-finger pointing (Callaghan et al., 2011; relaxing the hand (Povinelli & Davis, 1994).

Liszkowski et al., 2012). Evidence that declarative

Amongst great apes, this is only true for humans.

referential communication is to some extent learned

Hence, species differences in the hand shape might

in the context of social interaction (Werner &

be due to heritable predispositions, even if differ-

Kaplan, 1963) comes from the study of individ-

ences in the likelihood with which the general

ual differences within a cultural setting (Gaffan,

behavior is acquired are not. Or, to give another

Martins, Healy, & Murray, 2010; Liszkowski &

example, the likelihood with which human chil-

Tomasello, 2011) and population-level variation dren acquire declarative referential gestures might in some limited features, such as the frequency

be higher than it is for chimpanzees because of

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101

heritable predispositions, causing human children

a particular kind of mutual grooming: the groom-

to interact socially with others in species-unique

ing handclasp (Figure 7.4 B1-2) (van Leeuwen et

ways and promoting the motivations and skills

al., 2012). Hence, chimpanzees display cultural

that benefit the acquisition of pointing (see section

variation in both physical tasks and social behav-

on Uniquely Human Social Cognition). As stated

iors. All together, 39 different behaviors have been

earlier, the examples given here are not meant to

documented to vary across a set of six wild chim-

be an adequate description of the complex inter-

panzee populations. The behaviors might be pres-

play of heritable predispositions and environmen-

ent in one and absent in another population or vary

tal impact, but they are a first step in the right

in their specific local instantiation (Whiten et al.,

direction. In this spirit, the universal features of

1999).

human declarative referential communication

In comparison to all these cases, however,

seem to be largely due to learning in response to

human cross-cultural variation still appears to

cross-culturally universal features of human social

be unique in both extent and structure. Humans

interaction.

appear to display a wider repertoire of behaviors

By documenting the dynamics of the emergence

that vary more distinctly across communities and

of cross-cultural variation—or its absence—through

of which a larger subsection are socially acquired

combining cross-cultural with developmental and

(Pagel & Mace, 2004). This difference between

comparative data, we learn about the structure of

human and nonhuman behavioral and cognitive

the cognitive ability itself and, maybe more impor-

variability demands an explanation. The human

tantly, the dynamics of the interplay between cul-

capacity for cultural variability must root in a set of

tural context and inherited predispositions during

characteristics that enable, structure, and stabilize

the emergence of adult cognition. This emergence

cultural variation beyond what can be observed in

is structured by learning mechanisms and biases

other primates. This foundation of cultural behav-

that guide the transmission of cultural knowl-

ior must be universal across all humans. Again,

edge and mediate the impact of the environment

a developmental perspective is of great benefit

on the developing child. It is in these mechanisms

here: childhood is when individuals acquire many

and biases where we must seek the explanation for

of the most important culture-specific behaviors

the extensive cultural variability that identifies the

and abilities. Species differences in the structure of

human species.

early development (see section on The Phylogeny

of Cognitive Development) and differences in the

The Phylogeny of Cultural Variation

capacities, strategies, and biases relevant for social

For a long time, it was thought that no other

learning in this period (see section on Uniquely

animal species showed anything resembling human

Human Social Cognition) are at the core of most

culture. But detailed and long-term studies of vari-

accounts explaining uniquely human cultural vari-

ous animal species in their natural habitats have

ability. By the same methodological triangulation

established that they, too, form distinct social, or

of cross-cultural, developmental, and compara-

perhaps cultural, groups with multiple behavioral

tive approaches, we can identify those character-

differences (Allen, Weinrich, Hoppitt, & Rendell,

istics of early development that are both unique to

2013; Boughman & Wilkinson, 1998; Hunt &

humans among the great apes, but universal across

Gray, 2003; van Schaik et al., 2003; Whiten et

all humans and might therefore serve as defining

al., 1999). Arguably, some of the most detailed

features of the human species.

and convincing recent evidence for nonhuman

culture—defined as socially acquired, population-

The Phylogeny of Cognitive Development

specific behavior (Perry, 2006)—comes from the

One important example of a unique and uni-

study of two of our closest phylogenetic relatives:

versal human characteristic is the prolonged

chimpanzees (Luncz, Mundry, & Boesch, 2012;

cranial ontogeny in human infants relative to

van Leeuwen, Cronin, Haun, Mundry, & Bodamer,

the other African great apes (Hublin, 2005): in

2012) and orangutans (Krützen, Willems, & human evolution, the evolutionary trend toward van Schaik, 2011). Chimpanzee populations, for

increasing brain size favored wide pelvises in

example, vary in their relative preferences for stone

females to secure the mother’s and infant’s safety

(Figure 7.4 A1) and wooden tools (Figure 7.4 A2)

during birth. At the same time, bipedalism

for cracking nuts (Luncz et al., 2012) and in the

required increasingly narrow pelvises for stabil-

propensity and the style with which they engage in

ity during locomotion. Likely as a result of these

102

Compa r at i v e a nD Dev elopmenta l a nt hropology

A1

A2

B1

B2

Fig. 7.4 Culture in chimpanzee: (A) Chimpanzee populations vary in their relative preferences for stone (A1) and wooden tools (A2) for cracking nuts (Luncz, Mundry, & Boesch, 2012). Photographs by Mark Linfield. (B) Chimpanzee populations vary in the propensity and the style with which they engage in a particular kind of mutual grooming: the grooming handclasp (van Leeuwen, Cronin, Haun, Mundry, & Bodamer, 2012). Two examples of styles are palm-to-palm (B1) and wrist-to-wrist (B2). Photographs by Daniel Haun and Edwin van Leeuwen.

two developments, human children are born at an

Therefore, human children may be expected to

early stage of brain development relative to other

adapt to the local circumstance much more easily

African great ape species (Hublin, 2005). Thus,

for a longer period than, say, young chimpanzees

the infant’s head still fits through the mother’s

do (Bruner, 1972).

narrower pelvis without compromising the trend

Humans’ cognitive development differs from

toward bigger brains. Whereas chimpanzee brains

that of other African great apes also in other ways.

are already 45% of the average adult size at birth

Research has shown that on physical cognition

and 85% of the adult size at 1 year of age, the

tasks, humans, chimpanzees, and bonobos perform

human brain is only 25% of the adult size at

at the same level at 2 years of age, but by 4 years

birth, increasing to around 55% 1 year later. It

children have advanced whereas chimpanzees and

takes humans up to 6 years to reach 85% of the

bonobos remain at their 2-year-old performance

average adult brain size (Hublin, 2005). So the

levels. On social cognition tasks, in contrast, chil-

major growth period of the human brain—the

dren outperform chimpanzees and bonobos already

time when it is maximally plastic—takes place

at 2 years, and this difference is even bigger by

outside the womb, where children are much more

4 years. In other words, pattern and pace of cogni-

exposed to their physical and social environment.

tive development differ between humans and other

h au n

103

apes, particularly in the social domain (Wobber,

phenomenon has come to be called overimitation

Herrmann, Hare, Wrangham, & Tomasello, (Lyons, Young, & Keil, 2007). It emerges in the 2013). Hence, both the prolonged timing and the

second year of life (Nielsen, 2006) and becomes

focus on the social domain in human development

increasingly pervasive through the preschool period

might benefit the individuals’ internalization of

(McGuigan, Whiten, Flynn, & Horner, 2007).

the surrounding social environment and result in

One recent study has replicated these findings

increased cross-cultural variation.

in Bushman communities of the South African

Kalahari Desert (Nielsen & Tomaselli, 2010),

Uniquely Human Social Cognition

reporting striking similarities in performance to

Recent studies have identified several human prior samples. Kalahari San children’s perfor-social behaviors that appear to have no corresponding

mance, similar to that of children from US and

match in other primates. Examples are pretend play

UK/European samples, was unaffected by age, the

or fictional games that children invent together with

cultural background of the model, or the children’s

a play partner (Rakoczy, Warneken, & Tomasel o,

opportunity to learn on their own how to operate

2008); joint attention, featuring mutual y recog-

the apparatuses (Nielsen & Tomaselli, 2010).

nized shared attention to an external object (Bruner,

1998; Tomasel o, Carpenter, Cal , Behne, & Mol ,

False Belief Reasoning

2005); shared intentionality, featuring col aborative

Maybe the most frequently discussed ability that

interactions in which participants share psychologi-

distinguishes humans from other great apes is the

cal states with one another (Searle, 1995; Tomasel o

ability to take the mental perspective of others (Call

et al., 2005); false belief reasoning or understanding

& Tomasello, 2008). Some of the many abilities

that others might hold beliefs about the world that

summarized under the term “theory of mind” have

are untrue (Call & Tomasel o, 2008); social prefer-

homologues in other great apes, but humans show

ence, preferring to do things together over doing the

an extraordinary facility with making inferences

same thing alone (Rekers et al., 2011); overimitation,

about the beliefs of others and, in particular, false

the tendency to copy actions faithful y, including un-

beliefs (Call & Tomasello, 2008). Understanding

or counterproductive aspects (Horner & Whiten,

that others have a false belief requires the individual

2005); normative conformity, the tendency to change

to understand that others’ representations contra-

ones behavior to others to avoid negative social con-

dict not only one’s own, but also reality. Because

sequences (Haun & Tomasel o, 2011; Haun, van

being able to do so requires a true representation of

Leeuwen, & Edelson, 2013); natural pedagogy, the

another individual’s mental state, false belief under-

sensitivity to a restricted set of communicative signals

standing is seen as sign for a fully fledged theory of

as indicative of a teaching context (Csibra & Gergely,

mind (Wellman, Cross, & Watson, 2001).

2009); and norm psychology, the tendency to adhere

In recent years, several studies have compared

to, enforce, and redress violations of the shared understanding of others’ false beliefs across dif-behavioral standards of one’s community (Chudek &

ferent human cultures (Avis & Harris, 1991;

Henrich, 2011; Rakoczy & Schmidt, 2013). Because

Callaghan et al., 2005; Knight, Sousa, Barrett, &

these behaviors are proposed to be nonexistent in

Atran, 2004; Liu, Wellman, Tardif, & Sabbagh,

the other great apes, PCMs cannot reconstruct LCA

2008; Vinden, 1996; 1999). All of these stud-

states given the lack of similarities across species.

ies relied on a highly language-dependent narra-

Nevertheless, some of these behaviors emerge early

tive task—the so-called Sally-Anne Task (SAT;

in ontogeny and have been shown to vary little across

Wimmer & Perner, 1983). In this task, children

cultures. Overimitation, false belief reasoning, and

are presented with a story in which Sally hides

normative conformity are three such examples.

her marble in her box and then leaves the room.

While Sally is gone, Anne moves the marble

Overimitation

from Sally’s box to her own basket. When Sally

If chimpanzees copy the particular actions of

returns shortly after, children are asked where

their conspecifics (i.e., imitate), they appear to they expect she might look for her marble. If do so infrequently and with relatively low fidelity

children understand that Sally holds a false belief

(Tennie, Call, & Tomasello, 2009). Children, in

about the location of her marble, they will predict

contrast, tend to copy actions faithfully, even those

Sally will search in her box. Many, however, see

aspects that are superfluous or disadvantageous the usage of story-based tasks in a cross-cultural (Horner & Whiten, 2005; Nielsen, 2006). This

setting as highly problematic (Lillard, 1998). It

104

Compa r at i v e a nD Dev elopmenta l a nt hropology

can be expected that the problems of translat-

heterogeneity (Henrich & Boyd, 1998). Adults across

ing stories into foreign languages, including not

a wide variety of cultures (Bond & Smith, 1996), as

only mistakes, but also the required adaptations

well children as young as 4 years of age (Haun &

to cultural sensitivities, will render results unreli-

Tomasel o, 2011), adjust their responses to a con-

able (Segall, Dasen, Berry, & Poortinga, 1990).

spicuously erroneous group of peers. Furthermore,

Furthermore, children across cultures might well

humans appear to conform based on two different

vary in how readily they are able and willing to

motivations: informational and normative motiva-

answer questions about others mental states and

tions (Deutsch & Gerard, 1955). Informational

likely behavior, but not in their understanding of

conformers conform to maximize performance (“the

others’ false beliefs per se.

majority must be correct”). Normative conformers

Two recent studies applied nonverbal tests conform because of the social benefits of conform-either adapted from a design previously used with

ing relative to dissenting. Although it has been shown

nonhuman great apes (Haun, Girndt, Liebal, &

that chimpanzees will learn from the majority when

Kaminski, in preparation) or with preverbal infants

acquiring a novel task (Haun, Rekers, & Tomasel o,

(Barrett et al., 2013). Both studies report very little

2012), chimpanzees, in contrast to human children

cross-cultural variability in performance. In the first

as young as 2 years of age, do not adjust their behav-

study, children played a competitive game against an

iour to the majority, if such a change is not accom-

experimenter in which they could maximize their

panied by an increase in payoffs (Haun, Rekers &

winnings if they correctly predicted their opponents

Tomasel o, 2014; Van Leeuwen, Cronin, Schütte,

behavior based on their understanding of the oth-

Call & Haun 2013). Although some studies have

er’s mental states. Four- to seven-year-old children

even claimed humanlike conformity in nonhuman

from three communities were compared—Leipzig

primates (Hopper, Schapiro, Lambeth, & Brosnan,

(Germany), ǂAkhoe Haiǁom (Northern Namibia),

2011; van de Waal, Borgeaud, & Whiten, 2013;

and Safotu (Western Samoa). Several studies have

Whiten, Horner, & de Waal, 2005; but see Haun

previously noted a delay in Samoan children’s acqui-

et al., 2013; van Leeuwen & Haun, 2013 and van

sition of false belief reasoning (Callaghan et al.,

Leeuwen & Haun, 2014, for a critical perspective),

2005; Mayer & Träuble, 2013) using narrative-based

no study to date has convincingly shown a nonhu-

tests. However, children from all three cultures man primate conform based on normative motiva-showed identical levels of performance when apply-

tions. Because normative conformity has been shown

ing false-belief reasoning in a competitive social

in humans early in development and in adults across

game (Haun et al., in preparation). The second study

cultures, species differences in the motivations under-

used a set of so-called spontaneous-response tasks

lying conformity might be a contributing factor to

(Baillargeon, Scott, & He, 2010). These include pref-

species differences in cross-cultural variation.

erential looking tasks, anticipatory looking tasks,

and violation of expectation tasks. Again, this study

Conclusion

found identical performance in all tasks across chil-

Human cognition varies substantially on a popu-

dren aged 2–4 years from three traditional societ-

lation level. It is important to consider however, that

ies: the Salar community in China, a Shuar/Colono

the presence or absence of population-level variation

community in Ecuador, and a Yasawan community

in any given cognitive skill alone is not indicative

in Fiji (Barrett et al., 2013). The two studies seem to

of the developmental dynamics of said skill. Despite

indicate that children across highly varied cultures

recurrent appearances of such arguments in the lit-

become proficient interpreters of others’ beliefs.

erature, the presence of cross-cultural variation in a

cognitive trait is no indicator that the acquisition of

Normative Conformity

that trait is not structured by heritable predisposi-

Humans do not just learn from others as all great

tions. Equally, the absence of cross-cultural variation

apes do—they conform to them. Humans will alter

in a cognitive trait is no indicator that its acquisi-

their opinions or behavior to match that of their

tion is impervious to environmental influence and

peers, even if those peers are conspicuously wrong

that it emerges based on heritable predispositions

(Asch, 1956; Bond & Smith, 1996), an effect dubbed

alone. To understand the relative contributions of

“conformity” (Asch, 1956) or sometimes even “strong

heritable predispositions and the environment, a

conformity” (Haun & Tomasel o, 2011). Such con-

combined approach using cross-cultural, compara-

formity moves groups toward behavioral homogene-

tive, and developmental studies is helpful because

ity while at the same time stabilizing between-group

it makes visible certain recurrent dynamics of the

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110

Compa r at i v e a nD Dev elopmenta l a nt hropology

C H A P T E R

The Emergence and Development

8 of Language Across Cultures

Stanka A. Fitneva and Tomoko Matsui

Abstract

Children growing up in vastly different cultural contexts acquire language. To many, this strongly suggests that the mechanisms of language development are universal. Yet it is also possible that, at least to some extent, children develop language in idiosyncratic ways. This possibility is motivated by seeing language as a cultural tool and its development as part of broader processes of enculturation and socialization. In the first part of this chapter, the authors emphasize the sensitivity of language development to social factors. This sensitivity leads both to common principles of language development and variability in development. In the second part of the chapter, the authors focus on the development of linguistic tools related to the management of interactions, such as expressions of affective and epistemic stance and politeness. They conclude by considering the scope, nature, and methods of examining the relation between language development and culture.

Key Words: language development, culture, socialization, emotion, epistemic expressions, politeness, indirect directives

A 6-year-old’s request was proving to be decep-

the information. So, first-hand information, such

tively easy to oblige. “Tell me about my Bulgarian

as a personal memory, is marked differently than

ancestors,” she asks. Mom (the first author) starts

information obtained from others. Mom consid-

with the girl’s grandparents, but she quickly gets

ers “fought in the war apparently.” She has never

steered to those who are not with the living any-

doubted that Dyado had fought in World War II,

more. Dyado Petar, a great grandfather, has so this phrase does not sound right either. But now recently passed away, so it is his story that has to

that she thinks about it, Dyado never talked about

be told. Mom goes over the finite stock of memo-

the experience. Can she shoulder the responsibil-

ries from her childhood. Then comes the inevitable

ity of feeding her daughter some family legend?

“Tell me more! Tell me more!” So, time for the

Then again, nobody has questioned the story. As

stories heard from relatives and neighbors. “Dyado

the saying goes, when in Rome do as the Romans

also… . ” Mom stops in her tracks. She wants to

do. “Dyado fought in the war” gets blurted out fol-

say “fought in the war.” She recognizes the topic

lowed by the more sensible “Let’s go to sleep now.”

would lead to way too many questions, and she

Language is an important part of culture: it

wants to go to sleep. But it is not the topic as much

embodies culturally specific concepts, it supports

as how the expression sounds that stops her. It takes

meaning-making and meaning sharing among

her a second to recognize the reason: evidentials.

individuals, and it facilitates the intergenera-

Bulgarian, like a number of other languages, has

tional transfer of other cultural components (e.g.,

grammatical markers (think of the “-ed” tense tool and symbol use, customs, and art). As the marker in English) that indicate the source of story in the previous paragraph illustrates, in 111

different cultures, there are different ways to talk

handed down cultural ingredients and invent new

about events. In learning a language, children

ones. Because of the breadth of any definition of

learn not just a system of sounds, sound-meaning

culture, here we focus on its social-interactional

mappings, and a grammar, but also how to be

layer. Our goal is to illustrate both the sensitivity

participants in their culture. Although language

of language development to social factors and how

competence is rarely a developmental target for

in learning language children acquire tools to man-

either children or caregivers, becoming a compe-

age their interactions. In this, we follow the defini-

tent member of one’s social group is, and conse-

tion of language socialization offered by Ochs and

quently, so is language use.

Schieffelin (1984) as encompassing socialization

Since the cognitive revolution in the 1950s, through the use of language and socialization to the dominant view in psychology and linguistics

use language.

has been that language is an organ of the body—

In the first part of this chapter, we focus on the

a part of the brain dubbed “universal grammar”

place of social factors in the mechanisms of lan-

(Chomsky, 1965; Pinker, 1994). This tradition capi-

guage development. We consider these factors in

talizes on the powerful observation that no matter

relation to universal features of language knowl-

where children are born, they develop an ability to

edge, such as the development of knowledge of

communicate using language and that there are

language-specific phonology, the construction

deep similarities in the way languages work. As

of word-referent links, and the construction of a

with any other body organ, the key mechanism for

vocabulary containing different lexical categories.

language development is the human genetic code

Even though children share these learning objec-

and maturational processes. The universal gram-

tives, we see that culture may influence their attain-

mar tradition emphasizes syntax as the defining

ment. In the second part of the chapter, we focus

feature of language. Although input is afforded a

on the development of several classes of linguistic

role (e.g., in learning vocabulary and setting syntac-

expressions that show considerable cross-linguistic

tic parameters), this role is limited and uninterest-

variability: expressions of affective and epistemic

ing. Pragmatics—the area of linguistics concerned

stance and expressions of politeness. We have

with language use, which is most likely to be influ-

selected them as features that relate transparently to

enced by culture—is mostly outside the interests of

social interaction patterns, even though language

researchers working within this framework.

development research has not consistently pursued

This chapter adopts the sociocultural perspec-

those relations. They allow us to trace the develop-

tive which, in contrast to the universal grammar

ment of cultural competence within language use.

perspective, foregrounds the differences between

Our review of language development is thus

languages and the relation between language and

quite selective. We touch on phonology, semantics,

culture (von Humboldt, 1999; Vygotsky, 1962).

and pragmatics, but we do not aim for depth or

Rather than as an organ of the body, the socio-

to assess competing theories for the phenomena

cultural perspective views language as a tool. As

we describe. Instead, our aim is to highlight how

with any other tool, children have to learn how to

culture—broadly construed—may contribute to

use it—use that can be and is taught. In contrast

children’s language development. We draw exten-

to universal grammar, the sociocultural perspec-

sively from the pioneering work of Elinor Ochs and

tive asserts that language development cannot be

Bambi Schieffelin who have examined language

understood outside the context of culture. Rather,

socialization with respect to a variety of linguistic

it is viewed as a process of socialization through

and cultural phenomena (e.g., Ochs, 1988; Ochs &

which the child becomes a competent community

Schieffelin, 1984; 1994; Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986).

member.

With respect to development, it could be use-

Social Underpinnings of Language

ful to view culture as a medium constituted of

Development

historically accumulated tools that are organized

In this section, we highlight aspects of language

to support human growth (Cole, 1995). Culture

development suggesting that it is both highly

encompasses the system of beliefs, knowledge, and

attuned to social signals and robust to social varia-

practices and the collection of material artifacts of a

tion. Children master language around the world

community. It is stable because it is maintained over

even though there is significant variability in how

generations via social learning and teaching, but it

language is used, how it is taught, and, conse-

is not static because every generation can modify

quently, how they learn it.

112

t he emergenCe a nD Dev elopment of l a nguage aCroSS Cu lt ur eS

Social Sensitivity

sessions, the infants were tested on a Mandarin

Infants are well equipped for the task of language

phonetic contrast that does not occur in English.

learning from birth. This preparedness involves

The infants not only performed better than a con-

giving special status to speech and people. Prenatal

trol group that did not have exposure to Mandarin,

exposure to language, in particular, is linked to

but also showed the same level of discrimina-

newborns’ preference for speech over other sounds,

tion as same-age Mandarin-learning infants and

to preference for their mother’s voice, and to pref-

retained the contrast for several days. However,

erence for their native language (Byers-Heinlein,

when 9-month-old English-learning infants were

Burns, & Werker, 2010; May, Byers-Heinlein, exposed to Mandarin by audio only or television Gervain, & Werker, 2011). In addition, infants

(combining audio and visual information), they

display innate interest in human faces (Mondloch

did not learn the Mandarin phonemic contrast.

et al., 1999). This visual bias naturally draws atten-

Kuhl et al. used the term “social gating” to refer

tion to the source of speech and has consequences

to the constraint exercised by social factors and

for speech perception and segmentation (e.g., proposed two explanations for it. The first is that Mitchel & Weiss, 2010). It also underlies the pro-the live interaction increased infants’ motivation to

cess of joint attention, which is implicated in word

learn by increasing their attention and arousal. The

learning (Baldwin, Markman, Bill, Desjardins, &

second is that the live interaction provided specific

Irwin, 1996). While these biases facilitate language

information that fostered learning (e.g., the speak-

learning, the computations that newborns need

er’s eye gaze and pointing coupled with interactive

to perform to extract the phonetic, semantic, and

contingency). Either way, the attunement of speech

syntactic categories of the language they are learn-

perception skills appears to be deeply affected by

ing are complex. Social factors may influence these

the social context.

computations, for example, by drawing children’s

The role of social factors in word learning rep-

attention to relevant aspects of the signal. Recent

resents a much longer research tradition. On one

evidence for such processes come from the domains

hand, this research has shown that adults attempt

of phonological and semantic development.

to facilitate children’s language learning (in cultur-

A well-established phenomenon in the first

ally conditioned ways), for example, through using

year of life is the attunement of perception to

child-directed speech, creating joint attention

the phonology of the language children acquire.

situations, and structuring predictable environ-

Although at birth infants make categorical dis-

ments, which helps children understand the lan-

tinction between phonemes regardless of the guage accompanying the situations (Bruner, 1981; language they come from, by the end of the

Fernald, 1989; Tomasello & Todd, 1983). On the

first year, they only discriminate phonemes other hand, this research has shown that children from their native language (Kuhl, Williams, are sensitive to the social signals provided by adults.

Lacerda, Stevens, & Lindblom, 1992; Werker For instance, by the end of their first year, infants

& Tees, 1984). This phenomenon appears to be

follow the speaker’s gaze and pointing gestures,

anchored in children’s sensitivity to the statisti-

and, by 18 months, they exploit these cues in learn-

cal distribution of sounds in their environment.

ing word–object mappings (Baldwin, 1991).

Maye, Werker, and Gerken (2002) demonstrated

More recent research explores how various

that when children are presented with a bimodal

characteristics of informants influence preschool-

distribution of sounds falling on a continuum

ers’ uptake of the labels informants offer for novel

(e.g., da—dha), they make a categorical distinc-

objects. Attention to one’s sources of linguistic

tion between sounds from the two extremes of

knowledge is crucial because language is a system

the distribution. If children are presented with a

of conventions: it exists only in virtue of the agree-

normal, unimodal distribution, they do not make

ment among a community of speakers about sound–

a categorical distinction between the same two

meaning correspondences. Children discriminate

sounds.

informants on a number of characteristics, such

Yet social context also appears to constrain as past accuracy, age, and benevolence of inten-children’s phonological learning. Kuhl and her tions (e.g., Brosseau-Liard & Birch, 2011; Fitneva, colleagues exposed 9-month-old English-learning

2010; Fitneva & Dunfield, 2010; Koenig & Harris,

American infants to 12 live interaction sessions

2005; Liu, Vanderbilt, & Heyman, 2013). Much of

with an adult Mandarin speaker over the course of

this research could be construed as consideration

4–5 weeks (Kuhl, Tsao, & Liu, 2003). After the

for the speakers’ community membership. For

fit neva, m atSu i

113

example, after children observe one adult correctly

reference

label familiar objects and another adult incorrectly

A defining characteristic of language is its ref-

label the same objects, 4-year-olds are more likely

erential nature. In learning to speak, children map

to endorse the labels offered by the previously cor-

sound patterns to concepts denoting categories of

rect adult for unfamiliar objects (Koenig & Harris,

objects, events, properties, and relations. This is

2005). While (mis)labeling of common objects a notoriously difficult task (Quine, 1960), and in may trigger inferences about the knowledge of the

response researchers have proposed innate con-

speakers, it may also trigger broader inferences

straints on word learning (e.g., Markman, 1989)

about their community membership (Diesendruck,

and that children around the world learn words

Carmel, & Markson, 2010). As more direct evi-

the same way (e.g., in joint attention situations;

dence for the importance of community mem-

Baldwin, 1991). Seminal observations by Ochs

bership, English-speaking 3- to 5-year-olds prefer

and Schieffelin (1984) contrasted middle-class US,

informants with a native rather than a foreign

Samoa, and Kaluli (of New Guinea) cultures and

accent (Kinzler, Corriveau, & Harris, 2011).

showed that the context in which children link

Children not only prefer reliable and appropriate

words and meaning vary profoundly, thus chal-

language models but appear to block learning from

lenging a number of these proposals about seman-

unreliable models. Sabbagh and Shafman (2009)

tic learning.

tested preschoolers’ semantic and episodic memory

Ochs and Schieffelin suggested that perhaps

for object labels presented by a speaker who claimed

the key feature of children’s language socialization

knowledge or ignorance of the objects. Although

in middle-class American society is the presump-

children encoded the labeling episode in both con-

tion of personhood. Children are treated as real or

ditions, they established a semantic word-referent

potential addressees and as speakers whose vocal-

link only when the label had been presented by a

izations are meaningful speech acts (e.g., asking,

knowledgeable speaker. This study suggests that

asserting, rejecting). In deciphering the meaning

a social gating mechanism could operate in word

of these vocalizations, mothers and other caregiv-

learning just as it does in perceptual learning. In

ers engage in “mind-reading.” Because infants are

both domains, certain social conditions have to

treated as conversational partners, conversations

be met in order for language learning to proceed.

with them have the prototypical face-to-face turn-

Otherwise, learning may be blocked.

taking structure. Characteristically, American

In sum, in the first year of life, speech percep-

caregivers produce child-directed speech, which

tion abilities grow more readily within than out-

is characterized by grammatical simplicity, posi-

side social interactions, and later, in the preschool

tive affect, and exaggerated intonation. Later, sup-

years, vocabulary growth is constrained by chil-

ported by activities such as book reading, ostensive

dren’s preferences for language models. These con-

teaching of word meaning is common (Sénéchal

straints on language learning help children not

& LeFevre, 2002). These activities also embody

only avoid errors and save on corrective efforts, but

mind-reading: through them, caregivers simplify

also develop knowledge that establishes their place

what they perceive to be a difficult task for young

as members of their communities. As such, these

learners. Several of these features of caregiver–child

constraints may be integral to a broader process set-

communication show positive correlations with

ting the foundation of children’s cultural learning.

language development in experimental studies

(e.g., Fernald & Kuhl, 1987). But are they neces-

Cultural Paths to Language: Reference

sary for language development?

and Vocabulary Structure

Ochs and Schieffelin showed that caregiver–

Phenomena such as social gating highlight child communication in Samoan society is mark-the sensitivity of language learning to social fac-

edly different. Samoan infants are not directly

tors. Here, we focus on two aspects of language

addressed until they begin to crawl. Their vocal-

knowledge—the referential nature of content izations are treated as indications of physiologi-words and a vocabulary consisting of a variety of

cal states rather than as communicative attempts.

word classes—to highlight the variability in lan-

Moreover, when infants begin to crawl, they are

guage learning and its robustness to variation in

addressed with orders, instructions, and negative

the social environment. Although certain aspects

sanctions, and caregivers do not use child-directed

of adult language knowledge are universal, there

speech. Furthermore, the hierarchical structure

appear to be multiple paths to that knowledge.

of Samoan society is reflected in the structure of

114

t he emergenCe a nD Dev elopment of l a nguage aCroSS Cu lt ur eS

conversations involving children. When children

attentional focus of others not just when others

begin to talk, they quickly learn that they have to

directly interact with them, but also when they sim-

address their requests to those with high ranks. But,

ply observe them (see Correa-Chavez, Mangione,

whenever possible, the addressee would instruct a

& Black, this volume, for related cultural differ-

lower ranked caregiver (e.g., an older sibling) to

ences on observational learning). Moreover, chil-

respond. Thus, Samoan children do not receive

dren rely not just on gaze, but also on touch and

responses from their addressees, and turn-taking

posture to detect others’ attentional focus (Akhtar

(dialogue) does not dominate their conversational

& Gernsbacher, 2008). This allows for language

experience.

learning to proceed under vastly different condi-

The Kaluli society presents a third model of

tions of integration of the infant in conversational

language socialization. This is an egalitarian soci-

exchanges.

ety and language is an important tool to establish

and maintain one’s place in it. Thus, Kaluli infants

vocabulary structure

who cannot speak are not regarded as conversa-

Children across cultures acquire the distinction

tion partners. When a mother speaks to her infant,

between grammatical categories such as nouns and

the infant is oriented outward rather than to the

verbs. Vocabulary development varies, however

mother. Mothers also speak for their infants when

(e.g., Bates, 1979; Bloom, Lightbown, & Hood,

the infants are addressed by others. When they

1975; Nelson, 1973). Katherine Nelson observed

do this, mothers use a high-pitched voice but not

that whereas for the majority of English-learning

simplified language (which would undermine the

toddlers she studied vocabularies consisted primar-

position of the child). As in Samoa, child-directed

ily of object labels, for a substantial minority, early

speech is not observed. When Kaluli children begin

vocabularies consisted of formulaic phrases and

to speak, they receive intensive instruction in how

routines (e.g., “stop it” and “I want it”) and included

to perform speech acts like teasing, requesting, and

a much larger proportion of pronouns, verbs, and

reporting, all related to the role that language plays

adjectives. These groups, which Nelson called “ref-

in managing relations in their society. They do

erential” and “expressive,” respectively, show dif-

not receive instructions like American children do

ferent use of language and language development

about how to name objects and events.

trajectories (Nelson, 1981). Children with a referen-

Ochs and Schieffelin’s observations revealed tial style follow the course of language development deeply diverging conceptions of infants and their

familiar from textbooks: first words around the first

verbal behavior. On the side exemplified by the US

birthday, a vocabulary spurt around 18 months,

middle class is the conception of children as inten-

two-word combinations lacking grammatical func-

tional beings: even though deficient in their ability

tion words around age 2, and well-formed sentences

to articulate ideas, their vocalizations are treated as

emerging 6 month later. Characteristically, these

intentional and given meaning and interpretation.

children engage in a lot of naming acts. In contrast,

On the side exemplified by Samoa and Kaluli is the

children with an expressive style produce more

conception of infants as noncommunicative: their

holistic language without going through clearly

vocalizations are not attended to until they are

differentiated stages and use language for a greater

comprehensible. These diverging concepts shape

variety of speech acts (e.g., asking, greeting, com-

profoundly different contexts for children’s learn-

menting, requesting, dis/agreeing).

ing of word-referent links and affect theories about

The difference between referential and expres-

what this learning necessitates.

sive children is an individual difference that can

Research by Nameera Akhtar and her colleagues

be rooted in temperament and cognitive capaci-

demonstrates experimentally that vocabulary can

ties on one side and language input environment

be learned from different forms of input. By age 18

on the other. On the cognitive side, Bates (1979)

months, infants can extract form–meaning map-

argued that the development of language rests on

ping both from speech directed to them and speech

the ability to imitate behavior (even when it is

directed to third parties (Akhtar, 2005; Akhtar,

not well understood) and to decompose wholes

Jipson, & Callanan, 2001). Thus, learning through

into parts. Favoring imitation would naturally

overhearing provides a viable alternative to learn-

result in an expressive style of development and

ing guided by ostensive signaling. In other words,

decomposition in a referential style of develop-

the input to language learning is much broader

ment. On the environment side, expressive chil-

than child-directed speech. Children gauge the

dren are more often second-born children and

fit neva, m atSu i

115

from lower socioeconomic background (Nelson,

within) culture. The evidence suggests both that

1973). Mothers of expressive children are more

social factors play a role in language learning—

likely to ignore their children’s utterances and

in some cases even “gating” learning—and that

respond with formulaic expressions, corrections,

language skills can develop in different social

or directives in comparison to mothers of refer-

settings following different paths. Two points of

ential children who are more likely to respond

cultural variability in particular appear related to

on topic and engage in turn-taking (e.g., Lieven,

differences in children’s language learning: the

1978). Although correlational, these data sug-

conception of the child as a conversational par-

gest that the environment in which children ticipant and the conception of what language is develop may influence the structure of their early

for. Having outlined how social and interaction

vocabularies.

factors relate to language development, we turn

The research on referential and expressive styles

to several domains of language development that

draws attention to individual differences in lan-

relate to children’s ability to effectively partici-

guage development. However, given differences pate in social interaction.

in socialization practices involving turn taking,

ostensive communication, and child-directed Learning to Speak, Learning to Interact

speech, different pathways of development may

Although some interactions among people

be dominant in different cultural communities.

do not involve or require language, many do.

Indeed, the structure of children’s early vocabulary

Conversation accompanies play and work and

varies depending on the language they are acquir-

can stand as an interaction on its own. Not sur-

ing: in some languages (e.g., English), there is a

prisingly, language learning involves learning of

clear dominance of nouns, whereas in others (e.g.,

linguistic forms that directly relate to establishing

Korean, Mandarin), this dominance is not found

and managing interactions, including expressions

(e.g., Brown, 1998; Choi & Gopnik, 1995; Tardif,

of emotion, certainty, and social rank. In this sec-

1996). Many reasons have been identified for this

tion, we focus on several of these forms: (a) linguis-

difference including ones distinguishing the home

tic indexes of affective and epistemic stance and

environment of English-learning children and (b) linguistic indexes of social identity and social Korean- and Mandarin-learning children in ways

acts, which are integral to the expression of polite-

similar to the home environment of referential and

ness in conversation.

expressive learners. For instance, authoritarian par-

enting is more common in the homes of expressive

Linguistic Indexes of Affective

than referential learners and it is also more com-

and Epistemic Stance

mon in East Asian cultures. Thus, individual vari-

Every language has linguistic indexes of

ability in language development may be replicated

affective dispositions (i.e., expressions refer-

at the level of culture.

ring to the feelings and emotions of the speaker

In sum, even though all children develop toward some proposition), as well as indexes of vocabularies encompassing different lexical cat-epistemic stance (i.e., expressions specifying

egories, early language development is extremely

the speaker’s beliefs and knowledge about some

variable. Socialization practices such as teaching

proposition, such as modal verbs and eviden-

children words for particular objects, proper-

tials). These indexes are central features of com-

ties, and actions, book reading (which provides

municative events. They are not always part of

numerous opportunities for introducing and the propositional content of the utterance (i.e., explaining words), and whether and how children

what is intentionally shared by the speaker and

are involved in conversation may not have dras-

can be judged as true or false). However, they

tic effects on language achievement. However,

make a crucial contribution to constructing con-

they may have consequences for how language

texts in which the propositional content should

develops.

be interpreted. For example, they are crucial to

determining whether the speaker is criticizing or

Summary

endorsing that content and whether it is a joke

In this section, we explored the sensitivity of

or serious matter. In other words, indexes of

individual language development to social fac-

affective and epistemic stance help the hearer to

tors and how aspects of language knowledge understand the set of intentions that the utter-may be achieved in different ways across (and

ance is expected to communicate.

116

t he emergenCe a nD Dev elopment of l a nguage aCroSS Cu lt ur eS

indexes of affective stance

Cultures also differ in the emotions emphasized

Indexes of affective stance in language include

in the socialization process. In Polynesian cultures,

paralinguistic cues, such as prosody, and affective

such as Western Samoa, for example, display and

vocabulary. Emotional prosody in infant-directed

recognition of emotion are highly important, and

speech is likely to be universal and recognized

affect-loaded expressions (e.g., curses and profani-

without much experience (Bryant & Barrett, 2007;

ties) are present in most speech acts. Examining

Ferguson, 1964; Fernald, 1991). In fact, some schol-

caregiver–child conversations in Western Samoa,

ars have argued that the primary function of infant-

Ochs (1986) found that Samoan-speaking children

directed speech is the communication of emotion

started using expressions with affect such as ta ita

(Falk, 2004; Fernald, 1989; Trainor, Austin, &

(poor me) and tae (shit) several months before they

Desjardins, 2000). Nevertheless, adultlike under-

started using the corresponding neutral expressions

standing of emotions and attitudes in speech devel-

a’u (I) or leai (no!).

ops over many years. Quam and Swingley (2012)

Clancy (1999) investigated how affect is linguis-

reported that 4-year-olds, but not 2- and 3-year-

tically socialized in Japan by analyzing conversa-

olds, are capable of using prosodic cues to infer the

tional data from three Japanese mother–child pairs

emotional state of the speaker when the speech has

(in which children were between 1 year 11 months

no lexical content (as in “mmm, mm mm mmm”).

and 2 years 5 months old). Three characteristics of

Morton and Trehub (2001) compared older chil-

the Japanese socialization of affect became appar-

dren’s and adults’ ability to identify the emotion in

ent. First, Japanese mothers and children did not

the speaker’s voice when the lexical content and the

use the verb suki (like) to express love for one

prosody of an utterance provide incongruent emo-

another or someone else, unlike English-speaking

tional information (e.g., saying “I am very happy”

mothers and children who use “love” and “like”

with a sad voice). They found that the majority of

to express their feelings for people in the conversa-

4-year-olds and half of 10-year-olds responded on

tion (Brown & Dunn, 1992; Dunn, Bretherton &

the basis of content whereas adults’ judgment was

Munn, 1987). Second, explicit mention of anger by

based exclusively on prosody. Thus, the ability to

the use of the verb okoru (be/get angry) was very

use prosodic cues to judge the speaker’s emotional

rare. Third, while English-speaking 2-year-olds

state involves protracted development.

have never been reported to use expressions of shame

The importance of affective prosody as a cue

and embarrassment, Japanese 2-year-olds and their

to the speaker’s emotional state varies across mothers used the word hazukasii (ashamed/embar-cultures. In European and North American rassed) to criticize socially inappropriate behaviors cultures, a greater proportion of information is

(e.g., passing wind and wetting pants).

conveyed by verbal content than through non-

The early socialization of shame occurs in other

verbal or paralinguistic contextual clues (Hall,

cultures too. Schieffelin (1986) discusses shaming

1976; Kitayama, 2000; Markus & Kitayama, routines in caregiver–child conversations in the 1991). According to Hall (1976), these cultures

Kaluli community. The shaming routines occur

and languages are “low-context.” They contrast

when caregivers become frustrated by the actions of

“high-context” cultures (e.g., many Asian cul-

children who are expected to know better. The rou-

tures). In these cultures, nonverbal and paralin-

tines include name-calling, negative imperatives,

guistic clues such as tone of voice generally have

mock offerings, rhetorical questions, sarcastic state-

greater importance than the verbal content of an

ments, and third-party threats. Shieffelin observed

utterance. In support of this distinction, using

that from about 6 months of age, infants are involved

a Stroop-like task, Ishii, Reyes, and Kitayama

in routines of shaming. When infants are around

(2003) found that Japanese attended to tone of

14 months, caregivers start using expressions such

voice more than to lexical content in judging the

as “Aren’t you ashamed?! ( Go:no: mo:sindilowaba?! )”

emotion conveyed by the speech.

or “Be ashamed! ( Sindiloma! )” in order to teach

Americans showed the opposite pattern. children how to control their actions. And around Furthermore, they found that Tagalog-English age 2, caregivers begin to teach their children how bilinguals in the Philippines attended more to the

to shame younger children. As a result, by age 2,

tone of voice when they did the task in Tagalog

children in the Kaluli community learn how to use

and when they did it in English. Thus, attentional

the expressions of shaming themselves.

biases are more likely to be caused by cultural than

Studies in English-speaking communities

linguistic factors.

show that caregivers’ discussions of emotion with

fit neva, m atSu i

117

their children, including explanation of emo-

different puppets about where the object was. The

tion and responsiveness toward children’s emo-

descriptions of the location were prefixed by I know

tions, predict children’s understanding of emotion

or by I think as in “I know it’s in the red box” or

(Denham, Zoller, & Couchoud, 1994; Dunn, “I think it’s in the blue box.” Four-year-olds were Brown, Slomkowski, Teska, & Youngblade, able to differentiate the degree of speaker certainty 1991; Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad, 1998;

associated with each of the two verbs, whereas

Taumoepeau & Ruffman, 2006; 2008). This offers

3-year-olds were not.

an explanation of the cross-cultural differences in

In Japanese, speaker certainty is most frequently

the time course of acquisition of expressions of

expressed through sentence-ending particles.

affect mentioned earlier. Children who grow up in

Adopting the method used in Moore et al. (1989),

a community in which linguistic display of affect is

Matsui, Yamamoto, and McCagg (2006) presented

encouraged, as in Western Samoa, are more sensi-

preschoolers with hidden object tasks that prompted

tive to linguistic expressions of affect and learn how

them to make decisions based on two conflict-

to display affect linguistically earlier than children

ing utterances, each of which was marked with an

growing up in a community where verbal expres-

expression of a different degree of speaker certainty.

sion of affect is more constrained. Similarly, in

Three-year-olds showed a fairly good understanding

cultures where caregivers use the notion of shame

of the particles of speaker certainty kana (uncer-

frequently to teach children normative behaviors,

tainty) and yo (certainty), but their understanding

as in Japan and Kaluli, children acquire expressions

of the equivalent verbs, omou (think) and shitteiru

of shame earlier.

(know) was poor. Matsui et al. suggested that one

possible reason for the earlier understanding of cer-

indexes of epistemic stance

tainty particles is their input frequency, which was

The information that speakers present in commu-

supported by a frequency analysis of naturalistic

nication varies in quality. This quality can be honestly

mother–child conversation data.

revealed or distorted as a result of interests in elicit-

Cross-cultural difference in children’s under-

ing particular behavior in the addressee or concerns

standing of linguistic markers of certainty was

about reputation and future interactions. Indicating

found in Matsui, Rakoczy, Miura, and Tomasello

the source of information is one way of characterizing

(2009). These authors compared Japanese chil-

information quality, and this is what evidentials, men-

dren’s understanding of linguistic markers of

tioned in the opening of the chapter, do. A number of

speaker certainty with that of German children in

recent investigations in different languages show that

relation to their understanding of the false belief

evidentials are acquired relatively late, between the

of the speaker. Japanese and German 3-year-olds

ages of 6 and 9 or later (Fitneva & Matsui, 2009).

observed a story in which the protagonist ended up

Here, we focus on another index of information qual-

having a false belief about the location of an object.

ity, namely expressions of one’s certainty about the

Then the protagonist told the child in which of two

information which emerge earlier than evidentials.

potential locations he believed the object was hid-

Mental state verbs such as think and know indi-

den. Crucially, in one condition, the protagonist’s

cate specific mental states. However, these verbs

speech was appended by a linguistic marker of cer-

can also be used as expressions of speaker certainty,

tainty (e.g., “Surely the apple is in the blue box and

i.e., as a type of epistemic marker (Shatz, Wellman,

not in the red box,” and in other condition, by a

& Silber, 1983). In fact, English-speaking children

linguistic marker of uncertainty (e.g., “Maybe the

first appear to use think and know to express vary-

apple is in the blue box and not in the red box”).

ing degrees of certainty regarding the content of

Having listened to the protagonist’s speech, the

the complement proposition (Bloom & Beckwith,

child was asked to point at the location where the

1989). Diessel and Tomasello (2001) furthermore

protagonist is going to look for the object first.

found that children use think initially in the par-

Japanese children correctly predicted where the

enthetical formula I think with a meaning similar

protagonist will search for the object first when the

to maybe.

protagonist’s speech included the certainty marker,

Moore, Bryant, and Furrow (1989) tested but their performance was at chance when the English-speaking children’s understanding of speech included the uncertainty marker. German the mental state verbs think and know as epis-children’s predictions were not affected by the cer-

temic markers. They hid an object in one of two

tainty markers in the protagonist’s speech. Thus,

boxes, and children received verbal clues from two

unlike Japanese children, German children were

118

t he emergenCe a nD Dev elopment of l a nguage aCroSS Cu lt ur eS

not sensitive to the linguistic markers of speaker

on two phenomena: (a) acquisition of politeness

certainty. The result indicates that the acquisition

forms and routines and (b) acquisition of indirect

of the linguistic markers of speaker certainty vary

directives.

across cultures. As in the case of emotional expres-

sions, the variability in acquisition is likely related

politeness forms and routines

to the frequency and consistency of the markers in

Acquisition of formulaic expressions of polite-

the input (Matsui et al., 2009).

ness such as “thank you” and “please” requires

understanding of social stance and social norms.

Linguistic Indexes of Social Identity and

These expressions are often categorized as polite-

Social Acts: Linguistic Politeness

ness routines and have been a focus of much

Politeness is a communication phenomenon rec-

research in language socialization (e.g., Burdelski

ognized across cultures (Brown & Levinson, 1987;

& Cook, 2012).

Leech, 2006). Nevertheless, politeness is given dif-

Middle-class mothers in the United States take

ferent definitions by different researchers that vary

an active role in teaching their children politeness

according to the theoretical framework and goal of

routines and expressions. Mother–child conver-

the research (Meier, 1995). The difficulty in defin-

sations show that American mothers frequently

ing politeness may partly be due to the lack of

instruct their children about the use of formulaic

consistency in the forms used to express politeness

expressions of politeness (e.g., “please,” “thank

across cultures and the diversity of functions of dif-

you,” and “excuse me”; Gleason, Perlmann, &

ferent forms. Therefore, here, we take the notion

Grief, 1984; Gleason & Weintraub, 1976; Grief &

of politeness rather broadly to refer to the socially

Gleason, 1980). The ways children acquire polite-

appropriate ways of communicating. The socializa-

ness formulae, therefore, appear to be rather dif-

tion of politeness includes children’s learning of

ferent from the ways they acquire word meaning

linguistic indexes of social identity and social acts

or syntax, for which parents rarely give explicit

(e.g., Burdelski, 2012). According to Ochs (1996),

instructions. By learning how to use politeness

social identity includes understanding a variety formulae appropriately, children learn important of social roles (e.g., speaker, hearer, teacher, doc-social rules as well as stylistic variations.

tor), relationships (e.g., kinship, occupational),

Studies on the acquisition of politeness forms

group identity (e.g., gender, class, ethnic), and rank

and routines outside English-speaking com-

(e.g., employer and employee). Social acts, on the

munities also suggest that caregivers’ explicit

other hand, refer to a variety of socially recognized

instructions, modeling, and prompting facili-

goal-directed behaviors, such as request, offer, and

tate early acquisition of politeness formulae.

compliment.

Demuth (1986) reports that Basotho caregiv-

Ochs (1996) suggests that children quickly ers often use their prompting routines to teach learn linguistic indexes for the social identities of

young children (2- to 3-year-olds) how to use

the people they are talking to as well as particu-

politeness formulae for thanking, greeting, and

lar expressions of sociocommunicative acts. For

respect for elders, among others. According to

example, in the highly stratified society of Western

Clancy (1986), Japanese caregivers frequently

Samoa, by the time children reach the two-word

use explicit instructions and modeling to teach

stage, they understand the social rank indexed by

young children (1- to 2-year-olds) when to use

verbs such as sau (come) and alu (go), which are

a specific politeness formula because Japanese

used only in directives to inferiors, and aumai

is particularly rich in formulaic expressions of

(give, as in beggining), which is used in the impera-

politeness. Japanese caregivers’ explicit modeling

tive and addressed to kin regardless of status. Many

and instructions to teach verbal and nonverbal

other studies have also demonstrated that children

expressions of gratitude and politeness may pre-

develop understanding of culturally specific rules

pare young Japanese children to function well in

of linguistic politeness between the ages of 2 and 5

a culture that values conformity.

(Ochs, 1988; Schieffelin, 1990; Shatz & Gelman,

Japanese children also have to learn the polite

1973). One of the most intriguing questions that

and formal form of predicates called “masu

politeness raises is whether explicit instructions are

form” (Clancy, 1986; Cook, 1997 Fukuda, 2005;

required for children to learn polite language. In

Nakamura, 1996). The masu form belongs to the

the following paragraphs, we review some of the

linguistic category of “addressee honorifics” ( tein-

existing findings about this questions by focusing

eigo in Japanese). Addressee honorifics register

fit neva, m atSu i

119

formality and politeness and are contrasted with

where girls are usually found to be more polite

the plain forms that register informality and casu-

than boys (Sachs, 1987; Kyratzis & Guo, 1996).

alness. As such, when addressee honorifics are used

Ladegaard (2004) points out that Danish chil-

in conversation, they indicate the speaker’s consid-

dren may have less adult contact and spend more

eration and respect for the addressee. The speaker

time with peers than do children in other Western

needs to consider several social indexes in order

countries and suggests that such upbringing may

to understand when and how to use the addressee

explain why both boys and girls in Denmark use

honorifics, including social position, power, age,

fewer politeness routines than children in the

and sex of the addressee. In addition, more dynamic

United States and Japan.

social factors such as ingroup/outgroup distinction

and the topic of conversation seem to determine the

indirect directives

appropriateness of their usage.

One of the central topics of research on the

Cook (1997) investigated how often and in what

acquisition of linguistic politeness has been chil-

situations caregivers use the masu form with their

dren’s understanding and use of indirect directives

children. The analysis of caregiver–child conversa-

(Ervin-Tripp & Gordon, 1986). In the framework

tions revealed that, most of the time, caregivers use

of speech act theory, directives, which include

plain forms, which are informal and casual, when

commands, requests, and orders, are defined as

they talk to their children. Although the masu

speech acts in which the speaker attempts to make

form was only occasionally used, the function of

the hearer change a state of affairs (Searle, 1976).

the polite form in caregiver–child conversation was

Indirect directives (e.g., “Can you pass me the

clear: caregivers used the masu form in order to

salt?”) are typically considered more polite than

express their responsibilities in the household (e.g.,

their direct counterparts (e.g., “Pass me the salt”),

serving food, teaching social norms, and scolding)

but they are harder to process (Clark & Lucy, 1975).

and to present themselves as public selves (e.g.,

Studies focusing on English-speaking infants’

quoting someone else’s speech). Children them-

and toddlers’ understanding of indirect directives

selves tended to use the masu form in the context of

in naturalistic conversation with their caregivers

role-play (Cook, 1997; Fukuda, 2005). By 3 years

demonstrates that by 2 years of age, children can

of age, their choice of the masu form was appro-

interpret indirect requests (e.g., “Why don’t you …”,

priate and revealed basic sociocultural knowledge

“Can you …”) as a call to action (Bucciarelli, Colle,

about the use of polite language in conversation.

& Bara, 2003; Ervin-Tripp, 1970; Shatz, 1978).

Peer interactions may also play a role in chil-

An experimental study by Reeder (1980) revealed

dren’s learning of how to be polite. According to

that English-speaking children can distinguish the

Burdelski (2010), teachers at Japanese preschools

illocutionary force of requests and offers between

often encourage children to engage in polite-

2;6 and 3;0. For example, the utterance “Would

ness routines with peers and discuss how to use

you like to play on the train?” can be interpreted

verbal and nonverbal expressions of politeness by

either as a request to play on the train (e.g., “I

using explicit instructions and prompting. Many

want you to play on the train”) or an offer of an

children in the preschool he observed engaged in

opportunity to play (e.g. “I will let you play on the

politeness routines such as greeting, leave-taking,

train”) according to the context. In another study,

offer/invitation, appreciation, compliance, and Ledbetter and Dent (1988) compared preschoolers’

apology. He also reports that some children were

understanding of direct requests, indirect embed-

trying to encourage peers to join politeness rou-

ded requests, and “hint requests” (e.g., “The water

tines by prompting them with what to say.

is spilling …”). They found that 5-year-olds com-

Nevertheless, children’s use of politeness rou-

plied with all request forms more frequently than

tines in kindergartens or preschools may be quite

did 3-year-olds. In addition, children who had

different from that in a family environment. higher language comprehension ability were found Ladegaard (2004) demonstrates that young chil-to be better at understanding syntactically complex

dren in Denmark tend to use unmitigated obliges

requests. Thus, understanding of indirect direc-

(an utterance that demands a response from the lis-

tives begins to develop during the early preschool

tener, including questions, directives, prohibitions,

period.

and imperatives) more often than mitigated ones.

Children’s ability to use indirect directives

Furthermore, he found that the tendency was the

appropriately develops more slowly. James (1978)

same for boys and girls, unlike in the United States,

elicited English-speaking children’s commands

120

t he emergenCe a nD Dev elopment of l a nguage aCroSS Cu lt ur eS

and requests to three types of addressees (an adult,

be fully grasped. In this section, we briefly high-

a peer, and younger child). Four- and five-year-olds

light three salient questions: what is the scope of

adjusted the level of politeness of their commands

the influence of culture on language development?

according to the addressee’s age but when they

What is the mechanism of this influence? And

requested a favor they used the polite forms regard-

to what methods and sources of evidence should

less of the addressee’s age. In contrast, Georgalidou

researchers direct their attention?

(2008) showed that Greek preschoolers reveal

rarely used polite directives with either their teach-

Scope

ers or their peers (although they knew how to use

Given the role of syntax as a defining feature of

the polite directive forms). Axia and Baroni (1985)

(although they knew how to use polite directives)

analyzed spontaneous requests made by Italian

language in generativist theories, one may wonder

children (5-, 7-, and 9-year-olds) in different social

whether culture may influence the development of

circumstances. They found that whereas 7-year-

syntactic knowledge. Initial proposals here raised

olds could use indirect requests after less polite,

skepticism. For example, Bruner (1981) argued that

direct requests failed, only 9-year-olds could adjust

children may extract structural word-order knowl-

their use of indirect requests according to the edge from interactions in which adults enact the context.

meaning of sentences. However, both blind and deaf

One of the reasons why it takes time for children

children, for whom audio-visual correspondences

to be able to use indirect directives appropriately

are largely unavailable, develop syntactic knowledge

may be that, unlike socialization of politeness rou-

(e.g., Goldin Meadow & Mylander, 1998; Landau &

tines, there is little explicit instruction or prompt-

Gleitman, 1985). Thus, adults’ enactment of mean-

ing on the part of caregivers as to when to choose

ing is clearly not necessary for syntactic development.

more polite alternatives. Still, by 9 or 10 years of

Contemporary sociopragmatic accounts of

age, children seem to acquire the culturally spe-

syntactic development (e.g., Tomasello, 2000)

cific rules of when to use indirect directives. For

emphasize children’s early-emerging social com-

instance, Hungarian and Norwegian are character-

petencies, for instance, children’s ability to draw

ized by a direct and an indirect style respectively

inferences about speakers’ communicative intent

of expressing needs and desires. Correspondingly,

and their motivation to share meaning. They also

Hungarian children (4–10 years) typically express

emphasize children’s robust capacities for statis-

their requests and commands in a rather direct

tical analysis of the input and the environment

way, whereas Norwegian children (4–10 years) (Saffran, 2003). Together, children’s social com-adopt more indirect ways to issue directives when

petencies and statistical computation capacities

the relationship between the speaker and addressee

enable them to discover not just the meaning of

is not intimate (Hollos & Beeman, 1978).

words but also the communicative purpose of dif-

ferent language structures and, thus, the latent

Summary

structural organization of language. As an exam-

Mastering the languistic tools that allow us to

ple, consider Ochs and Schieffelin’s (1994) find-

navigate communicative interaction successfully—

ing of discrepancies in the frequencies with which

understanding and expressing emotion, certainty,

parents and children produce certain structures.

and politeness—shows early origins and protracted

As mentioned earlier, young Samoan children

development. The evidence for early sensitivity in

use the first-person affect-marked pronoun ta ita

these domains testifies to their importance in struc-

(poor I/ poor me) earlier and more often than

turing communicative interaction cross-culturally.

the neutral form a’u (I) . The latter, however, is

The evidence for protracted development attests

much more common in adult speech. Ochs and

to the complexity of communication. Protracted

Schieffelin argue that children’s use of ta ita

development may be adaptive in allowing for reflects their understanding of the social indexi-the development of skills that have to be flexibly

cality of linguistic forms. Young Samoan children

applied to different situations.

are at the bottom of the social hierarchy and are

expected to engage in begging. Statistical analy-

Future Directions

sis of the environments in which different forms

Children grow in a cradle of social interac-

are used could further support children’s learn-

tions. Yet the relation of language development to

ing of forms appropriate for their social standing

social and more broadly cultural factors remains to

and the tasks that they have to accomplish. Thus,

fit neva, m atSu i

121

recent sociopragmatic accounts provide a promis-

and how they do this. Second-language learning

ing framework for investigating the role of social

research may provide a window into language–cul-

factors on syntactic development.

ture relations that are also present in first-language

learning but perhaps invisible because children are

Mechanism

born open to any culture and language.

What is the nature of the mechanism through

Following sociocultural theories,

which culture influences language development?

second-language educators have been empha-

Some of the evidence we presented could be inter-

sizing building cultural understanding in

preted as suggesting that social factors play a neces-

second-language learners (e.g., Lantolf, 2000).

sary role in language learning (e.g., social gating

Beyond the relatively transparent effect that under-

in phonological and semantic development). This

standing culture-specific communication practices

contrasts with positions that social factors are (e.g., of greeting and turn-taking routines) may simply contributing to language development. have on language development, cultural under-Information-integration theories (e.g., Hollich standing may facilitate grammatical learning.

et al., 2000) as well as dynamic systems theories

For example, greater attention to context may be

cast most constraints on language development,

more important for learning a pro-drop language

including social factors, as soft—contributing but

or a language allowing null arguments than a lan-

not necessary—constraints. The advantage of these

guage in which all arguments of the verb have to be

proposals is that they recognize the redundancy

overtly realized. Attention to status and mastering

in the information sources constraining language

a system of interactions based on status is required

learning. They also easily account for the fact that

in learning a language with a honorific system.

language learning happens in vastly different envi-

Although status affects interactions across cultures,

ronments. Further articulating the gating and con-

foreign-language learners need to acquire a novel

tributing conceptualizations of the role of social

normative system. Testing hypotheses such as these

factors is important, as is examining their applica-

could enrich our understanding of the relation

tion to various aspects of language development.

between cultural and language learning.

Recent research has also made a strong case

Method

that linguistic representations are not disembod-

Perhaps the greatest challenge for research on

ied abstract symbols (as argued by Chomsky) but

how culture shapes the development of language

perceptually and experientially grounded symbols

is methodological. Very often, all the data are (Barsalou, 1999). There is growing developmen-descriptive or correlational. This is not an accident.

tal support for this position. For example, Iverson

Vygotsky (1929) argued that the study of higher

(2010) highlights the correlation between children’s

mental processes requires methodologies recogniz-

ability to manipulate objects and the onset of two-

ing the reciprocal links between people, their activ-

word combinations. Other research suggests that, at

ities, and the contexts in which these activities take

least for young children, words refer to objects-in-

place. But the child-in activity-in context dialectics

space as opposed to abstract object categories devoid

does not easily lend itself to traditional experimen-

of locational features (Samuelson, Smith, Perry, &

tal methods. We next consider two areas of research

Spencer, 2011). Research with adults further reveals

that, in our view, not only strengthen the case for

that action simulation is involved in language com-

a deep relation between language development and

prehension processes (e.g., Glenberg & Kaschak,

culture, but also provide methodologies that could

2002). These findings suggest that the physical

be useful to researchers in this area: second lan-

and material settings in which children grow may

guage acquisition and embodiment.

have more subtle and diverse influence on lan-

The task of learning a second language later in

guage development than previously thought (i.e.,

life is a formidable cognitive problem and one that is

vocabulary). To the extent that culture organizes

likely affected by biological factors (Lantolf, 2000;

infants’ physical and interactional environment,

Lenneberg, 1967). But, as anyone who has tried to

particularly in terms of stability and opportuni-

learn a foreign language would testify, communica-

ties for movement and action, they mesh well with

tive competence takes more than obtaining excel-

sociocultural theories. Further research combining

lent grades on dictation and grammar tests. Being

insights of sociocultural and embodiment theories

able to use a foreign language requires sensitivity to

could extend our knowledge of how language devel-

what native speakers of the language speak about

ops across cultures.

122

t he emergenCe a nD Dev elopment of l a nguage aCroSS Cu lt ur eS

Conclusion

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C H A P T E R

Early Emotional Development

9 in Cultural Perspective

Wolfgang Friedlmeier, Feyza Corapci, and Oana Benga

Abstract

Cultural differences of emotions are well documented for adults. In contrast, the developmental pathways for these culture-specific ontogenetic outcomes are less known and studied so far. However, several theoretical frameworks were constructed and tested over the past several years to specifical y describe and explain emotional development within a cultural perspective, demonstrating that this topic is currently of high interest in the scientific community and beyond. The goal of this chapter is to provide an overview of the current knowledge about cultural commonalities and differences of emotional development from infancy to kindergarten. The authors present studies on temperament and genetics that aim to explain cultural differences, and they also present studies on socialization practices and beliefs that serve to transfer cultural knowledge and rules about emotions to the next generation.

Key Words: emotional competence, emotion expression, facial expression, temperament, emotion regulation, ideal affect, emotion norms, emotion socialization, emotional competence models The study of emotion from a cultural and devel-Second, a developmental perspective points to

opmental perspective emphasizes two central char-

the fact that emotions have dyadic qualities: infants

acteristics. First, emotions are not only biologically

who have limited regulation skills express emotions

driven processes, but also are symbolically medi-

to signal to their caregivers about their state. As

ated activities that are culturally shaped from birth

caregivers regulate infants’ emotions vicariously

(e.g., Holodynski & Friedlmeier, 2006; Mesquita &

(Kopp, 1989), infants start to learn emotion norms

Albert, 2007; Saarni, 1998). For instance, research

through these interactive regulations. The norma-

on the neural basis of emotions shows a universal

tive character of emotions, in turn, leads to inves-

mechanism for the role of amygdala in the activa-

tigating cultural models of emotional competence

tion of fear and anxiety through the appraisal of

as well as the transmission mechanisms of these

potential threat cues (LeDoux, 1995). Yet there is

cultural expectations to children and the conse-

also emerging evidence for cultural specificity in

quences for children’s emotional development (e.g.,

the neural processing of emotional cues. Research

Friedlmeier, 2005; Holodynski & Friedlmeier,

shows a more enhanced amygdala response for pro-

2006).

cessing fear stimuli of one’s own culture over that

Research on early emotional development

of another culture (Chiao et al., 2008). Another

requires a culture-sensitive approach to overcome

line of research points out that the same emotion

ethnocentrically biased features at the theoretical

may carry different meanings across cultures in

and methodological levels. When the first author

relation to cultural norms (e.g., Trommsdorff &

of this chapter worked as a PhD student at the

Cole, 2011).

University of Konstanz, Germany, he became

127

involved in a cross-cultural study about the The number of empirical studies about emotions in development of empathy and prosocial behavior

infancy from a cultural perspective is still limited,

in young children. This project involved German

and socialization processes may become more rel-

and Japanese mothers who described in a semi-

evant at an older age. Therefore, we also include an

projective questionnaire their own reactions, overview of cross-cultural research examining chil-their reasoning, and emotions in several conflict

dren’s emotional development from early through

situations with their child (e.g., child still wants

middle childhood.

to swing but mother wants to leave). German

“Culture” was defined by national and eth-

mothers described their own emotional reaction

nic groups in most of the cross-cultural studies

as becoming angry, empathic, and (im)patient. In

reviewed, and the comparisons between East Asian

contrast, Japanese mothers used neither an emo-

and US samples predominated in the literature.

tion term nor sentences to express an inherently

We also integrate relevant studies from other coun-

emotional state but gave rather general behavioral

tries, as well as within-country comparisons, and

descriptions when asked about their emotional

we underscore cultural characteristics that may

reaction (e.g. “I let her still continue for a while”

explain differences. The final section identifies

or “I tell her that we need to leave as others expect

major gaps in the knowledge about the impact of

us home”1). However, when the project colleague

culture on emotional development and offers sug-

from Japan coded the statements, he could iden-

gestions for future research.

tify emotions in these answers. After a discussion

within the project team, we presented these state-

Theoretical Frameworks to

ments to several Japanese exchange students, as

Study Emotional Development

well as to German students, and asked them to

in Cultural Perspective

evaluate the emotional content. The result was

The complexity of the concept of emotion (i.e.,

surprising: the German students did not recognize

expression, feeling, appraisal, motivational com-

much emotional content, whereas the Japanese

ponent, valence, arousal, physiological reactions)

students agreed strongly about the same emotions

and emotion regulation is reflected in the wide

behind each statement. This agreement can be

range of theoretical perspectives for studying emo-

seen as an indication that Japanese consider emo-

tions (see Holodynski & Friedlmeier, 2006; 2012).

tions more context- and less person-specific. In

Some general theoretical frameworks serve to study

Japan, verbal expressions of behavioral descrip-

emotional development in cultural perspective.

tions seem to represent a generally felt emotion,

Although those theories agree about the interplay

which differs from the perspective in Western

among biological, individual, and sociocultural

Europe and the United States, where emotions

factors, they weigh these components differently.

are perceived as unique individual experiences

Evolutionary-based theories focus on genetic

and are less context-related.

and temperamental factors and emphasize the bio-

These insights were a strong indication of the

logical and individual characteristics for emotional

“risk of using culturally biased conceptual catego-

development. Genetic studies analyze the impact of

ries and explaining the categories from our familiar

certain genes for temperamental differences, which

cultural position” (Saarni, 1998, p. 651). As a con-

may lead to further cultural differences in the emo-

sequence, cross-cultural research requires working

tional reactivity. By contrast, sociocultural theories

closely with researchers of the respective cultures

(e.g., the bioecological model by Bronfenbrenner &

and applying qualitative methods to discover Morris, 2006; the developmental niche by Super & culture-specific phenomena (see also Jensen, 2012).

Harkness, 1986; sociocultural theory by Rogoff,

This chapter is structured in three parts. The

2003; relationship model by Chen & Rubin, 2011)

first part gives a short overview of theoretical focus on cultural factors and socialization prac-approaches. The second part takes a closer look at

tices. Common to all these sociocultural theories

children’s emotional development, with an empha-

is the aim to describe the individual as an active

sis on evolutionary, genetic, and temperament stud-

contributor to his or her development and the

ies. The third part presents socialization practices to

importance of that social context for development

describe cultural commonalities and differences in

(see also Edwards, Ren, & Brown, in this volume).

emotional development. Because this work is part

In the past several years, more specific cul-

of the Handbook’s section on “Birth, Infancy and

tural theories for emotional development have

Toddlerhood,” we mostly focus on early childhood.

been constructed to describe and explain cultural

128

e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

differences in children’s emotional develop-

Cultural Differences in Children’s

ment. For example, the internalization model Emotions and Emotional Functioning

of emotional development by Holodynski and Cross-Cultural Differences in Facial

Friedlmeier (2006) argues that children’s emotion

Expressivity

expression and regulatory competence becomes

According to evolutionarily inspired theories of

more differentiated and self-initiated (from inter-

emotion, such as those of Ekman (1992), Levenson

to intrapersonal regulation) while still guided et al. (2008), or Izard (1991; 2009), humans are by parental interactions and cultural norms. considered equipped with innate basic emotions Children’s expression and modulation of emo-differentiated in terms of facial expression, physi-

tions are specifically shaped through caregivers’

ological body reaction, and subjective feeling.

emotion socialization, which involves caregivers’

However, the emotional repertoire of neonates is

expression and modeling of emotions and their

rather primitive, consisting of five so-called pre-

specific reactions during emotionally charged cursor emotions (Sroufe, 1996), namely: distress, situations (Thompson & Meyer, 2007). The inter-disgust, startle reaction, interest, and endogenous

nalization model primarily focuses on children’s

pleasure. Endogenous pleasure in neonates does

emotion expression as a culturally constructed

not exhibit the coincidence between the typical

sign system, and caregivers’ emotion socialization

external sign of it—the smile—and an externally

practices are one mediator of the relation between

observable cause (Holodynski & Friedlmeier,

culture and children’s emotional functioning. 2006). The neonatal smile occurs in the absence Thus, the acquisition of expression signs in inter-of recognized/recognizable external or internal

personal interaction leads to a transformation of

(visceral) stimuli and can be also observed during

the biologically determined precursor emotions of

rapid eye movement (REM) sleep. These precur-

neonates into the culturally functional and differ-

sor emotions are not clearly marked by the facial

entiated emotions of adults.

expression with respect to their temporal and spa-

The internalization model and other recent tial features (Holodynski & Friedlmeier, 2012).

cultural theories (e.g., Mesquita & Albert, 2007;

Such neonate precursor emotions are considered

Trommsdorff, 2012) also argue that the indepen-

universal, although they have not been investigated

dent and interdependent cultural models of self and

cross-culturally in a systematic manner.

relationships in a given sociocultural context act to

Camras (2011) postulates progressive differ-

organize emotional development. These theories

entiation of basic emotions (e.g., anger, fear, sad-

provide definitions and goals for self and social rela-

ness, joy) from such initial generalized affect states,

tionships. In Western industrialized urban commu-

distinguished only by valence, to more adultlike

nities (e.g., the United States, Canada, Germany),

emotional discrete states under the influence of

the prevailing cultural model of the independent

a wide range of factors (including environmental

self-construal draws on promoting self-sufficiency,

ones). In light of this framework, although the

autonomy, and independence (e.g., creativity, asser-

starting point is similar/universal, the emotions

tiveness; Markus & Kitayama, 2001). Conversely,

are expected to become more differentiated at the

in non-Western, collectivistic societies, as in China

interface with social and cultural variables. Camras

or Japan, with a prevailing cultural model of inter-

and colleagues provided a series of fine-grained

dependent self-construal, individuals are defined

analyses using Baby Facial Action Coding System

by relationships and cultural values such as proper

(BabyFACS) that offers a comprehensive, ana-

demeanor in hierarchical relationships (e.g., respect

tomically based system for coding facial expres-

for elders), social harmony, and prioritized group

sions based on discrete, minimally distinguishable

interests (Markus & Kitayama, 2001). These dif-

actions of the facial muscles. They showed that

ferent self-construals have implications for different

by 5 months, US and Japanese infants produced

emotion competence models, as well as for related

similar negative emotional expressions in an arm

parental strategies to regulate young children’s restraint procedure, but US children responded emotions, as we outline in the section “Emotion

more quickly (Camras, Oster, Campos, Miyake, &

Norms and Socialization Practices.” Because the

Bradshaw, 1992). In another study, Camras et al.

reported studies cover a broad range of theoretical

(1998) showed that by 11 months, Chinese infants

approaches, the respective theoretical frameworks

demonstrated a longer latency to show facial dis-

of the different studies will be described briefly in

tress following an anger/frustration episode (gentle

the next two sections.

arm restraint), as well as a fear-inducing procedure

fr ieDl meier, Cor a pCi, Beng a

129

(growling toy gorilla head); fewer Duchenne smiles

stimulation; Kärtner, Keller, & Yovsi, 2010). Thus,

(i.e., genuine rather than social smiles) during the

social-cultural models that can be described as

baseline preceding the introduction of the nega-

independent or interdependent (see Keller et al.,

tive emotion stimulus; and less overall expressivity

2005) seem to shape from a very early age emo-

than their Japanese and US counterparts. In con-

tional facial expressivity.

clusion, it seems that Chinese infants, followed by

If emotional expressivity is permeable to

Japanese children, have a tendency to display less

social-cultural influences so early in development,

positive and negative emotions and a longer latency

it should not be surprising to find subsequent differ-

to respond.

ences at preschool age, when children are expected

Another illustrative study addresses the social

to have a full repertoire of basic emotions, as well

smile—the first facial expression of pleasure. as social or self-conscious emotions (e.g., empathy, An acquisition around the second month of life,

shame, guilt, contempt). Camras, Bakeman, Chen,

it seems to peak universally at about 4 months,

Norris, and Cain (2006) compared four groups of

this age being similar in samples ranging from

girls: US, Mainland Chinese, Chinese-American

the United States, Israel, Uganda, and Japan nonadopted, and Chinese-American adopted to (see Super & Harkness, 2010). However, the US families. The US girls displayed more smiles absolute rate of smiling ranges from 5% to 20%

when compared to the other groups and more

(Super, 1981), as shown by studies from Africa,

disgust-related expressions and overall expressivity

Europe, the Middle East, and the United States,

compared to Mainland Chinese girls. Yet, congru-

and there is increasing divergence in subsequent

ent with their adoptive culture, adopted American

months (Super & Harkness, 2010). As revealed by

Chinese girls showed more disgust expressions than

Wörmann, Holodynski, Kärtner, and Keller (2012)

their Mainland Chinese counterparts. Maternal

in their comparative study, although at 6 weeks the

attitudes toward childrearing (self-reported mater-

frequency of social smiling was similar for German

nal strictness, aggravation, positive expressiveness,

infants and for Nso infants from Cameroon, at

and cultural identification) correlated with chil-

12 weeks differences already emerged: in German

dren’s facial expressivity, illustrating the shaping

dyads, both members smiled to each other and imi-

of emotional expressivity by cultural and family

tated each other more often than in Cameroonian

factors.

dyads (see Figure 9.1). The most probable explana-

tion stands in the Nso parenting ethnotheory that

Cultural Differences in Temperament

does not value dialogic mother–infant communi-

cross-cultural differences

cation and infant smiling (Keller & Otto, 2009),

in reactivity

while it emphasizes a different form of maternal

Although research is limited and there are

contingency than the German one, namely, proxi-

exceptions (Rosenblith & Anderson-Huntington,

mal parenting strategies (e.g., body contact, body

1975), evidence generally indicates that several

25

Mother Muenster

20

Mother Nso

Infant Muenster

15

Infant Nso

10

Duration (%)

5

0

Week 6

Week 12

Maternal and infant smile during mutual gazing

Fig. 9.1 Duration of maternal and infant smiling during mutual gazing for dyads in Muenster (Germany, n = 20) and in Cameroon (Nso, n = 24). Duration is expressed in percentage over total observation time.

Source: Wörmann, Holodynski, Kärtner, & Keller (2012).

130

e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

groups of Asian-origin infants (Chinese-American,

emotions vary cross-culturally in relation to dif-

Japanese-American, Hmong) and Navajo children

ferent emotion norms and related expectations by

(who supposedly are genetically related to these

parents.

groups) display lower irritability, less physical activ-

Subtle differences were also delineated in the

ity, and more (self-)quieting during infant testing

comparison of US infants with Western European

procedures as compared to European-American countries such as Spain or Italy. Although the over-children (Chisholm, 1983; Freedman, 1974; all temperamental profile of Spanish children was Freedman & Freedman, 1969; Muret-Wagstaff &

closer to that of US children than to Chinese chil-

Moore, 1989; Super & Harkness, 2010).

dren (who were also included in the study), they

Direct behavioral observations with older showed an increasing tendency for smiling/laugh-infants have also documented lower emotional ter with age, as compared to their US counterparts and behavioral reactivity as well as subdued affect

who displayed higher levels of stability for this tem-

among Chinese-American infants as compared peramental subdimension (Gartstein et al., 2006).

to US infants (Kisilevsky, Muir, & Low, 1989;

A similar developmental trend was found in the

Kuchner, 1981; Lewis, Ramsay, & Kawakami, case of Italian infants (Montirosso, Cozzi, Putnam, 1993). However, when infants’ behavioral responses

Gartstein, & Borgatti, 2011). Different focuses of

as well as cortisol level as a biological marker for

early parental practices might explain this pattern

stress were obtained during an inoculation proce-

of results. Research suggests that physical/cognitive

dure, 4-month-old Japanese infants had the most

stimulation involving objects acts to foster early

pronounced cortisol response coupled with a lower

individuality and assertiveness in the US infants,

behavioral response, whereas the Caucasian group

while dyadic parent–child interactions, built on

displayed a quicker intense behavioral reaction to

close physical contact and aimed to enhance affili-

the pain stimulation and a longer latency to calm

ativeness and connectedness is more emphasized

down but a lower cortisol response. This study

in Italy (Bornstein, Tamis-LeMonda, Hahn, &

draws attention to the biobehavioral approach to

Haynes, 2008; Bornstein et al., 2012).

obtain a more accurate picture of children’s reactiv-

Another interesting comparison refers to Russian

ity and suggests that Asian infants tend to manifest

and Polish infants. By sharing similar Slavic cultural

reactivity physiologically rather than behaviorally.

backgrounds and collectivistic tendencies, at least

Similar findings have also been reported by Kagan

in part linked to their communist past, similarities

and colleagues (see Kagan & Fox, 2006) in exam-

between the two groups were expected. However,

ining behavioral inhibition of Chinese infants in

Russian infants comprised higher levels of “nega-

the face of novelty (see the section “Temperamental

tive affectivity” and lower levels of “positive affec-

Reactivity as Behavioral Inhibition”).

tivity” than US infants (Gartstein, Slobodskaya, &

Data from parental evaluations of child tem-

Knisht, 2003; Gartstein, Knyazev, & Slobodskaya,

perament confirm that infants from Western, 2005), whereas Polish children had similar ratings individualistic cultures (US, Finland, Spain or on these two temperament subscales to their US

Italy) experience higher levels of positive emotions

counterparts (Gartstein et al., 2010). These results

depicted by the “positive affectivity” dimension of

point to the fact that empirical data need to be col-

temperament, such as smiling/laughter, approach,

lected from more diverse cultural samples, even

high-intensity pleasure, and reactivity (Gaias et al.,

from similar geographical regions or with similar

2012; Gartstein et al., 2006; Gartstein, Slobodskaya,

historical trajectories, before a relation between

& Kinsht, 2003; Gartstein, Slobodskaya, Putnam,

cultural dimensions and emotionality can be con-

& Kinsht, 2009; Gartstein, Slobodskaya, Zylicz,

firmed with certainty.

Gosztyła, & Nakagawa, 2010; Slobodskaya,

Given the early manifestation of such a differ-

Gartstein, Nakagawa, & Putnam, 2013). In con-

ential emotional reactivity, some researchers argue

trast to the observation studies, temperamental that genetic mechanisms might provide the basis studies based on parent ratings reveal that infants

for temperamental differences in emotional expres-

from Asian, or more generally from collectivistic

siveness (Kagan et al., 1994; Kagan & Fox, 2006).

cultures (China, Japan, Russia, Poland), seem to

From this perspective, genetic polymorphisms have

experience more negative emotions as captured been lately considered in relation to cultural phe-by the “negative affectivity” dimension of tem-

notypic differences. For example, the long allele of

perament, such as distress to limitation or fear. It

dopamine transporter gene DRD4, associated with

is plausible that parental evaluations of negative

novelty seeking, risk taking, and low inhibition,

fr ieDl meier, Cor a pCi, Beng a

131

90

PR China

80

Singapore

Korea

Taiwan

70

Mexico

Brazil

Turkey

60

Russia

Argentina

Japan

India

50

Spain

Israel

Austria

40

Estonia

Poland

South Africa

Finland

Germany

30

Sweden

France

Individualism-Collectivism

Denmark

Italy

20

Hungary

10

USA

Australia

UK

0

0

20

40

60

80

100

5-HTTLPR (% S allele)

Fig. 9.2 Results from correlation analysis between Hofstede’s individualism–collectivism index (reverse scored) and frequency of S

allele carriers of the 5-HTTLPR across 29 nations. Collectivistic nations showed higher prevalence of S allele carriers (r(29) = 0.70, p < 0.0001).

Source: Chiao & Blizinsky (2010, p. 532).

seem to have a low frequency of only 5% in East

effortful control and

Asian populations, as compared to South Americans

emotion reGulation

(69%) and North Americans (32%; Chen, Burton,

Emotion regulation can be seen as a facet of

Greenberg, & Dmitrieva, 1999). So-called social

self-regulation, acknowledged as the ability to

sensitivity genes have also been linked to cultural

control thought, action, and emotion as part of

parameters such as collectivism-individualism. The

goal-directed behavior (Rothbart, 2007). Emotion

short allele of serotonin gene 5-HTTLPR, associ-

regulation entails the self-regulatory dimension of

ated with heightened sensitivity to both positive

temperament, namely, effortful control that modu-

and negative social influences, has been found to

lates reactivity by the use of attention strategies,

be more prevalent in collectivist societies such as

behavioral inhibition, and self-soothing. Individual

China, Korea, Mexico, Brazil, and Turkey (Chiao

differences in effortful control emerge at the end of

& Blizinsky, 2010; see Figure 9.2). The µ-opioid

the first year of life, and children’s effortful control

receptor gene, with its G allele associated with

continues to develop throughout the toddlerhood

increased sensitivity to social rejection, and the

and preschool years (Rothbart, 2007; Rothbart &

monoamine oxidase A variant MAOA-uVNTR Bates, 2006). Early regulatory behaviors such as associated with social exclusion-related neural orienting to external stimuli or self-soothing are activation, seem to be more frequent in collectiv-already present in the first year of life, and they

ist cultures (Way & Lieberman, 2010). Although

develop gradually over time to more independent

not covering the whole story, the search for genetic

attempts with neurobiological maturation and

underpinnings of cross-cultural differences in con-

co-regulation with adults. Factor-analytic studies

junction with environmental social/cultural influ-

have shown that infancy temperament subscales of

ences might offer data of heuristic value for future

orienting, low-intensity pleasure, soothability, and

research. Nevertheless, genetic variation will not be

cuddliness loaded on the “regulatory” factor in the

a main factor for cross-cultural variations because

Child Behavior Questionnaire (CBQ; Rothbart &

human groups are genetically very similar, so that

Ahadi, 1994). These scales represent potential pre-

cross-cultural behavior differences are overwhelm-

cursors of effortful control.

ingly due to mechanisms of sociocultural transmis-

With the exception of a few studies (Gartstein

sion (Heine & Norenzayan, 2006: see also Haun,

et al., 2006), research evidence generally indicates

in this volume).

that US children are perceived by their mothers

132

e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

as displaying higher levels of “regulatory con-

temperamental reactivity

trol” compared to children from Taiwan (Hsu,

as behavioral inhibition

Soong, Stigler, Hong, & Liang, 1981), Japan

Kagan and colleagues compared Chinese-

(Slobodskaya et al., 2013; Windle, Iwawaki, &

American and non-Chinese-American infants

Lerner, 1988), Russia (Gartstein et al., 2003),

from the Boston area, showing that Chinese chil-

and Italy (Cozzi et al., 2013; Montirosso et al.,

dren were less active and less vocal and positively

2011). On the other hand, compared to US moth-

aroused to stimuli, yet displayed a pattern of high

ers, Italian mothers gave higher ratings to their

basal heart rate and wariness to the unfamiliar (see

children on cuddliness (enjoyment and molding

review in Kagan & Fox, 2006). The same pattern

of the body when being held by the parent), both

was characteristic for Chinese infants from Beijing;

in infancy (Montirosso et al., 2011) and in tod-

Kagan and colleagues showed that, as compared

dlerhood (Cozzi et al., 2013). This pattern of evi-

to their US and Irish counterparts, 4-month-old

dence is consistent with the view that American

Chinese infants were less active and less irritable,

parents structure their child’s activities (explo-

both behaviorally and vocally; of the three groups,

ration and routine behaviors) in a less imposing

the highest reactivity was exhibited by American

way. Although they provide rules, regulations,

infants (Kagan et al., 1994). Thus, Asian children

and a supportive framework for interaction, this

displayed lower levels of arousal and less variability

guidance aims not to compromise the child’s

to stimulation (see Figure 9.3), particularities that

interest in such activities (see Bornstein, Putnick,

fit well with the profile of reduced emotional reac-

Heslington et al., 2008). Therefore, they expect

tivity already outlined.

more self-regulatory behaviors for their children,

Interestingly, the profile of high irritability and

whereas the higher emphasis on affiliativeness/

motor activity in infancy seems to develop fur-

connectedness characteristic of Italian families

ther into a temperamental profile described by the

may explain the higher levels of cuddliness of

construct of behavioral inhibition— a pattern of

Italian children.

social reticence and anxiety/distress to unfamil-

Japanese infants and toddlers scored lower

iar and/or challenging situations (Kagan & Fox,

for effortful control as compared to Russian and

2006). A higher prevalence of behavioral inhibi-

US children in the study by Slobodskaya et al.

tion in Chinese versus Canadian toddlers has been

(2013). Although somewhat counterintuitive, demonstrated (Chen et al., 1998). Recently, the this result is convergent with other findings, cross-national comparison was expanded to include such as those of Ujiie et al. (2000) showing that,

three other countries—Italy, Australia, and South

by 11 months, Japanese infants used more of a

Korea. Results of this study (Rubin et al., 2006 a)

relational style of emotion regulation (i.e., being

revealed that, although Italian and Australian tod-

more dependent on their mothers as compared to

dlers displayed less inhibited behaviors, Chinese,

US infants). Also, Friedlmeier and Trommsdorff

followed by South Korean, children were the more

(1999) found the same kind of interdependence

inhibited.

in mother–child relationships when comparing

Although this could be interpreted in light of

toddlers in Japan versus Germany in an emotion

genetically grounded cross-cultural differences,

regulation task evoked by witnessing another

one should not forget that, by toddlerhood, a sig-

person’s sadness (other-focused distress). The nificant amount of socialization has already taken Japanese mothers seemed to be more sensitive to

place, primarily via parental influences. Linking

their children; however, maternal sensitivity did

behavioral inhibition/shyness to parental percep-

not reduce the emotional distress in the child in

tion of their toddlers’ temperamental characteris-

this situation, as was the case for the German

tic, Rubin et al. (2006 b) found that Italian mothers

dyads. Japanese mothers do not yet expect that

perceived their toddlers as less inhibited compared

the child is able to self-regulate so early in devel-

to Canadian and Indian mothers. Also, Canadian

opment, and the child is not blamed/scolded

and, surprisingly, Indian mothers viewed their

for it (see Trommsdorff & Kornadt, 2003). In a

children as less inhibited than the Chinese and

similar situation (other-focused distress) without

Korean mothers. Childrearing strategies correlate

the mother, Japanese preschoolers also showed

differently with maternal perception of behavioral

less regulatory skills to reduce the distress com-

inhibition/shyness in different cultures; positive

pared to German children (Trommsdorff & associations were significant not only with paren-Friedlmeier, 2010).

tal rejection (India), punitiveness (Canada and

fr ieDl meier, Cor a pCi, Beng a

133

60

American

50

Irish

Chinese

40

30

20

10

0

Motor activity

Cry

Fret

Vocalize

Smile

Fig. 9.3 Means and standard deviations for American, Irish, and Chinese 4-month-old infants. The means for motor activity are the frequency of movements, crying is assessed in seconds, and the other behavior refers to the proportion of trials on which they occurred.

Source: Kagan, Arcus, et al., 1994.

India), lack of acceptance (Canada and Italy), and

became positively associated with depression and

discouragement of independence (Italy), but also

aggression-disruption ( r = .18, respectively, r = .17,

with protectiveness (Korea) and parental accep-

p <.001). This means that the 2002 cohort evaluates

tance (China; Chen et al., 1998, Rubin et al.,

shyness similar to the US perspective. This change

2006 b). Thus, there seem to be cultural differences

in the evaluation may reflect social and historical

in parental perception of behavioral inhibition/shy-

changes at the macrolevel, such as social and eco-

ness, and such differences correlate with childrear-

nomic reforms in China that may imply a change

ing strategies: parents validate/accept/protect this

from collectivist to a more individualistic model of

individual temperamental profile in some cultures

societal norms.

(e.g., Korea, China), but invalidate/reject/punish it

in others (e.g., Canada, Italy, India).

Emotional Display Rules

Although research is limited, evidence gener-

From the early years on, children are social-

ally indicates similar patterns of findings relating

ized to modify the form and level of their emo-

shy-inhibited behavior to lack of peer acceptance

tion expression according to the emotion display

in non-Western countries such as Russia (Hart

rules, defined as social norms that inform children

et al., 2000) and China (Chen, Cen, Li, & He,

about how, where, when, and to whom to express

2005; Hart et al., 2000). Rejection by peers of

emotions (Saarni, 1999). Display rules are a direct

wary and socially withdrawn children has been

reflection of socialization practices imposed on

documented also in Argentina, Canada, Greece,

emotion expression and regulation. Here, we focus

Italy, the Netherlands, and the United States (see

on studies with younger children.

review in Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 2006). Of

Cross-cultural differences in knowledge about

particular importance, Chen and colleagues (2005)

display rules were explored by Joshi and MacLean

indicate a progressive change in the perception of

(1994) comparing Indian and English preschool-

this profile since the 1990s by urban Chinese ele-

ers (4–5 years of age). Indian girls (4–5 years of

mentary school children, namely from a positive to

age) differentiated between feeling and emotion

a negative evaluation. Although the 1990 cohort

expression better than the same age Indian boys

peer perception of shyness was positively associated

and English girls and boys. They argued for the

with social and academic achievements ( r = .36,

distinction between the feeling and expressing on

respectively, r = .17, p <.001), the 2002 cohort’s cor-

the basis of social norms and expectations, such as

responding associations were negative, as shyness

respect to elders, deference, and social obligations;

134

e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

the Indian girls’ knowledge about culturally shared

of positive emotions. For example, in the name of

display rules was the best in child–adult scenarios

modesty, Chinese and Taiwanese children viewed

involving concealment of negative emotions. Raval,

lying about one’s own good deeds as increasingly

Martini, and Raval (2007) showed further that for

positive from 7 to 11 years of age (Lee, Xu, Fu,

urban Indian Gujarati children (5–9 years), anger

Cameron, & Chen, 2001). In achievement situa-

and sadness are less appropriate to express than

tions, Japanese preschoolers expressed less pride

pain, so they controlled these emotions more often.

after success (but significantly more exposure

Gender effects were also evident in this respect: girls

embarrassment) compared to European-American

reported more attempts to control their anger com-

and African-American children (Lewis, Takai-

pared to boys, and they displayed sadness more

Kawakami, Kawakami, & Sullivan, 2010).

frequently than anger. Interestingly, when the girls

To summarize, the cross-cultural differences

expressed anger or sadness, they did so in a subtle,

reported about children’s use of display rules are

indirect manner; for example, they only used facial

consistent with the higher overall adult endorse-

expressions corresponding with the negative emo-

ment of emotion expression in more individual-

tion. Looking also at negative emotions, Brahman

istic countries (van Hemert, Poortinga, & van de

Nepalese children have been shown to have higher

Vijver, 2007). There seems to be a tendency in

levels of self-awareness regarding the need to con-

collectivistic societies for earlier use and expertise

ceal anger, as compared to American children or

with emotional display rules. The stronger conceal-

Tamang Nepalese (Cole, Bruschi, & Tamang, ment of positive and negative emotions is guided 2002; Cole & Tamang, 1998); this is already by cultural norms of modesty and social harmony.

apparent at a young school age (first grade), with

However, the developmental studies also point to

the pattern remaining consistent up to fifth grade.

variations of early teaching of appropriate emotion

A similar distinction was found by Zahn-Waxler,

expression that may also affect the development of

Friedman, Cole, Mizuta, and Hiruma (1996), who

one’s emotional experience of later similar situa-

showed that Japanese preschool children (around

tions. Gender differences show similarities across

4–5 years of age) had a clear tendency for greater

cultural groups relative to the use of display rules

regulation of their emotions in response to conflict

for powerful negative (e.g., anger) versus powerless

and displayed less anger and less aggressive behav-

negative emotions (e.g., sadness).

ior relative to their US counterparts.

Garrett-Peters and Fox (2007) compared emo-

Emotion Norms and

tional expressions of Chinese-American versus Socialization Practices

European-American children (4 and 7 years) upon

So far, we have documented the rich body of

receipt of an undesirable gift to test the generaliz-

data emphasizing cross-cultural differences in emo-

ability of the display rule in a disappointing con-

tional reactivity and emotion regulation, as well

text. Whereas the older US children masked their

as emotion display rules, already evident early in

disappointment and displayed more positive expres-

childhood. Emerging evidence suggests that fam-

sion than the younger ones, as expected, older ily socialization strategies (i.e., parental practices, Chinese-American children’s positive expression attitudes, ethnotheories) and the media are two remained low. These results could be counterintui-potential mechanisms explaining such cultural dif-

tive at first sight, given the Chinese cultural empha-

ferences, along and in conjunction with putative

sis on emotional restraint. However, they might

genetic factors that still need to be explored.

indicate, as authors speculate, a differential endorse-

Based on theory (Markus & Kitayama, 2001;

ment of emotional restraint for some emotions Mesquita & Albert, 2007) and recent research (anger, sadness), but not others (disappointment).

on cultural differences in children’s emotional

Interestingly, the more Chinese-American chil-

developmental outcomes, emotional competence

dren were adapted to Western values, the more they

models have been proposed to explain such differ-

showed the expression pattern of US children (i.e.,

ences (Chan, Bowes, & Wyer, 2009; Friedlmeier,

masking the disappointment with positive expres-

Corapci, & Cole, 2011). These competence mod-

sion). They also found a statistical trend for gender

els represent cultural configurations for parents’

difference because girls compared to boys showed

goals and expectations of their children’s under-

less negative expressions in both ethnic groups.

standing and expression of emotions. Accordingly,

A critical difference between Eastern and Western caregivers primarily foster “individualis-Western children also refers to the concealment

tic emotional competence” by encouraging open

fr ieDl meier, Cor a pCi, Beng a

135

communication of personal experiences and tol-

mothers, with the exception of shame and guilt

erating the display of anger, pride, and disgust

expressions (see Figure 9.4). These culture-specific

more readily because these emotions indicate differences in maternal beliefs fit with the assump-inner states of autonomous individuals (Markus

tions of the emotional competence models: in

& Kitayama, 2001). Caregivers’ socialization Western culture, emotions are indications of indi-strategies aim for emotion coaching by providing

vidual needs that have to be respected and openly

comfort and assistance but also encouragement

communicated. In contrast to this individualistic

for emotion expression. Suppression of emotion

emotional competence model, in a culture such as

is disqualified, and strategies like minimizing the

the Nso with an interdependent self-construal,

child’s emotion or even punishment are seen as

proper demeanor and respecting group interests

nonsupportive (Thompson & Meyer, 2007). In

has priority over emotion expression. Accordingly,

more collectivistic, group-oriented societies, inter-

Nso mothers favor the open expression of socially

personal sensitivity, expression of other-focused

engaging emotions such as shame and guilt, which

emotions (i.e., sympathy, guilt), and self-restraint

act to regulate social relationships to maintain

in the expression of socially disengaging emotions

social harmony and foster relational emotional

that can be potentially disruptive to interpersonal

competence.

relations are deemed to foster “relational emo-

Another line of research on emotion norms

tional competence” (Chan et al., 2009; Wang,

shows that European Americans prefer a high

2003). Caregivers’ socialization strategies focus

positive arousal as ideal (e.g., excitement), whereas

more on teaching control of emotion by using

Chinese adults rather consider low arousal (e.g.,

strategies like ignoring or teasing (Cole, Tamang,

contentment) as ideal. Tsai, Louie, Chen, and

& Shrestha, 2006).

Uchida (2007) demonstrated that this cultural

In the following sections, we review the few

difference was also reflected in children’s books

available studies from Asia (e.g., Nepal, India, from the two cultures. These findings suggest that China), Africa (e.g., Cameroon), Europe (e.g., cultural artifacts, such as children’s books, act as Germany, Italy, Romania, Turkey), South America

a specific pathway through which emotion norms

(e.g., Argentina), and the United States based on

are presented and can be culturally transmitted

cultural emotion norms and parental responses and learned. We studied emotion displays in chil-pertaining to emotion expression and regulation.

dren’s storybooks in the United States, Turkey,

and Romania and coded positive and negative

Cultural Emotion Norms

emotions and the intensity as well as contextual

Cultures differ in their evaluation of emotional

features of emotion displays (e.g., ingroup/out-

functioning and have different ideas about optimal

group; VanderWege et al., 2014). Two most inter-

emotion expression and regulation. Such different

esting results showed that positive emotions were

expectations are reflected in different emotion dominant in all three cultures, and the amount of norms representative of the cultural models of

negative emotions was similar. However, US chil-

independence and interdependence. These models

dren’s books presented negative-powerful emotions

create different developmental pathways starting

(anger, contempt, frustration) to a significantly

in infancy (see also Keller, in this volume). A study

higher extent than did Romanian and Turkish

by Keller and Otto (2009) comparing Nso farm-

books (see Figure 9.5), whereas the reverse pattern

ing mothers with German middle-class mothers

was found for powerless emotions (e.g., sadness,

revealed differences in the desired age of children

fear). Second, the emotion displays in US books

to control and express emotions. Nso mothers, but

were significantly more intense compared to the

not German mothers, placed emphasis on foster-

Turkish and Romanian displays, and this effect

ing emotion control in their children during the

was independent of the emotion type and contex-

first 3 years of life. This emotional norm to culti-

tual characteristics.

vate emotional calmness appears functional in the

Taken together, the few available cross-cultural

context of a farming community where children

studies converge on the finding of stronger endorse-

are taken care of by multiple caretakers. Emotional

ment of emotion expression as well as a higher level

calmness facilitates children’s adaptation to the

of acceptance of negative powerful emotions in the

presence of multiple caretakers. On the other US compared to more collectivistic group-oriented hand, German mothers generally expected to see

countries. Because negative powerless emotions

emotion expression much earlier than the Nso

like sadness or shame evoke others’ support, these

136

e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

40

35

30

25

20

15

Age in months

Berlin, Germany

10

Nso, Cameroon

5

0

r

t

Ange

Fear

Joy

Pride

Sadness

Shame

Guil

Antipathy

Fig. 9.4 Timetable for Nso and German mothers’ expectations for the emergence of emotions.

Source: Keller & Otto (2009).

negative emotions are generally well accepted in

not only consumed by young children themselves,

group-oriented countries. These findings also pro-

but caregivers are involved by telling the story and

vide support that emotion norms in the media fit

explaining the characters. Thus, caregivers’ presen-

the prevailing cultural models of self and relation-

tation of mental states and emphasis on emotion

ships. In addition to children’s storybooks, differ-

descriptions is an important mediator of cultural

ences in the ideal positive affect—more excitement

knowledge about emotions (see the later section

in US and more calm content in Chinese—are

“Parental Emotion Talk with Children”) along

reported for women’s magazines, men’s maga-

with their specific responses to children’s emotions.

zines, and news magazines (Tsai, 2007), as well

We turn now to examining research on parental

as for best-selling self-help books (Tsai, Miao, &

emotion socialization.

Seppala, 2007). There is still a lack of studies that

include other cultural groups and also studies that

Cultural Differences in Emotion

focus on widely used electronic social media (e.g.,

Socialization in Infancy

blogs, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube). Whether emo-

We know little about the maternal reactions to

tion representations in media match individuals’

infants’ positive and negative emotions in the very

own ideal affect depends on additional factors. For

early developmental periods from a cross-cultural

example, media such as children’s storybooks are

perspective. Studies by Keller and colleagues have

80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

Positive

Negative powerless

30%

Negative powerful

20%

10%

0%

US

Romania

Turkey

Fig. 9.5 Percentages of emotion displays in European-American, Romanian, and Turkish children books.

Source: VanderWege et al. (2014).

fr ieDl meier, Cor a pCi, Beng a

137

compared maternal caregiving practices for infants

infancy period, and differences may start later in

from different sociocultural orientations. Although

more industrialized, urbanized societies. Regarding

most of these studies have focused on daily care-

the difference between Italy and the United States,

giving practices and communication style, of par-

Hsu and Lavelli (2005) reported similar differences

ticular concern to our review are those studies that

for 3-month-old infants: Italian mothers displayed

addressed mothers’ distress regulation. In one study

higher levels of social/affective behaviors and more

(Keller, Voelker, & Yovsi, 2005), women from the

open expression of affection, held their very young

Cameroonian Nso and Northern Germany commu-

infants more, and spent more time in synchronous

nities commented to videotaped infant care practices

dyadic interactions. The dynamic coexistence of an

that included mothers of their own culture and the

independent self-construal with a focus on close

other culture. Nso women’s comments in response

relationships in Italian families points to the inter-

to infants’ distress had more emphasis on proximal

sectionality and fluidity of cultural frameworks

caretaking (i.e., breastfeeding) compared to German

(Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2008). Such results may

women, whereas German women emphasized distal

also point to a third emotional competence model,

parenting characterized by face-to-face interaction.

one lying beyond the individualistic and/or rela-

Direct behavioral observations conducted in the tional emotional competence models, and we will homes of Nso Cameroonian, Indian, and German

discuss this in the Conclusion.

families confirmed that the West African Nso moth-

ers provided the most frequent nursing and body

Cultural Differences in Emotion

contact to their infants (Keller et al., 2005). This

Socialization in the Toddler

study also illustrated that Nso mothers displayed

and Early Childhood Years

more caressing as a means of demonstrating affec-

The toddler years are an important transi-

tion than did Indian Rajput mothers. These findings

tion period as children begin to shift from being

suggest that, even within non-Western communities

dependent on their caregivers for self-regulation

identified as relational in their models of compe-

to managing their emotions and behaviors more

tence, norms regarding the intergenerational dis-

independently (Holodynski & Friedlmeier, 2006;

tance and open emotion expression may differ and

Kopp, 1989). Research on specific emotion social-

influence maternal emotional expressivity.

ization practices in response to toddlers’ frustration

The implications of the emotional competence

has typically employed delay of gratification para-

models for emotion socialization are also evident in

digms. The few available observational research

a study with US, Italian, and Argentinian mothers

studies conducted with Western samples have

and their 5-month-old infants by Bornstein et al.

revealed that mothers’ use of verbal distraction

(2012). Although these three nations share similar

during a waiting task was positively related to

levels of modernity, industrialization, standard of

toddlers’ verbal distraction and visual distraction

living, birth rates, and nuclear families, culture-

by orienting toward nondelay objects (Mirabile,

and community-based differences were expected

Scaramella, Sohr-Preston, & Robinson, 2009;

due to cultural norms guiding emotional relations

Putnam, Spritz, & Stifter, 2002).

in the family. Childrearing in Argentina is guided

In contrast, maternal negative control (i.e.,

by interdependent self and values like respeto and

verbal criticism, intrusive physical restraining)

familism, in the United States by independent self,

has been associated with poor compliance toward

and in Italy by independent self with a strong focus

the prohibited toys and with toddlers’ distress

on close relationships and high physical affection.

(Calkins & Johnson, 1998; Lecuyer & Houck,

Regarding the cross-national differences, Italian

2002). Similar patterns of findings have also been

mothers were rated as more sensitive than the two

noted in a sample of Turkish mothers of toddlers,

other groups, and Italian dyads were dispropor-

such that children were more likely to comply with

tionally classified as higher in their emotional avail-

the demand of the task when mothers used distrac-

ability—defined as sensitivity combined with low

tion (Corapci & Mustafaoglu, 2013, April). More

nonintrusiveness and low nonhostility—compared

cross-cultural studies are needed, but a preliminary

to mothers from the United States and Argentina.

conclusion seems to be that distraction appears to

Interestingly, in spite of the different focus of be an efficient response to reduce toddlers’ distress self-construal orientation, no differences in emo-across cultures.

tional availability occurred between Argentinian

With the increased language and cognitive

and American mothers. This may be due to the

abilities of older children, caregivers not only

138

e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

comfort and use distraction with their preschool-

Martini, 2009) also identified the unacceptability

or school-aged children, but also encourage their

of emotion expression as one of the most frequently

emotion expression and scaffold them to resolve

endorsed emotion socialization practices, especially

the source of distress during emotionally charged

for anger expression. Taken together, such differ-

situations (Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad, ences between the US and non-Western data sug-1998). In Western research, encouragement of gest that culture influences the relative emphasis or emotion expression and provision of instrumen-balance parents place on individualistic and rela-

tal (e.g., scaffolding) or emotional support have

tional goals.

been labeled as “supportive” given their associa-

tions with children’s emotion knowledge and social

Socialization of Specific Emotions

competence. On the other hand, minimization

The majority of evidence to date examines care-

and punitive responses, which refer to caregivers’

givers’ emotion socialization as an undifferentiated

restriction of emotion expression and use of verbal

response to children’s negative affective reactions,

or physical punishment, respectively, have been including children’s anger, fear, and sadness. Only labeled as “nonsupportive” due to their associa-a few studies have compared parents’ responses to

tions with children’s poorer emotional competence

discrete negative emotions. The paucity of research

(Thompson & Meyer, 2007). Research generally

on discrete emotions is striking since children begin

indicates that US caregivers typically endorse sup-

to express discrete emotions over the first year of

portive emotion socialization responses to a greater

life (Izard & Ackerman, 2000), and theory about

extent than nonsupportive responses (e.g., Cassano,

emotions points to the distinctiveness of the expe-

Perry-Parrish, & Zeman, 2007; Fabes, Poulin, rience, expression, and functions of discrete emo-Eisenberg, & Madden-Derdich, 2002). This prefer-

tions such as sadness and anger. The few available

ence can also be seen as an example of individualis-

studies reveal that mothers from Turkey (Corapci,

tic emotional competence in that these practices foster

Aksan, & Yağmurlu, 2012) and India (Raval &

children’s autonomy and self-enhancement. In con-

Martini, 2009) were more likely to encourage the

trast, preferences for supportive or nonsupportive

expression of sadness compared to anger. Sadness

responses are less strong in other cultural groups,

has been characterized as the key emotion to elicit

in line with relational emotional competence goals.

not only empathy and sympathy, but also close-

Mothers of school-aged children from Hong Kong

ness with caregivers (Izard, 1991). Thus, maternal

(Chan et al., 2009) and mainland China (Tao,

encouragement of sadness rather than anger expres-

Zhou, & Wang, 2010) endorsed minimization as

sion is meaningful in these cultural contexts with

nearly as important as expressive encouragement,

a prevailing cultural model of interdependent self

whereas Indian mothers of 5- to 9-year-old children

and relational emotional competence. The lower

endorsed minimization and rated expressive encour-

level of expressive encouragement of anger also fits

agement very low (Raval & Martini, 2009).

the relational emotional competence view because

Research on emotion socialization practices in

anger expression may challenge the hierarchy and

Hong Kong (Chan et al., 2009), Turkey (Corapci,

cohesion of the family.

2012), and India (Raval & Martini, 2009) has also

Recent research in the United States (Morris

drawn attention to maternal responses that heavily

et al., 2011) as well as in Turkey (Corapci et al.,

rely on teaching the appropriate emotion display

2012) has identified mothers’ use of attention refo-

rules, with an emphasis placed on moral reasons.

cusing (i.e., distraction) as an effective strategy to

In a comparative study, Cheah and Rubin (2004)

reduce preschoolers’ anger and sadness. In India,

similarly documented that Chinese mothers were

mothers of school-aged children endorsed pro-

more likely to suggest teaching strategies (i.e., viding more emotional and instrumental support explaining and educating about appropriate behavin response to children’s sadness than anger. US

iors) than their European-American counterparts

school-aged children’s self-reports also reflect dif-

in response to both child withdrawal and aggres-

ferential parental responses to sadness and anger.

sion. Such emphasis on the importance of moral

Similar to Indian mothers, US mothers were per-

standards, social norms, and behavioral expecta-

ceived by children as more understanding toward

tions in situations where children display distress

sadness than anger (Shipman & Zeman, 2001;

has also been noted in discourse studies conducted

Zeman & Garber, 1996).

with Chinese mothers of toddlers (Wang, 2001).

Finally, naturalistic observations in the house-

Finally, research with Indian mothers (Raval &

holds of Nepalese Tamang and Brahman ethnicity

fr ieDl meier, Cor a pCi, Beng a

139

have not only revealed ethnic group differences

also found to be associated with their lower use of

in emotion socialization, but also differences in

emotion questions and explanations and a lower

mothers’ responses to anger and shame (Cole et al.,

quality of emotion discussion in storytelling (Tao,

2006). Children’s anger was discouraged by scold-

Zhou, Lau, & Liu, 2013). US and Chinese moth-

ing and teasing by Tamang mothers, perhaps due

ers’ narrative emotional content have also been

to the Tamangs’ Buddhist values (minimization of

compared when mothers were holding conversa-

emotion) or their lower status in the society rela-

tions about emotionally salient events (Fivush &

tive to high-caste Brahmans. On the other hand,

Wang, 2005; Wang, 2001; Wang & Fivush, 2005).

Brahman children’s anger was met with reasoning;

Compared to US mothers, Chinese mothers were

it was not encouraged but may have been toler-

more likely to take a didactic approach and empha-

ated in order to socialize children’s role as socially

size ways to repair the interaction with the person

dominant. Caregiver responses to shame also dif-

who caused sadness, anger, or fear in their children

fered: Tamang caregivers responded with a mix

and to teach them about the moral standards for

of ignoring, reasoning, and nurturance, whereas

emotion expression. Chinese mothers were also less

Brahman caregivers ignored child shame. These

likely to engage in negotiations to discuss how and

findings illustrated how religion, ethnicity, and why their children were experiencing a particular social class may influence emotion socialization

emotion.

even within a nation identified as relational in its

The pattern emerging from the discourse stud-

models of competence.

ies converges with emotion socialization studies

These differentiated results for anger and reviewed earlier and suggests that the primary sadness are in line with the reported results goal of Chinese mothers is to socialize their chil-that negative-powerless emotions (e.g., sad-

dren into the culturally appropriate display of

ness, shame) are more endorsed overall, whereas

emotions. They are not preoccupied with facili-

negative-powerful emotions (e.g., anger, contempt)

tating emotional understanding in their children

are seen especially as disruptive in cultures with an

(Wang, 2003). In contrast, US mothers’ emphasis

interdependent self focus (see the earlier section

on the verbalization of cognitions, desires, and

“Cultural Emotion Norms”). Altogether, it seems

emotional states focuses on awareness and under-

necessary to differentiate between these two groups

standing of one’s own emotions. The latter can

of negative emotions in future studies.

be seen as consistent with the prevailing cultural

model of the independent self-construal that draws

Parental Emotion Talk with Children

on autonomy (i.e., making own choices, achieving

Research on children’s early social-linguistic one’s full potential), assertiveness, and expression environments reveals that mother–child conver-of inner personal experiences (Mesquita & Albert,

sations also give insight into how mothers label,

2007) and the individualistic emotional compe-

interpret, and organize emotional states. The few

tence model. As a result, US children were found

available cross-cultural studies (Fivush & Wang,

to show more advanced understanding about situa-

2005; Wang, 2001; Wang & Fivush, 2005; Wang,

tions that provoke various emotions than were their

Leichtman, & Davies, 2000) have not only dis-

Chinese peers (Doan & Wang, 2010; Wang, 2003).

cerned differences in the manner in which mothers

Furthermore, this different style also affects autobi-

communicate about mental states (e.g., explana-

ographical memory. Wang and colleagues (Wang,

tions, elaborations, talking about moral standards),

Hutt, Kulkofsky, McDermott, & Wei, 2006)

but they have also pointed out that maternal studied the emotion situation knowledge and focus on mental states in conversations mediates,

autobiographical memory in Chinese, immigrant

at least partly, the effect of culture on children’s

Chinese, and European-American 3-year-olds.

emotion understanding (Doan & Wang, 2010).

European-American children had better emotion

Specifically, discourse studies have consistently situation knowledge and remembered more details revealed that US mothers of 3-year-old children

of experienced past events. This cultural difference

made significantly more references to cognitions

is not relevant for memory skills, and Chinese chil-

(think/know), emotional states, and other mental

dren are probably better in other memory tasks, but

states compared to Chinese (Wang et al., 2000)

the important conclusion here is that the focus on

and Chinese immigrant mothers in a storytelling

personal emotion in form of child-centered remi-

task (Doan & Wang, 2010). Immigrant Chinese

niscing in European and American countries ver-

mothers’ orientation to the Chinese culture was

sus socially oriented reminiscing in Asian families

140

e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

has consequences for the individual’s self-construal

model of relational emotional competence, namely,

and identity that is constructed in relation to auto-

the norms of rather low emotion expression and

biographical memory.

ideal affect of contentment instead of excitement

combined with parental preferences for emotion

Emotion Socialization and

socialization strategies like training, minimization

Child Outcomes

strategies, and unacceptability for negative (pow-

Relations between supportive emotion social-

erful) emotions instead of supportive strategies.

ization responses (i.e., emotional and instrumental

Genetic transmission seems to be a relevant factor,

support, expressive encouragement) and children’s

but such transmission happens very slowly over

emotion regulation competence, emotion under-

very long time periods. The maintenance of the

standing skills, and social competence have been

current patterns is probably strongly affected by

reported in reviews of research with US samples,

culture-specific emotion socialization patterns and

whereas nonsupportive responses (i.e., minimiza-

social norms that are requested to be respected by

tion, punitive responses) were related to behavior

the next generation.

problems and dysregulated affect (Thompson &

Cross-cultural temperament studies are impor-

Meyer, 2007). A growing number of researchers

tant contributions, especially longitudinal stud-

point out that caregivers’ emotion socialization ies, which are rare. For example, Gartstein et al.

responses should be studied within a broader con-

(2006) revealed how negative emotionality ratings

text of parenting. Of particular importance seems

of Russian children were closer to those of Japanese

to be parental minimization of emotions in order

children in infancy but became more similar to those

to better understand cultural differences in these

of US children in toddlerhood. The critical aspect of

responses (Tao et al., 2010). For example, more

these temperamental studies is the fact that all these

minimizing parents were not necessarily lower in

data come from parental evaluations of child tem-

authoritative parenting in China, and Chinese perament. It is very likely that parents’ evaluations mothers’ minimizing responses were unrelated to

of their child’s characteristics are affected by the

child adjustment (Tao et al., 2010). By contrast,

expectations and norms of their cultural group. This

unlike studies in the Western cultures, Turkish

may explain why Chinese mothers—in contrast to

mothers’ minimizing responses of anger were scientific observations—perceive a higher “nega-related to less angry and aggressive behaviors per

tive affectivity” level in their children. East Asian

teacher report (Corapci et al., 2012). It is possible

countries consider negative (powerful) emotions as

that Turkish mothers may minimize anger to help

undesirable. Due to this culturally shared norm,

their children conform to social norms. Future

East Asian mothers may be more prone to register

studies need to examine minimization responses in

negative displays and, due to the related expectation

combination with global socialization goals to bet-

that such experiences should not occur, they may

ter understand the culturally relevant meaning and

overestimate their occurrence rate.

function of minimization.

Most studies demonstrated cultural differences

in emotion expression and emotion regulation,

Conclusion

especially the results reported about emotion talk,

The aim of the chapter was to give some insight

which point to the fact that emotions themselves

into current knowledge about young children’s are evaluated differently. It seems that members emotional development in a cultural perspective.

of East Asian countries consider emotion not as a

Although the studies are still low in number, they

potential indicator for well-being but rather value

already demonstrate that culture matters in regard

the need to overcome it by regulating behavior

to describing and explaining emotional develop-

more on a voluntary and reflective basis. As a con-

ment. It is interesting to note that some of the

sequence, cultural differences in emotions do not

early emotional characteristics—lower reactivity only refer to different endorsements of emotions of Eastern/Asian-origin children; lower irritability/

and related strength of expression and to display

distress and more (self-)quieting during infant test-

rules, but also refer to culture-specific attitudes

ing procedures; less active, less vocal and positive

toward emotions. Such differences may lead to dif-

arousal to stimuli; less pronounced facial expres-

ferences in emotion experience, and some studies

sions—are correlated with temperamental and with adults have begun to address this issue over genetic predispositions. At the same time, this emo-the past several years. For example, Consedine,

tional reaction pattern already fits with the cultural

Magai, Horton, and Brown (2012) argue that the

fr ieDl meier, Cor a pCi, Beng a

141

affective paradox that ethnic minorities report for positive high arousal but low endorsement for more positive life experiences although they experi-negative powerful emotions), which seems to fit

ence lower income, poorer health, and higher rates

with emotion norms described for East European

of unemployment and discrimination compared to

countries, and/or high endorsement of emotion

European Americans cannot be solely explained

expression combined with control of expression

by social desirability differences. They interviewed

depending on context conditions (e.g., strong dis-

US-born African Americans and immigrants from

play allowed within ingroups but control expected

the English Caribbean, Dominican Republic, especially for negative emotions toward outgroup and Haiti and included European Americans and

members, especially toward authorities). This latter

immigrants from Eastern Europe as comparison

model could apply to South American countries.

groups and looked at self-reported anger. They More empirical evidence is needed to determine could demonstrate that, for minority groups in the

these different models.

United States, lower self-reported anger is not only

Without a doubt, there are still open questions

due to social desirability but also due to a difference

that need to be addressed in the future, and some

in the way members of minority groups consciously

questions are difficult to answer due to the com-

experience emotions; the latter is seen as a conse-

plexity of the topic. The reported studies already

quence of the emotion socialization during child-

point to cultural variations regarding specific emo-

hood and adolescence. Although Consedine et al.

tion norms, but more studies need to be done out-

(2012) determine the cultural difference as repres-

side of the East Asian and the United States.

sion, such cultural differences may reflect different

A central feature in studying emotional devel-

forms of feelings based on the different pathways of

opment is the time factor, but most studies are

emotional development (Friedlmeier, 2010).

cross-sectional. For example, cultural differ-

The individualistic and relational emotional ences in “positive affectivity” seem to decrease competence models show intercultural and intra-over the first year with age (Slobodskaya et al.,

cultural malleability. These models are apparently

2013). Japanese infants start with lower levels of

not strongly related to cultural dimensions (e.g.,

high-intensity pleasure, a subdimension of “posi-

individualism, power distance), and cultures with

tive affectivity,” as compared to Russian infants

similar norms can differ in such models, as shown

and also to US infants (who have the highest

for the United States and Italy. Both emotional

scores). But by the time they are 1 year old, chil-

competence models are not exclusive, and a mix-

dren in all three cultures show similar high levels

ture of both was already presented for mothers in

in positive affectivity (see Figure 9.6). Although

Hong Kong (Chan et al., 2009). We assume that

such studies give a thorough first insight, we do not

further configurations of emotional competence

know how individual changes happen over time,

models can be described for other cultures, and

and we also do not gain insight on how parental

within-country differences can also be expected

strategies affect children’s emotional reactions in

due to different living situations (e.g., rural vs.

the long run. The latter is critical because some

urban samples). The two emotional competence

cultures show higher indulgence toward children

models are good starting points for studying emo-

compared to other cultures. Some socialization

tional development from a cultural perspective,

strategies may be different at certain age periods

but it remains important to include other cultures

and more similar at others, and children’s emo-

beyond the US and East Asian countries to enrich

tional developmental pathways may diverge and

the description of potential emotional competence

converge respectively. More longitudinal studies

models, as well as to determine the relevant fea-

are necessary to obtain stronger empirical evi-

tures to describe the emotion norms.

dence about such developmental pathways.

Whereas the individualistic model endorses gen-

The time factor also refers to cohorts and soci-

eral emotion expression, aims for positive excite-

etal changes. These culture-bound mechanisms are

ment, and is mostly present in West European

not immutable but are rather influenced by changes

countries and United States, the relational model of

at the macrolevel (e.g., historical/societal changes)

emotion competence rather endorses emotion con-

or at the microlevel (e.g., family migration). As an

trol as reported for East Asian countries and India.

illustration of microlevel changes, Gartstein, Peleg,

Other emotion competence models may exist and

Young, and Slobodskaya (2009) revealed differ-

differ from these two models by endorsing some

ences between temperamental subdimensions of

emotions more than others (e.g., high endorsement

infants born to families of Russian immigrants in

142

e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

6.0

5.5

5.0

Scale scores 4.5

4.0

Age (months)

3.5

3–6

6–9

9–12

High intensity pleasure

Japan

Russia

USA

Fig. 9.6 Effects of age and culture on the Early Childhood Behavior Questionnaire (ECBQ) temperament subscale “high intensity pleasure” (part of positive affectivity) in Japanese, Russian, and US infants of different age groups. Bars are 95% confidence intervals.

Source: Slobodskaya et al. (2013).

the United States and Israel, as well as to Russian

test for gender differences, which may also vary

families residing in Russia. Israeli infants were across cultures and age-groups. In general, qualita-perceived at the highest levels of falling reactiv-

tive approaches are still desirable because the cul-

ity and soothability as compared to the Russian

tural variations are not well-known in this area of

or US infants and were more perceptually sensi-

research.

tive than Russian infants. On the other hand, US

We hope that this review encourages and inspires

infants showed the lowest rates of cuddliness and

researchers for future studies to increase our knowl-

low-intensity pleasure as compared to the Russian

edge. The number of studies will increase slowly

or Israeli infants.

since such investigation is highly time-consuming

Most studies do not differentiate distinct emo-

in regard to collaboration efforts, coding of qualita-

tions. However, socialization strategies vary along

tive material, and more. However, it will remain an

different types of emotions, as was shown for sad-

important goal to gain further insight on how early

ness and anger. Studying each distinct emotion

emotion socialization in different cultures lays the

may be too detailed but at least differentiating

ground work for different pathways of emotional

between positive, powerful negative emotions (neg-

development.

ative emotions with an impulse of attacking, e.g.,

anger, jealousy) and powerless negative emotions

Note

(negative emotions with an impulse of withdrawal,

1 These are not original but vaguely reconstructed statements

because the original material is not available.

e.g. sadness, anxiety) is relevant. The distinction

between the two types of negative emotions has

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e a r ly emot iona l Dev elopment in Cu lt ur a l per SpeC t i v e

C H A P T E R

The Evolution of Attachment Theory

10 and Cultures of Human Attachment

in Infancy and Early Childhood

Gilda Morel i

Abstract

Children develop attachment relationships with caregivers they trust to care for and protect them, and children’s care reflects the interplay of cultural and ecological processes. Central to children’s care and relationships is the importance communities place on action that is directed by one’s own thoughts and feelings (autonomy) or by the thoughts and feelings of others (social harmony). In the former, attachment relationships are characterized by recurring separation and reunions, and learning centers on exploration; in the latter, by continuous contact and care and accommodation to others and context. This view of attachment represents revised thinking, and this chapter considers cultural differences in conceptions of good care, competent children, and close relationships in light of traditional and revised attachment theory and research. Also considered is current understanding of the ecological circumstances of resource uncertainty during human evolution that likely preferenced infants capable of developing multiple, simultaneous attachment relationships.

Key Words: attachment, relationships, care, culture, resource unpredictability, scarcity, parenting, self, evolutionary adaptedness, autonomy, social harmony

Efe forest camp. Eighteen-month-old Maua sits in

to this cousin she has never met. Sensing her concern,

her aunt’s lap focused intently on the families stream-

he carries Maua to a family friend, and, as she settles

ing from the forest into the bright light of the freshly

in his lap, Maua’s mother leaves camp to collect fire-

cleared camp. Cheerful greetings and song meet the

wood. Maua begins to sway to the musical rhythms of

newcomers as they are helped to ease baskets and

a finger piano, and not long after, a neighbor beckons

infants to the ground. Babies are cuddled by people

her to come and see the baby she nurses, a newborn

they do not know or do not remember, and, with a bit

whose mother has not yet returned from gathering.

of humored coaxing, toddlers shake hands, and older

Maua perches on her thigh and plays with the baby’s

children bring water to the travelers. In time, they sit

tiny toes, giggling all the while. But soon she feels very

and share news, and voices blend with the sound of

hungry and scans the camp for her mother, who is not

honeybees circling overhead.

there. She slips down to watch a woman spoon wild

Maua’s mother breaks off several small pieces of

yams from a pot, and with just a hint of a fuss, the

honey comb and, with a few quiet words, places them

woman looks up and gives Maua some to eat.

in Maua’s hand. Maua walks to a newly arrived

Soon, Maua’s mother returns. Maua waits as her

young girl and offers her a piece. Gladly accepted, the

mother stokes the cooking fire, and once done, she

two watch the animated storytelling of a group of men

climbs into her mother’s lap and nurses hungrily.

and women as sweet honey drips down their chins.

When Maua’s sucking slows with sleepiness, she is laid

A boy grins at Maua and breaks from the onlookers to

into the arms of an old relative. Draped there also is a

scoop her up. She quiets, not knowing how to respond

small orphaned boy, now in the woman’s care. With a

149

bit of adjusting, and with legs and arms intertwined,

in the type of care that fosters secure attachment

the two children settle comfortably. Maua’s mother

relationships and the competencies that develop as

and sister join a group of women on the other side of

a result, in the relation between secure attachment

camp to plan for the next’s day foraging expedition.

and confident exploration, and in the incidence and

form of insecure attachments. According to attach-

This vignette describes experiences typical of

ment theorists, decades of research largely confirm

Efe foragers of the Ituri Forest of the Democratic

these claims (Van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz,

Republic of Congo. It portrays Efe infancy as 1999; 2008). Today, attachment theory is psychol-intensely social, and it exemplifies the infant’s ogy’s most influential theory of relatedness, setting continuously shifting social landscape and the sig-standards for what constitutes healthy relationships

nificant breadth and intensity of cooperation in

for humans.

infant care. More than 25 years have passed since

This traditional account of attachment, once

the highly social life of Efe children and the shar-

unrivaled, receives less support than it once did. We

ing of care by many was first described (Tronick,

better understand now the ecological circumstances

Morelli, & Winn, 1987). At the time, the Efe pat-

associated with the evolution of attachment and the

tern of care was considered unusual. But decades

contextual dependency of attachment relationships.

of research on hunters and gatherers show that this

Researchers whose views on attachment reflect

view is no longer correct. Extensive care of young

these developments accept attachment as an evolved

infants by individuals other than their mothers is a

behavioral system and acknowledge important

practice common among forager societies (Konner,

similarities in attachment worldwide (e.g., quali-

2010). With shared developmental assistance ties of care and caregiver are important to the close (Morelli, Ivey Henry, & Foerster, 2014) and the

relationships children develop, and attachment

universal need of mothers for it (Hrdy, 2009), Efe

relationships relate to children’s learning). Other

infants, like other forager infants, are part of social

than this, they argue that attachment relationships

and cooperative networks from birth. They develop

are constituted largely by the interplay of cultural

relationships with the many people who care for

and ecological processes (LeVine & Norman, 2001;

them, and many of these relationships develop into

Otto & Keller, 2014; Quinn & Mageo, 2013).

close relationships by the time infants are able to

We now believe that ecological conditions of

walk (e.g., Meehan & Hawks, 2013).

resource unpredictability during the Paleolithic

period favored psychological and social processes

Introduction to Attachment Theory

that increased the likelihood of people gaining

Attachment theory is concerned with human rela-

access to scarce and needed goods and services.1

tionships—the close relationships children develop

These conditions, along with predator pressure,

with the people who are responsible for them and

likely favored selection for capacities for attach-

their care—and with the implications of closeness

ment. Evidence also suggests the cultural patterning

for children’s learning and development. Attachment

of attachment relationships. It singles out as critical

is part of our human legacy and a species-wide char-

to these relationships the importance communi-

acteristic. It evolved as an adaptation to predator

ties place on action directed by one’s own thoughts

pressure and allows children to balance their need

and feelings (i.e., autonomy) or on the thoughts

for protection and exploration. As such, it is charac-

and feelings of others and context (i.e., social har-

terized by children’s recurring separations from and

mony). Middle-class European-American families

reunions with primary caregivers (Bowlby, 1969;

are examples of the former, and, for their children,

1982). Children seek proximity to their primary

attachment relationships are characterized by recur-

caregivers for comfort and security when conditions

ring separation and reunions, and learning centers

are dangerous or their needs compelling, and, once

on exploration. Traditional East Asian families are

assured of their safety and well-being, they venture

examples of the latter; for their children, attach-

away from caregivers to explore the environment.

ment relationships are characterized by continuous

Attachment theorists have long argued that all

contact and care, and learning centers on accom-

children develop attachment relationships in the

modation (Rothbaum, Morelli, & Rusk, 2011).

same way, and all attachment relationships serve

The chapter is organized in the following way.

the same purpose (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, &

Attachment theory and research are reviewed first.

Wall, 1978; Bowlby, 1982; Cassidy & Shaver, Then, the ecological circumstances likely prevalent 2008). That is, there are regularities across cultures

during the Paleolithic period are discussed, and, as

150

t he evolu t ion of at taChment t heory a nD Cu lt ur eS of hu m a n at taChment

a companion to this, the social life of Efe hunter

her own, legitimize the child’s wishes and activities,

gatherer infants of the Democratic Republic of

and honor the child’s requests when she indicates

Congo are described. Following this, the cultural

what she wants.

basis of attachment relationships is considered by

The ability of children to use their caregiver as

examining children’s care across communities, pay-

a secure base from which to explore the environ-

ing attention to the relation among care, autonomy

ment is assessed most commonly using a laboratory

and social harmony, and exploration and accom-

procedure developed by Ainsworth and colleagues

modation. Finally, questions about attachment (Ainsworth et al., 1978). The Strange Situation security and measurement are addressed.

examines how well children around the age of 1

organize attachment and exploration behaviors

Attachment Theory and Research

during a period of moderately escalating distress

Attachment theorizing began with the work of

designed to activate the attachment system. In it,

Bowlby (1969; 1982). Initially, Bowlby was inter-

children are repeatedly separated from their care-

ested in the protective function of the attachment

givers for a brief period of time and left alone or

system, which is activated when infants are dis-

with a stranger. Children secure in their attach-

tressed and brings them into the protective solici-

ment relationships are comforted by their caregiv-

tude of their primary caregivers (i.e., mothers).

ers’ return and are able to use them as a secure base

Later, the function of the attachment system was

to explore. Children insecure in their attachment

broadened to include support of children’s innate

relationships are not able to use their caregiver as a

drive for exploration and mastery of the inani-

secure base and do not seek contact with their care-

mate and social world (Ainsworth & Bowlby, givers on return (avoidant), seek and resist contact 1991). Together, the dual function of safe haven

(resistant), or show no discernible pattern of behav-

and secure base—secure base function—allows ior (disorganized). These children with insecure children to venture forth from their caregivers and

attachment relationships are at risk for developing

explore the environment knowing they can return

later behavioral problems (Thompson, 2006).

safely to their caregivers for safekeeping.

The distribution of secure and insecure pat-

The secure base reflects a link between and bal-

terns of attachment in nonclinical populations is

ancing of the attachment and exploration systems,

assumed to be the same across communities. The

and varies with infant experience of caregivers as

secure pattern is regarded by attachment theorists

trustworthy sources of protection and comfort. as the typical pattern, with approximately 65% of When children are assured of their caregiver’s trust-children within a population securely attached.

worthiness and their needs are met, the attachment

The avoidant insecure pattern characterizes about

system is deactivated and the exploration system is

20% of children within a population and the resis-

activated. This allows children to explore the envi-

tant pattern 15%. When the disorganized insecure

ronment with confidence and gain control over it.

classification is considered along with the avoidant

When children feel threatened, the attachment sys-

and resistant classifications, the percentage of chil-

tem is activated and the exploration system is deacti-

dren within a population classified, respectively, is

vated. They return to caregivers for the reassurance

about 15%, 9–10%, and 15%.

they need to resume exploratory activities. Through

exploration, children develop a sense of themselves

Interdisciplinarity of Attachment

as competent and worthy of support, and later as

Theory and Research

autonomous. Children who are not assured of their

“Attachment theory was born from John

caregivers’ trustworthiness do not achieve the same

Bowlby’s insistence that a field must be willing

confidence in others, in themselves, and in their

to break from past traditions and be open to new

mastery of the environment (Weinfield, Sroufe,

ideas” (Cassidy, 2003, p. 409). Bowlby’s thesis on

Egeland, & Carlson, 2008). The care underlying

attachment was based in part on his understand-

children’s ability to explore the environment with

ing of the environment of evolutionary adaptedness

confidence features sensitive responsiveness to pos-

(EEA), which owed much to writings on primate

itive and negative signals (e.g., Belsky & Fearon,

social groups. He and others believed that during

2008) and meets the child’s innate need for auton-

the Paleolithic period men cooperated to protect

omy (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989). Ainsworth (1976)

the group from predators and to secure food by

describes autonomy-supporting practices as those

hunting, the two assumed primary functions of

that respect the child as separate and with a will of

social groups. While men were well integrated into

mor elli

151

the group, women were not. Women exchanged

available to humans, and food was often of low

food with men and functioned in small subgroups

nutritional quality. There was high exposure to

made up of their infants and sometimes older disease-producing agents and trauma hazards. For children. The cooperation between women was these reasons and others, mortality throughout the believed different from that between men and was

hominid lifespan was high. All of this set in motion

considered less important to women and the group

the evolution of biological processes and flexible

(Patterson, 2003).

behavioral strategies to improve security of access

The view of hominid women and infants in smal

to nutritional and social resources. Key to estab-

mother–young groups largely separate from one lishing reliable access were social tendencies that another was expanded based on animal behavior

made possible cooperative activities, sharing, and

research that demonstrated infant maternal prefer-

social group living. These tendencies co-evolved

ence (Harlow & Zimmermann, 1959; see Schil er,

with a life history that included short interbirth

1957, on Lorenz). This, along with Bowlby’s psy-

intervals, postweaning dependency, slow juvenile

choanalytic leanings, led to Bowlby’s near exclusive

growth, and high fertility, which committed moth-

attention to the emotional tie between infants and

ers to raising multiple dependent young children

mothers. He assumed the singular importance of this

at the same time and committed children to com-

relationship to all others and its lifelong influence on

peting with their mothers, siblings, and others for

all close relationships. Bowlby’s clinical orientation

scarce resources.

also gave way to the portrayal of attachment relation-

This understanding of hominid life progressed

ships as healthy (secure) or as predicative of disturbed

with decades of research on foraging societies, aided

development (insecure) (LeVine, 2014).

by advances in ecology and evolutionary biology,

Bowlby’s thesis was a theory of human social

neuroscience, and genetics. The evidence suggests

relationships (Thompson, 2006). The translation

that adaptations to ecological constraints imposed

of theory to research on the ontogeny of individ-

by resource insecurity during the Paleolithic period

ual relationships is credited largely to the efforts

are manifest best by extant foragers in Africa, many

of Ainsworth (Ainsworth et al., 1978). She laid

of whom live in evolutionary relevant settings.

the groundwork for research on secure base, sen-

Bowlby long appreciated the importance of study-

sitive care, and patterns of attachment based on

ing modern-day foragers to understand attachment,

her in-depth observational studies of mothers and

and the Efe are one of the oldest extant lineages

infants in Uganda and later in US homes. The sim-

of modern humans and one of the few remain-

ilarities observed between the two communities

ing traditional African pygmy groups. Efe life is

helped to advance the thesis of the universal nature

marked by high daily variability in resources across

of attachment relationships. From this were set

the lifespan, influencing well-being and behavior.

standards for good parenting, secure attachment,

The sharing and cooperative networks in which Efe

and the study of both. Since Bowlby framed attach-

participate are the mainstay of their existence and

ment theory, most research has been on individual

build up over a lifetime of associations. These net-

differences in attachment security and on the rela-

works help to reduce variance in resource access,

tion between attachment security and later com-

and reliable relationships are valued greatly because

petence (Delius, Bovenschen, & Spangler, 2008).

they promise a more predicable flow of goods and

The majority of studies are of mothers and infants

services.

in middle-class contexts of Western communities

Efe children are centered within social net-

because key features of attachment relationships—

works from birth, and their health and survival

secure base, distribution of security, sensitive care,

hinge quite immediately on their ability to secure

and infant competence—are assumed universal.2

resources reliably from others, especially as they

The few studies elsewhere largely support these

leave the protective niche of early infancy. Mothers

assumptions (e.g., Cassidy, 2008; Van IJzendoorn

alone are not able to provide for their multiple

& Sagi-Schwartz, 2008).

dependent young. The day-to-day variability in

an individual’s hunting or foraging success means

Human Evolution and Attachment

inevitably that others must provision the infant on a

Theory Reconsidered

regular basis. Who is available to do this, however,

Ecosystems during the period of human emer-

varies quite a lot. Efe adapt to shifts in resource

gence were highly variable.3 There was significant

availability by frequent changes in residency and

temporal and spatial unpredictability of foods camp location and by calibrating social networks 152

t he evolu t ion of at taChment t heory a nD Cu lt ur eS of hu m a n at taChment

to individual and group needs. Camps may be nes-

from what Bowlby envisioned. His understanding

tled deep in the forest, with many residents and few

of the EEA did not take into account the energetic

strangers passing through. Or they may be close

needs of women and children or the pivotal role

to the road, with few residents and many strangers

cooperative relationships played in their lives. It

passing through. The high prevalence of parasitic

allowed him to assume the near exclusive role of

and infectious diseases and injury means that some

mothers in the care of their infants and the primacy

of the people who have cared for babies are not well

of the infant’s attachment relationships with her.

enough to do so or have died.

Attachment relationships with others, although

This uncertain access to nutritional and social

recognized by Bowlby, were different, developed

resources places strong demands on Efe children

later, and were less strong and consistent.

to gain broad exposure to many people and to

develop predictable and trustworthy relationships

Cultures and Attachment

with many of them. Their success rests on astute

Relationships Reconsidered

sensibilities that allow them to navigate dense and

Most culture studies on attachment relation-

variable social landscapes, manage and negotiate

ships consider the constitutive role of cultural and

relationships with people who may or may not share

ecological processes. Attachment researchers are

their interests, predict the intentions of others, not indifferent to them. Bowlby’s thesis allows for and develop favorable patterns of exchange while

adaptation to local conditions, and Ainsworth’s

minimizing and eliminating unfavorable ones. Efe

procedure accommodates cultural differences

infants have many opportunities to develop the

between Ugandan and US mothers and infants.

competences needed to do this.

But they did not extend contextual considerations

As shown in the vignette, Efe infancy is intensely

much beyond this, and later Bowlby did not see

social, and infants spend most of their time near or

cultural variation in children’s close relationships

in physical contact with many people. Infant social

at odds with attachment theory (LeVine, 2014).

networks expand over the first 2 years of life, are

Attachment theorists continue in this vein. They

fast paced, and variable. Over a 2-hour period,

appreciate the relevance of context for attachment

Efe infants, on average, are in contact with 9 to 14

but in very limited ways. Often, context is taken

different people, some with as many as 20 people.

into account to explain the atypical distribution

They change partners about once every 3 minutes,

of insecure classifications or researchers down play

and most of their partners are not the same over

observations ill-fitted to theory. For example, Van

a period of several months. These shifts in social

Ijzendoorn and Sagi-Schwartz (2008) recognized

landscape bring Efe babies into contact with many

the contextual components of attachment relation-

people and allow them to learn and practice com-

ships in their multiculture study of attachment and

plex behaviors for developing, sustaining, and the need to shift from a dyadic to social network renewing relationships.

perspective (a sweeping change to attachment

Many of an infant’s early cooperative relation-

theory), but concluded nonetheless that “taken as

ships, built on social exchange, are likely to develop

a whole, the studies are remarkably consistent with

into trusting ones. Efe infants enjoy great success

the theory” (p. 901).

in securing resources from people, and they are in

Even though attachment theorists show great

good moods most of the time they are with oth-

fidelity to attachment theory, some acknowledge

ers, which is quite a lot, probably because care-

considerable flexibility in the attachment system,

givers are very solicitous of them. With so many

related to multidetermined influences, capable

people to trust, and so many of them in contact

of accommodating different cultural practices

with the infant or just a few steps away, Efe babies

and ecological and material circumstances (e.g.,

grow up in dense groupings of people who care for

Simpson & Belsky, 2008; Thompson et al., 2006).

and about them. And, most likely as a result, Efe

Honing this view requires several essential avenues

infants develop multiple, simultaneous attachment

of research, including further exploration into how

relationships that are similar in importance and

attachment develops in different cultural settings

significance to them.

(Thompson et al., 2006). Already, there is impres-

The ecological circumstances that gave prefer-

sive documentation on the diverse realities of chil-

ence to infants capable of participating in diverse

dren’s lives, and there is great interest in the cultural

and complex cooperative relationships and of nature of sensitive care, competence, and secure developing multiple attachments are very different

base, and the relational values they represent (e.g.,

mor elli

153

Edwards, Ren, & Brown, this volume; Otto &

preference the link between the behavioral systems

Keller, 2014; Quinn & Mageo, 2013).

of attachment and accommodation (Morelli &

Rothbaum, 2007; Rothbaum et al., 2011). These

Cultural Patterning of Relational Values

close relationships are marked by near continuous

The thesis on the cultural nature of attachment

union and contact and by accommodative activi-

relationships rests strongly on well-researched con-

ties typically in close cooperation with others that

cepts that represent how people function as sepa-

include conformity, propriety, compliance, respon-

rate individuals and in relation with others. One

siveness to social cues, and coordinating one’s

representation is the independent self, character-

own and others’ needs. Through these and other

ized as self-directed (Kitayama, Duffy, & Uchida,

accommodative supporting practices and activi-

2007), physically and mentally separate (Raeff,

ties, children experience themselves as connected

2006), defined by personal qualities (Suh, 2000),

to others, as “part of encompassing social relation-

and instrumental in social relations (e.g., promotes

ships” (Markus & Kitayama, 2010, p. 423), and as

own goals; Shweder, Much, Mahapatra, & Park,

“defined and made meaningful in respect to such

1997). For this representation, a person’s own others” (Kitayama et al., 2007, p. 144). For these thoughts, feelings, and actions are used as the

children, the importance of accommodation for

primary referent for action (Markus & Kitayama,

learning is foremost.

2010). A second representation is the interdepen-

dent self, characterized as socially responsive, “fun-

Good Care and Competent Children

damentally connected with others” (Kitayama

Attachment theory claims that a history of sen-

et al., 2007, p. 141), and dutiful and obliging (e.g.,

sitive care fosters child attachment security.4 This

promotes others’ goals; Shweder et al., 1997). For

care is defined by qualities that support the child’s

this representation, the thoughts, feelings, and need to explore the environment and, related to actions of others are used as a person’s primary

this, her need for autonomy. It is contingent on the

referents for action (Markus & Kitayama, 2010).

child’s explicit signals, synchronized to the child’s

Self-representations co-exist in individual psychol-

activities, and follows the child’s lead. It is affec-

ogies and cultural philosophies (Keller, 2011 a); are

tionate and affectively engaging, and it encourages

inseparable, multiple represented, and mutually

expressions of positive emotionality. Cared for in

constitutive; and are understood in culturally dis-

this way, the child is secure in her attachment rela-

tinctive ways and particularized in everyday prac-

tionships. She is assured that she is in control and

tices (Raeff, 2006).

competent, and others are available if needed. She

Self-representations reflect the relative impor-

is able to explore her environment with confidence

tance of individual and group needs, goals, and

and at a distance from others. And she experi-

preferences in cultural philosophies on autonomy

ences herself as separate and distinct, with needs

and social harmony. Autonomous functioning

and desires of her own. This is considered the gold

underlies independent self-representations, and the

standard of good care against which all care, world-

prototype for autonomy is attachment relationships

wide, is compared and evaluated.

that preference the link between the behavioral

All indications suggest that sensitive care is

systems of attachment and exploration (Morelli &

universally important to the close relationships

Rothbaum, 2007; Rothbaum et al., 2011). These

children develop (Rothbaum et al., 2011). But

close relationships are marked by recurring separa-

attachment theory’s notion of good care, which

tions and reunions and by exploratory activities that

represents Western standards, is not. Care that

involve materials and tasks typically in relative iso-

controls a child’s actions, anticipates her needs, or

lation from peers and at a distance from caregivers

dampens her emotional expressiveness is sensitive

but with a social orientation, particularly when help

care practiced by people who place importance on

is needed (Grossmann, Grossmann, Kindler, &

social harmony. These features of care, considered

Zimmermann, 2008, p. 873). Through these and

next, are some of the ways parents and others teach

other autonomy-supporting practices and activities,

children to develop a situation-centered view of

children experience themselves as distinct and sep-

reality and the ability to accommodate to others

arate, and the importance of exploration for learn-

and context (Ellis & Petersen, 1992; Morelli &

ing is foremost. Harmonious functioning underlies

Rothbaum, 2007; Rudy & Grusec, 2006).

interdependent self-representations, and the proto-

Care that controls what children do is represen-

type for harmony is attachment relationships that

tative of a global pattern. Whiting and Edwards

154

t he evolu t ion of at taChment t heory a nD Cu lt ur eS of hu m a n at taChment

(1988) note that, except for US mothers, all attachment standards of contingent responsiveness mothers in their 12-community study (Kien-taa,

to children’s explicit signals. This practice of meet-

Liberia; Kokwet, Kisa, Kariobangi, Ngeca, and

ing a child’s needs before or around the time they

Nyansongo, Kenya; Bubaneswar and Khalapur, are expressed is observed in communities around India; Juxlahuaca, Mexico; Tarong, Philippines;

the world. It is reported, for example, among the Efe

and Taira, Japan) ranked highest or second high-

(Morelli, Ivey Henry, Tronick, & Baldwin, 2002),

est in training and controlling their children.5

Nso (Keller et al., 2012; Keller & Otto, 2009),

Similar findings are reported for caregivers in other

Makassar farmers (Indonesia; Röttger-Rössler, in

African (Keller, 2003; LeVine et al., 1994), East

2014), Sinhala farmers and wage earners (Sri Lanka;

and South Asian (Chao & Tseng, 2002; Rudy &

Chapin, 2013), Yucatec Maya farmers (de Leon,

Grusec, 2006), Middle Eastern (Kagitcibasi, 1970;

1998), and the Japanese (Rothbaum, Nagaoka, &

Sharifzadeh, 1998), South and Central American,

Ponte, 2006). Caregivers rely on situational cues,

and non-middle-class US communities. This way

prior history, and the child’s subtle signals—often

of getting children to act appropriately does not

nonverbal—to do this. For the child, care that

harm the close relationships they develop with consistently anticipates her needs helps to create a their caregivers. Children in Puerto Rico (Carlson

reality that blurs her sense of self as distinct and

& Harwood, 2003); in mostly low-income families

separate from others and accentuates her depen-

in the United States from Puerto Rico, Dominican

dency on them. Her phenomenological experience

Republic (Fracasso, Busch-Rossnagel, & Fisher, becomes one of shared selves and shared perspec-1994), and Mexico (Howes & Wishard Guerra,

tives and of seeing herself and the world as others

2009; Ispa et al., 2004); and in low-income see her and the world (Cohen, Hoshin-Brown, & African-American families (Ispa et al., 2004) Leung, 2007; Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & have secure attachment or positive relationships

Weisz, 2000).

with their controlling and intrusive mothers.6 For

Care that dampens or discourages negative but

kibbutz-living Israeli (Aviezer, Sagi, Joels, & Ziv,

also overly positive expressions of emotions helps

1999) and Bogotá Colombian children (Posada children learn a style of expressiveness that best et al., 2002), maternal intrusiveness has no relation

maintains their relationships with others by not dis-

to attachment security.

rupting social harmony. This is different from care

To most of the world’s cultures, controlling advocated by attachment theorists that responds children is what good parents do. Chinese parents

to children’s overt positive and negative signals

and parents in other Confucian cultures, practice

and preferences positive ones. Among the Chinese

guan, which is to govern, care for, and love chil-

and other East Asian peoples, intense emotions

dren by taking control, directing their behaviors,

are considered immature and socially disruptive

and placing demands on them (Chao & Tseng,

(Kitayama, Karasawa, & Mesquita, 2004; Wang &

2002; Tobin, Wu, & Davidson, 1989). Puerto Young, 2010). Puerto Rican mothers (middle- and Rican parents act in similar ways to teach children

working-class) prefer calm, well-behaved children

to be calm, attentive, and well-behaved (Carlson &

(e.g., Harwood, Miller, & Irizarry, 1995) as do

Harwood, 2003), as do Nso mothers (farmers, the Gusii farmers of Kenya (LeVine, 2004) and Cameroon) to teach children to show good man-the Nso who believe a calm child fits well into her

ners and to share (Keller, Demuth, & Yovis, 2012;

social group (Keller & Otto, 2009). Whereas care-

Keller & Otto, 2009). This care includes expres-

givers preference negative signals by responding to

sions of closeness (Halgunseth, Ispa, & Rudy, them (quickly), they tend to do the opposite with 2006; Ispa et al., 2004; Schwarz, Schafermeier, &

positive signals—and in some communities such as

Trommsdorff, 2005), and children experience it in

the Gusii, caregivers are relatively unresponsive to

a positive way. Japanese and Korean adolescents see

them (i.e., to childish babbling).

guan as a sign of parental acceptance and warmth

What caregivers want for children relates to

(Chao & Tseng, 2002), and Latina and Portuguese

how they care for them, which draws from com-

adolescents living in the United States in families

munity models of how individuals should func-

with low incomes see directive care as affirming

tion as separate individuals and in relationship to

their parents’ protection (Taylor, 1996).

others. Sensitive care as exemplified by attachment

Care that anticipates children’s need is another

theorists advances the child’s individuality in ways

way to sensitively care for children even though

that promote autonomy. Important are her abili-

anticipatory responsiveness does not conform to

ties, confidence, happiness, and discovery through

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155

mature forms of exploration. The competent child

relationships. Among the Murik foragers (Papua

acts based on what she thinks and believes, and she

New Guinea) “food is the quintessential expression

changes the environment accordingly. Sensitive of relatedness, caring, and belonging” (Barlow, care as exemplified in non-Western communities

2013, p. 177). Mothering is defined more by feed-

advances the child’s sociality in ways that promote

ing than by giving birth, and children belong to the

social harmony. Important is proper demeanor,

people who feed them. For them, separation and

obedience, compliance, conformity, respect for loss are expressed by going without food.

elders, remaining calm, sharing, and accepting the

care of many others and the advances of strangers

Care and Child’s Situation or

(e.g., Harwood et al., 1995; Keller, 2003; Morelli

Self-Centered View of Reality

et al., 2014; Otto & Keller, 2014; Quinn & Mageo,

There are ways parents and others teach chil-

2013). The competent child acts based on what oth-

dren to develop a situation- or self-centered view

ers think and feel, and she changes her behavior

of reality in addition to those already considered

accordingly.

(e.g., Keller, this volume). Physical closeness, for

example, is central to attachment relationships

expandinG notions of Good care

marked by near continuous union and contact and

Although sensitive care is a keystone of attach-

by accommodative activities in close cooperation

ment theory, it only modestly predicts attachment

with others, and it typifies young children’s experi-

security (de Wolff & Van IJzendoorn, 1997). This

ences in non-Western communities. This closeness

finding led researchers to consider other aspects

is usual for infants in hunting and gathering com-

of caregiver involvement related to attachment. munities. During the day, for example, Efe infants In line with Western interests is caregiver ability

spend most of their time in the arms or on the

to attribute mental and psychological states to the

backs of others, and when in someone’s lap, they

child and to treat her as an intentional agent (see

are often part of a social knot of interlaced legs and

Sharp & Fonagy, 2008, for a review of research

arms. Among Japanese and Koreans, the signifi-

on mind mindedness, reflective functioning, and

cance of physical contact between infants and par-

parental mentalizing). In line with the majority of

ents (e.g., co-sleeping, co-bathing, breastfeeding)

communities worldwide is interest in child health.

is captured by the terms sukinshippu and seukinsip

But the relation between child care and health,

( skinship), respectively. There is a tactile quality to

and the role of attachment relationships in both,

this type of care (Röttger-Rössler, 2014) that allows

is of little interest to attachment researchers even

for the subtle and near imperceptible exchanges

though protection from malnutrition may be “the

on which anticipatory responsiveness depends. It

most dramatic demonstration of the adaptive value

enables children and caregivers to rely regularly on

of attachment security” (Van IJzendoorn & Sagi-

nonverbal ways to communicate and, as a result,

Schwartz, 2008, p. 900). The health benefits of

to coordinate their involvement in nonexclusive

breastfeeding are clear (Latham, 1997), but chil-

and socially nondisruptive ways (e.g., Morelli &

dren suckle for reasons other than food. Among for-

Verhoef, in preparation). This paves the way for

aging and other traditional societies, for example,

learning how to manage attention to simultaneous

children suckle when they are frightened or sleepy,

activities (Correa-Chávez, Mangione, & Black, this

and caregivers use the breast to quiet and console

volume; Rogoff, Mistry, Goncu, & Mosier, 1993).

children. Suckling is part of the child’s experience

Caregivers teach children to see the world as

of her caregiver as a safe haven, source of comfort,

others do and to adjust to their reality. Empathy is

and co-regulator of emotions; and for Efe and Aka

the emotion of feeling-with-others (Saarni, 1997),

forager (Central African Republic) children, suck-

and empathic listening and responding take into

ling children is not an exclusively maternal activity

account and accommodate to the needs of others.

(Hrdy, 2009).

Japanese mothers may foster this by telling chil-

Feelings of security likely extend as well to oth-

dren what others are thinking and feeling (Clancy,

ers who regularly give food to children. Observing

1986). Beng (farmers in Côte d’Ivoire; Gottlieb,

and participating in food sharing networks simi-

2014) and Kaluli caregivers (farmer-foragers in

lar to those depicted in the vignette at the open-

Papua New Guinea; Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984)

ing of this chapter are ways Efe infants learn about

may do the same by speaking for their children,

the trustworthiness of others. These experiences

and, for the Kaluli, teaching them what to say.

engender feelings of trust, and trust underlies close

Caregivers teach children to attend intently to

156

t he evolu t ion of at taChment t heory a nD Cu lt ur eS of hu m a n at taChment

others and context. In many traditional commu-

(Clancy, 1986). A lot of what European-American

nities, children are positioned so that their gaze is

caregivers talk about with the child is about the

directed outward when carried or sitting, and this

child—her activities and options (Morelli, Rogoff

draws children’s attention to their surrounds. So

et al., 2002). And children are not expected to adapt

does the expectation that children learn by observ-

their speech to take part in conversations; caregiv-

ing and watching, a view shared by Efe and Mayan

ers do this (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986). What is

families (farmers and wage earners in Guatemala;

more, US and Turkish mothers draw attention to

Morelli, Rogoff, & Angelillo, 2002) and com-

the child by singling out her achievements and

mon among traditional societies (Correa-Chávez

praising her accomplishments, sometimes ignoring

et al., this volume; Rogoff, 2003). Caregivers the contributions of others. Such praise contributes teach children about social interdependencies by

to the child’s notions about herself as self-sufficient,

accentuating the social group. Teasing, shaming,

and it is less common in non-Western communities

and name-calling (Samoans, Samoan Islands, (LeVine, 1980; Rogoff, 2003). And, US parents are farmer-foragers; Mageo, 2013); abrupt weaning less likely to press children to comply with requests (Pirahã foragers, Brazil; Everett, 2014); and with-that are seemingly unfair. When the child tries to

holding empathic attention (Bhubaneswar, India;

negotiate, parents negotiate with them (Kuczynski,

Seymour, 2013) direct children away from indi-

Kochanska, Radke-Yarrow, & Girnius-Brown,

vidual relationships and toward the social group as

1987). Japanese mothers find this difficult to

a whole. Care and protection by many others instill

accept because it goes against the ethos of accom-

in children a sense of dependency on them and the

modating to others (Ujiie, 1997). And, in many

group for meeting their needs (e.g., Everett, 2014;

African and East Asian communities, children are

Morelli et al., in 2014).

expected to obey and comply (Nsamenang, 1992;

Physical separation, in contrast, is central to

Yamada, 2004).

attachment relationships marked by recurring sep-

arations and reunions and by exploratory activities

Secure Base Function

at a distance from caregivers, and it typifies chil-

To learn about themselves, others, and the

dren’s experiences in Western communities. This

world about them, children preferentially rely on

separation provides children with many opportu-

caregivers with whom they have close relationships.

nities to explore the environment away from care-

These caregivers are able to support the child’s

givers, and it lessens social demands on children

learning because the child trusts them to keep her

to accommodate to others and context. Because

safe and secure. With the feelings of safety and

caregivers often are not physically close to the

security these relationships engender, the child is

child, children and caregivers frequently use ver-

able to engage fully her capacity to learn, even in

bal means to make contact. Caregiver response is

stressful situations. This is the secure base func-

often contingent on the child’s explicit signals as

tion of attachment relationships, and there is little

a result, and this fosters the child’s sense of herself

doubt that caregivers significant to the child play

as a separate agent in control of the environment

this role in communities worldwide. What varies

(Keller, 2011 b). Moreover, reliance on sound and

across communities is the nature of the secure base

the face-to-face and dyadic nature of engagement

and the learning it supports. In attachment the-

(Keller, 2011 a; Keller et al., 2009) make it difficult

ory, the secure base balances tension between the

and less likely for the child and caregiver to attend

linked systems of exploration and attachment and

to multiple events simultaneously (Correa-Chávez

makes possible competent exploration at a distance

et al., this volume; Rogoff, 2003). What this means

from caregivers for gaining knowledge and skills

is that children may have to disrupt social events

(Grossmann et al., 2008). Revised thinking on

to get others to pay attention to them (Morelli &

attachment sees a second link between attachment

Verhoef, in preparation). There are other experi-

and accommodation. This link is likely strong for

ences that emphasize the child’s distinctiveness and

children in communities that place importance on

provide her with opportunities to distinguish her-

social harmony. For them, the secure base func-

self from others and to act based on her own needs,

tions in a second way, as a foundation for learn-

thoughts, and feelings. For example, when speak-

ing to accommodate and by accommodating, and

ing with others, the child is expected to make her

it balances tension between children’s ability to

intentions clear. She is not to assume others know

cope with threats to accommodation and to fit in

what she is thinking or share her point of view

socially.7

mor elli

157

The proposal that the accommodation and Tamis-LeMonda, & Ogino, 1990). !Kung foragers attachment behavioral systems are linked is backed

(Botswana; Bakeman, Adamson, Konner, & Barr,

by several strands of research. When asked to 1990), Wolof farmers (Senegal), and Soninke and respond to vignettes based on their own communi-Toucouleur (Senegal, Mali, Mauritania) immi-

ty’s description of desirable and undesirable attach-

grants to Paris (Rabain-Jamin, 1994) are more

ment behaviors, Puerto Rican mothers described as

likely to respond to children when they are engaged

optimal an attachment pattern that balances two

socially than with objects. For these African immi-

ways of relating to people—calm, respectful atten-

grant children, activities are structured around

tiveness and positive social engagement (Harwood

people; for Parisian children, activities are centered

et al., 1995). Anglo-American mothers saw the

on exploration of inanimate objects.

balance between relating to people and exploring

separately from people. The Japanese concept amae

Conundrums for Attachment Researchers

also symbolizes the connection between attach-

Secure Attachment Relationships

ment and accommodation. Amae is to depend on

Notwithstanding the diverse realities of chil-

and presume another’s love and indulgence, and

dren’s lives, there are many studies that back

positive amae exemplifies secure attachment rela-

attachment theorists’ views on sensitive care and

tionships that meet the child’s amae needs for the normative distribution of secure attachment indulgence and interdependency, not exploration

relationships (Van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz,

and autonomy (Mizuta, Zahn-Waxler, Cole, & 2008). There are others who counter these claims Hiruma, 1996).

by arguing that attachment constructs and

Exploration is important for all children’s research practices make it easy to disregard or learning. But exploratory activities often support

not notice significant differences in close relation-

accommodative learning for non-Western chil-

ships. The maternal sensitivity scale, for example,

dren by taking place close to caregivers who may

relies heavily on interpretation of appropriateness

direct what children do. Children rarely explore at

(Carlson & Harwood, 2014), making it easy to fit

a distance from caregivers in many non-Western

observations to the measures provided. And the

communities (Keller et al., 2009). Among tradi-

secure attachment classification is defined broadly

tional societies, this is because children are held or

and assigned to children who act very differently

carried most of the time in the first year of life.

in the Strange Situation—from children who

When children are able to venture forth, caregivers

interact at a distance from their mothers (B1) to

keep them close by. Balinese mothers use fake fear

children who approach, cling, and resist release

expressions to do this (cited in Bretherton, 1992).

(B4) (Ainsworth et al., 1978). The latter charac-

Gusii and Hausa caregivers (farmers and shep-

terizes Japanese children. Compared to US chil-

herds in Nigeria) prevent children from crawling

dren, Japanese children strenuously resist and are

away (LeVine, 2014). And Japanese mothers keep

upset more by separations, initiate more contact,

children nearby by staying close to and initiating

and explore less in the Strange Situation procedure

contact with them (Rothbaum et al., 2000; Ujiie

(Rothbaum et al., 2000). Given this and social

& Miyake, 1985). In some places, exploration experiences related to their care, it is hard to know is less common. Chinese children in families in

if Japanese and US children actually experience

which parents are wage earners (Chen et al., 1998;

security in the same way.

Liu et al., 2005; Rubin et al., 2006), Korean chil-

Attachment research practice also makes it

dren in the United States (Farver, Kim, & Lee,

difficult to consider alternative interpretations of

1995) and South Korea (Rubin et al., 2006), and

close relationships. Reclassifying children origi-

Japanese children explore less than do Canadian

nally classified as disorganized (e.g., Behrens,

and Caucasian/Anglo children in structured and

Hesse, & Main, 2007) ignores the possibility that

everyday settings.

their behavior may be organized and meaning-

Making exploration a part of the social ful by local standards (Keller, 2008). Modifying goings-on is another way exploration supports the Strange Situation protocol to suit community accommodative learning. Japanese mothers are practices ignores the possibility that the procedure more likely to take advantage of social opportuni-is not an appropriate assessment of attachment

ties to direct their child’s attention to the environ-

security and that close relationships may serve dif-

ment and to use toys for social engagement than are

ferent functions. Korean mothers, for example,

Caucasian-American mothers (Bornstein, Azuma,

were allowed to initiate contact and remain close

158

t he evolu t ion of at taChment t heory a nD Cu lt ur eS of hu m a n at taChment

to their children in the Strange Situation because

child’s behavior in the Strange Situation—not their

physical closeness is important to them. This, and

attachment relationships. North German chil-

knowledge of the importance of social harmony

dren acted in the independent manner lauded by

for Koreans in general, did not influence judgment

parents; Israeli and Japanese children were overly

that the Strange Situation is a valid assessment of

stressed by the procedure because of their limited

security for Korean children, and attachment clas-

experience with strangers, and, for Japanese chil-

sification has the same meaning in Korea as it does

dren, infrequent separation from mothers.

in the United States (Jin, Jacobvitz, & Hazen,

Attachment researchers by and large accept the

2010; Jin, Jacobvitz, Hazen, & Jung, 2012). Finally,

account that insecure, but not secure, attachment

relying on urban, well-educated, materially secure

relationships are mediated by contextual factors

families in non-Western communities to study in nonclinical populations. Even though scholars attachment relationships ignores the possibility of

outside of the field point to conceptual difficulties

Western influences on children and their families

with this stance (e.g., LeVine & Norman, 2001),

(Heinicke, 1995; Keller, 2014; Posada, Gao, &

it gained ground, and nowadays it is taken for

Wu, 1995).

granted and attachment researchers rely on cul-

tural practices and philosophies to predict the inci-

Insecure Attachment Relationships

dence of insecure (not secure) attachment patterns

At the start, attachment theorists believed that

(e.g., Jin et al., 2010). The reasoning first put forth

attachment patterns and their distribution were

by attachment theorists was that insecure attach-

the same for all children in all communities, even

ments are “secondary strategies that could be adap-

though attachment theory had little if anything to

tive under certain conditions for a certain period

say on the matter (Waters & Beauchaine, 2003).

of time” (LeVine & Norman, 2001, p. 96). This

Cultural studies, for the most part, support this

way of thinking was in part a reaction to critiques

supposition for secure attachment relationships, by animal behavior researchers that resisted the maybe for the reasons noted already (for examples

view on evolutionary grounds that one pattern of

of exceptions, see Jin et al., 2012; Tomlinson, attachment—the secure pattern—was the species’

Cooper, & Murray, 2005). Few explanations are

optimal pattern (e.g., Hinde, 1987). A compan-

offered for similarities across communities in dis-

ion, evolution-based, explanation was advanced.

tribution of secure attachments because secure Insecure patterns are adaptive under certain condi-attachment and the processes underlying them are

tions, such as when parents are unable or unwilling

presumed by attachment theorists to have deep bio-

to invest in children—often as a result of living in

logical roots. This view should extend to insecure

ecologically risky environments. In these instances,

attachment relationships, but it does not.

children adapt by avoiding disinterested parents

Early on in the days of attachment research,

and secure resources elsewhere (avoidant classifi-

attachment researchers observed that the distribu-

cation) or by being demanding and overly vigilant

tion of insecure attachment patterns for Western

(anxious/resistant classification) so that they can

and non-Western communities veered greatly from

secure resources from parents at the most oppor-

distribution standards established by research on

tune times (Chisholm, 1996; Simpson & Belsky,

middle-class US communities. In North Germany

2008).

(lower- and middle-class families), the majority

The explanations offered are in line with attach-

of children (~66%) were classified as insecure in

ment theory and endorse the validity of attach-

their attachment relationships, and most of these

ment classifications. This is a testament to the sway

children were avoidant (Grossmann, Grossmann,

attachment theory has on conceptualizing the evo-

Gottfried, Gerhard, & Unzer, 1985). Similarly, lutionary and cultural bases of attachment relation-in Israel, approximately 41% of children living in

ships. It makes it difficult to consider alternative

kibbutzim were classified as insecure, but many of

ways to describe children’s behaviors in their close

them were resistant (~33%). And, in Japan, approx-

relationships and to think differently about child

imately 32% of infants were classified as resistant

security and close relationships.

(Takahashi, 1986). Rather than seeing this as a set-

back for universal claims or accepting that these

Describing Attachment Relationships

children were at risk for mental health problems

[T] hat so many attachment researchers have

(LeVine, 2014), attachment theorists argued that

gone on to do research with the Strange

cultural and ecological processes best explained the

Situation rather than looking at what happens

mor elli

159

in the home or in other natural settings …

Moving forward, attachment theory must

marks a turning away from “field work,” and

accommodate the diverse realities of children’s

I don’t think it’s wise.

relationships to be a theory of human close rela-

—(Ainsworth, 1995, p. 12)

tionships. To succeed, we need scholars who are

willing to shed language that constrains thinking,

One of the great chal enges for attachment sail beyond the comfort of philosophical anchors, research is to develop assessments informed by cul-and develop a broad cross-cultural and empirical

tural standards of good care, competent children,

base by observing, talking, and listening to people

and close relationships. The al ure of maintaining the

as they live their lives and in the contexts where

current course, with small analytic and philosophical

human development actually occurs. And we need

adjustments to theory and research, is strong—not

to do this in a way that allows us to expand on the

surprisingly, given a research tradition that spans

richness of observation and insight that attachment

decades and extends to communities worldwide theory and research have to offer.

(Solomon & George, 2008). But attachment theory

risks much if it continues to side-step the diverse real-

Notes

ities of children’s lives. How best to proceed may be

1 The Paleolithic period is marked by the appearance of

answered by returning to Bowlby’s and Ainsworth’s

hominids, the immediate ancestors of modern humans,

initial interests on the secure base function of attach-

and distinguished by the development of stone tools and

ment relationships and individual differences in chil-

the grouping of humans into small bands.

2 I use Rothbaum and Trommsdorff’s (2007) definition

dren’s ability to use caregivers as a secure base across

of Western as primarily middle-class North American,

time and contexts in everyday settings (Waters &

Western- and Northern-European communities; and

Beauchaine, 2003). These interests draw attention

non- Western as primarily describing the rest of the world.

to the importance of recording, hypothesizing, and

And I, like them, do not believe there is homogeneity

testing variability in children’s close relationships in

within these groupings or within individual countries or

societies.

the full range of communities and ecologies in which

3 Please refer to Morelli et al. (2014) for research cited in this

they live. Progress along these lines is under way.

section.

Rich ethnographic accounts and analyses point

4 In this section, Chinese, Canadian, German, Israeli,

to different secure base function and to different

Japanese, Korean, Puerto Rican, Turkish, and US fami-

social and contextual circumstances that are likely to

lies are from middle-class communities, unless otherwise

noted. The mode of living for all other communities is

threaten the child and activate the attachment system.

provided. For a few studies, this information is not avail-

They show us how little sense it makes to consider

able. The term “children” refers to youngsters 5 years and

close relationships in isolation from one another or

younger, unless otherwise noted.

from either the perspective of the child or the people

5 In all communities, farming predominated, except in

who care for her. And they suggest that attachment

Kariobangi, Bhunbaneswar, and the United States.

6 Ispa and colleagues (2004) report that maternal warmth

theorists’ exemplars of good patterns of care are deriv-

and acculturation status moderated the relation between

ative and developed historical y as households split

control and attachment security in African-American

into smal er units characterized by nuclear families.

families and Mexican families, respectively. Howes and

This formation reduced attachment relationships to a

Wishard Guerra (2009) report the importance of family

few and isolated the psychological importance of the

accessibility for Mexican families.

7 An accommodation behavioral system is consistent with

mother—with one or two others. The trend towards

theorizing that selective pressures favored biological and

less social y dense families combined with an ethos

psychological processes to allow people to maintain good

of decision making based on one’s needs (along with

relationships and the integrity of the group (e.g., Flinn,

other considerations) co-acted to lay groundwork for

Nepomnaschy, Muehlenbein, & Ponzi, 2011; Fonagy,

children’s learning to explore and by exploring at a

Gergely, & Target, 2007). This likely includes abilities

associated with awareness of and alignment with important

distance from others. The opportunities to explore

other people and situation-based expectations.

at a social distance from others are less common for

children living in the nearly constant presence of oth-

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t he evolu t ion of at taChment t heory a nD Cu lt ur eS of hu m a n at taChment

C H A P T E R

Early Contexts of Learning: Family

11 and Community Socialization During

Infancy and Toddlerhood

Carolyn Pope Edwards, Lixin Ren, and Jil Brown

Abstract

The contexts of early learning and socialization are diverse and complex but not without predictability. The tension between predictability and variation fascinates researchers interested in childhood and culture and motivates careful exploration of different developmental niches to better understand socialization during infancy, toddlerhood, and early childhood. Contexts of early socialization vary in the people and activities present, and the beliefs and norms of caregivers and daily companions. The chapter utilizes anthropological constructs (household structure and composition, settlement patterns and subsistence level, mothers’ workload, gender division of labor, intimacy levels between husbands and wives, and cultural roles and norms pertaining to sibling caregiving and fostering of children) to better understand how parents, siblings, grandparents, extended kin, foster families, early childhood centers, and welfare institutions can work together to raise healthy children.

The authors explore how opportunities and constraints as well as expectations and demands influence children in enduring ways.

Key Words: early learning, socialization, childhood, culture, development

Relationships provide the framework for young

on infancy and toddlerhood. Using evidence

children’s development. When relationships are from diverse cultures—drawing from multiple predictable, responsive, and reciprocal, they help

scholarly disciplines and methodologies—we

children break down the incoming stream of infor-

show that different early contexts for socializa-

mation from the outside world so they can assimi-

tion vary in their objective parameters (people

late, understand, and trust it. The rhythms of close

present, activities, and experiences provided), as

relationships with parents, siblings, extended kin,

well as in their subjective dimensions (values,

and other caregivers in the community support

beliefs, and norms held by the socializers). In our

cognitive, social, emotional, language, and motor

view, these objective and subjective differences in

development in young children. Relationships turn play out in different kinds of opportunities provide more than the context of early learn-and constraints, on the one hand, and expecta-

ing: “development takes place within, through

tions and demands, on the other, that influence

and for relatedness” (Josselson, 1996, p. 2). Thus,

children in lasting ways. In forefronting these

relationships provide not only the setting but also

features, we assume an ecocultural perspective,

the constituent elements and motivation for early

originally formalized by John Whiting (1994)

development.

and now reframed by contemporary scholars

This chapter focuses on family and commu-

such as Sara Harkness and Charles Super, Heidi

nity socialization practices and goals during the

Keller, and Carol Worthman (see Edwards &

early years of childhood, with a particular focus

Weisner, 2010). This functionalist perspective

165

links history, ecology, and maintenance systems

gradually lengthening periods, as the baby becomes

(e.g., subsistence, settlement, household) with

more and more comfortable. By the end of the week,

cultural belief systems, adult routines, and the

the inserimento (“settling in”) process is complete,

learning environments and developmental out-

free of abrupt separation and distress.

comes of children.

(adapted from Edwards & Gandini, 2001, pp. 187–190)

In addition to synthesizing findings from past

Beliefs and values provide the context for human

research, we also offer short portraits of child and

interactions and relationships in any historical time

adult behavior gathered from our own research

or community setting, of course. In northern and

studies conducted in Italy, China, Kenya, Namibia,

central Italy, core cultural values about the com-

and the United States to illustrate the concepts and

munity’s responsibility toward its children have led

arguments we advance. In this way, we try to pro-

to the development of welcoming public services

vide what we regard as “memorable instances” and

for even the youngest children. In other cultural

to draw the reader inside the material in order to

contexts, child care services may not be as well

spark new insights and questions about the contexts

developed, but systems of support include (to vary-

of early childhood development in the contempo-

ing degrees) mothers, fathers, siblings, extended

rary world. We open with one such example from

family, and hired help or child care providers.

ongoing research in Pistoia, Italy, that illustrates

Throughout history, parents have needed to find

the first trust- and relationship-building stage as a

ways to share the care of young children while they

child transitions into an infant–toddler center. This

perform other important work for their families.

caregiving context involves intersecting systems of

Therefore, they have created ways to enlarge their

family and center, functioning within a municipal-

children’s circle of relationships while they are

ity that explicitly invests in public child care as a

busy or unavailable. It has always been to parents’

way of fostering a “culture of childhood.”

advantage to have their children form important

Pistoia, Italy. It is early morning, and baby Clara

secondary relationships that can be depended on

(10 months old) and her mother are entering

on a routine basis. Furthermore, societies must

the door of infant-toddler center, Il Grillo (“The

make provision for children who are orphaned,

Caterpillar”) for the first time. Clara and her family

abandoned, or otherwise in dire need, and this can

live in Pistoia, a city of about 90,000 people, located

be done through systems of fostering or institu-

between Florence and Pisa in the region of Tuscany.

tional care. In this chapter, we examine two general

As in other Italian cities, educators have been

types of socialization contexts: family-based settings,

working for several decades together with parents

including child fostering; and early care and edu-

and city administrators to build high-quality public

cation services, including child welfare institutions.

systems of care and education. Pistoia aims to be a

We discuss the full range of contexts, but the por-

“child-friendly city,” with enrichment and support

traits we highlight represent examples we would

programs designed for all age groups of children.

consider to promote generally healthy growth and

In the infant programs, educators have put much

development. These examples illustrate that young

thought into creating welcoming environments

children can thrive in different kinds of contexts

and transition procedures to create community

when conditions are met for promoting emotional

and belonging. As Clara and her mother come

security, complex learning, and rich interaction

into the center, a teacher named Franca comes

with the social world.

forward to greet them. Clara’s mother invites Franca

to hold her baby, and together they go around

Adult and Sibling Care in the

and look at the spaces. Franca says, “Here there

Context of the Family

will be notebooks compiled by both parents and

Cultural patterns of childrearing differ across

teachers—a notebook to go back and forth. You

time and place according to such macrofactors as

can write what you see, and we will respond what

climate, geography, demographics, economics,

we see.” Then they sit down to talk in a specially

political systems, and technology, yet they are not

prepared area. The teacher and mother fall into

totally random and unpredictable. Indeed, under-

rhythm in offering Clara toys from a basket, while

neath the variation, the care of infants and tod-

she contentedly plays. Clara’s mother describes what

dlers has many common features cross-culturally

she likes to eat, how she likes to go to sleep, and why

because all societies desire their children to survive

the parents have decided to bring her to the center.

and thrive. Parents everywhere face certain simi-

Throughout the week, Clara’s mother leaves her for

larities in the tasks of caring for and socializing

166

e a r ly Conte x tS of l e a r ning

infants and toddlers, even though their styles exclusive caregivers. Instead, shared caregiving that of caregiving are influenced by the features of extends the child’s circle of consistent relation-their daily cultural routines, resources, and roles

ships is the norm. Sometimes these supplemen-

(Harkness & Super, 2002; Whiting & Edwards,

tary caregivers are family members, for example,

1988), as well as by non-normative characteristics

fathers, grandparents, or siblings. However, today,

that create heterogeneity.

in many parts of the world, supplementary nonfa-

Salient cross-cultural similarities arise because

mily caregivers or professionals are often employed

infants and toddlers have universal needs for pri-

to look after children either in their own or the

mary care related to health, nutrition, and safety

child’s home or in a group care setting. These

if they are to stay alive and grow. Furthermore,

systems demonstrate the range of possibilities for

babies’ immature, floppy bodies need to be physi-

appropriate infant–toddler care and provide strong

cally supported (held, carried, or contained) much

evidence that sharing care within and beyond the

of the day. As their motor systems develop, toddlers

family is as much part of the human story as is the

seek physical challenge and freedom to move and

mother-exclusive pattern.

practice reaching, sitting, crawling, and walking.

What factors best predict variations in the moth-

Their perceptual and cognitive systems likewise

ering role with infants and toddlers? Researchers

need visual and object stimulation to promote have established that the following factors are of learning. Finally, infants and toddlers have univer-paramount importance: household structure and

sal needs for attachment and social companionship

composition; settlement pattern and subsistence

requisite for social and emotional health.

level; mothers’ workloads; the gender division of

labor and level of intimacy/distance between hus-

Parents as Caregivers

bands and wives; and cultural roles and norms per-

Yet, in spite of these general requirements, the

taining to sibling caregiving.

relational contexts for infant and toddler social-

Household structure and composition are

ization vary greatly, as do parental belief systems,

clearly important. When people live in extended

or ethnotheories, about what children need. For

families, with many close kin in the compound

example, who provides the caregiving and where

or in nearby courtyards, then grandmothers,

it takes place can be distributed in many different

aunts, and co-wives (women married to the same

ways within and across cultural communities. Yet,

husband) often assist the mother in childbirth

during the nursing period, mothers are the most

and infant care. In contrast, it tends to be the

important caregivers in more than 80% of the

father who comes next to the mother in involve-

world’s societies (Barry & Paxton, 1971). Mothers

ment in communities where people live in nucle-

are more likely than any other single individuals to

ated, monogamous family households—especially

feed, clean, hold, and interact with their infants,

where population density is low, females contribute

but how they do so varies widely. For example, pat-

heavily to the food supply, and husbands and wives

terns of cultural variation are seen in how much

interact in their daily work and social activities.

mothers carry and hold their babies during the day;

Thus, it is not surprising that many scholars have

where they put them to sleep at night; how early

found that fathers in hunter–gatherer or foraging

they wean them and how abruptly; whether they

societies tend to be generally high in involvement

interact with them in a more distal and verbal or

with infants and toddlers (Fouts, 2013; Hewlett &

more proximal and kinesthetic style; whether and

MacFarlan, 2010; Katz & Konner, 1981; Marlowe,

how they involve them in their daily work and

2000). For example, Aka and Efe pygmy fathers

leisure activities; what style of discipline and con-

of Central Africa can be highly participatory; Aka

trol they use; how much they play with them and

fathers have been observed to spend over half of

interact face to face; how early they expect inde-

their day holding or being nearby their infants,

pendent skills of hygiene, dressing, and feeding;

and in fact are very affectionate, hugging and kiss-

and what kinds of politeness and mature behavior

ing their babies while holding them even more

are expected. These differences are described in

often than do mothers (Hewlett, 1991). Yet, even

several chapters in this volume; therefore, here, we

in these nomadic hunter–gatherers, the salience of

focus on the different relational contexts of early

the father may vary across the year. For instance,

socialization.

Efe and Aka may spend part of the year in settled

Although mothers are usually the primary care-

villages and part of the year wandering the land

givers of young children, they are not usually the

in small bands (Hewlett, 1991; Morelli & Tronick,

pope eDwa r DS, r en, Brow n

167

1992). In the settled villages, surrounded by other

communities of North India, Philippines, and

adults, fathers are less active in infant care than

Mexico; and the “sociable mother,” found only in

they are when they are isolated with their wives and

the United States.

children in the bush, under which situation their

In all of these samples, mothers had the pri-

help and support is more needed. Thus, fathers’

mary responsibility for infant care, but the

roles are flexible depending on the family’s living

amount of paternal responsibility varied widely.

situation, suggesting that fathers are capable of

Ethnographers made an estimate of the fathers’ par-

picking up their level of child care depending on

ticipation in the care of infants and toddlers. The

what is asked and needed from them.

Kenyan fathers were judged to be the least involved

It is interesting to compare these findings from

in the care of infants (Whiting & Edwards, 1988,

the Central African foraging communities with

table 2.9, pp. 64–65). Polygyny was a favored form

those from other type of societies. Marlowe (2000),

of marriage, and husbands and wives often ate,

using data from the Standard Cross-Cultural slept, worked, and socialized separately, with the Sample, found the highest level of father involve-father frequently having a hut or room of his own.

ment in foraging peoples; followed by the hor-

Furthermore, sexual relations between husband

ticultural peoples (shifting cultivators, working and wife were often prohibited for a long postpar-with hoes and machetes); and with the lowest tum period to prevent an immediate next preg-level among pastoralists and settled agricultural-

nancy that might threaten the nursing mother’s

ists (farming with plows and draft animals). In all

milk supply. As reported by the ethnographers, the

societies, fathers play roles as policy makers, figures

Kenyan fathers never cared for infants even in the

of authority, providers of material resources, and,

mothers’ absence and rarely held the child even at

where necessary, warriors and defenders.

home. The fathers were more involved with toddlers

The further importance of ecology and subsis-

but still did not care for, carry, teach, or take charge

tence—as played out in mothers’ workload and

of them more than occasionally. The most involved

the division of labor between men and women—is

fathers were found in Claremont, California, and

evident in findings from the Children of Different

Orchard Town, New England, where marriage

Worlds Study (Whiting & Edwards, 1988). This

was monogamous, husband and wife slept and ate

book is based on observational data collected meals together, and husbands assisted women in between 1965 and 1975 by 10 collaborators and our-their household work.

selves, as well as on data reanalyzed from the 1954–

It is not surprising that the US samples showed

1956 Six Cultures Study (Whiting & Whiting, the highest level of father involvement, but it was 1975) and spot observation samples collected under

still relatively low. Today, however, throughout

the leadership of Lee and Ruth Munroe. In con-

the industrialized world and increasingly in the

trast to the Central African hunter–gatherers, the

developing countries as well, mothers have been

majority of samples in Children of Different Worlds

drawn into the labor force and, at the same time,

were traditionally part of tribal societies with pas-

are more likely to be separated from the extended

toralism and settled agriculture as the basis for sub-

kin network that prevailed in the traditional

sistence (“middle-level” societies). Several others

rural community. Moreover, their children of

were part of complex, stratified societies with econ-

middle childhood age, potential “helpers at the

omies based on intensive agriculture and/or indus-

nest,” are in school all day. These factors all lead

try. None was a foraging group. The total corpus of

to an increase in father involvement and the use

data included communities located in the countries

of child care systems (e.g., Haas & Hwang, 2013;

of Kenya (six communities), United States (three

McFadden & Tamis-LeMonda, 2013; US Census

communities), India (two communities), and Bureau, 2010).

Guatemala, Liberia, Mexico, Okinawa, Peru, and

Norms favoring father caregiving are found to be

Philippines (one community each). Looking at the

rising in middle-class urban-industrial populations

rank orders of coded behaviors, and poring over the

of Europe and North America, especially as more

qualitative ethnographic data, we concluded that

mothers work outside the home (Shwalb, Shwalb,

we could see at least three different “profiles” of

& Lamb, 2013). In most European countries, such

maternal behavior with children aged 3–10 years,

as Norway, Sweden, Italy, France, and Germany,

which we called the “training mother,” found in all

as well as in Asian countries such as China, Korea,

of the sub-Saharan agricultural communities; the

and Japan, shared caregiving (both inside and out-

“controlling mother,” found in other agricultural

side the family) is fostered by government policies

168

e a r ly Conte x tS of l e a r ning

that are intentionally designed to support the fam-

Siblings as Caregivers

ily and women’s participation in the labor force

Sibling relationships are another context of

(Organization for Economic Cooperation and infant and toddler socialization especially salient in Development [OECD], 2006). The Scandinavian

middle-level societies, that is, tribal societies with

countries are famed for their generous policies of

subsistence economies based on settled agriculture,

paid parental leave that provide parents with an

herding, and fishing (Cicirelli, 1994; Maynard,

earnings-based wage replacement of 80–100%, up

2002; Weisner & Gallimore, 1977). Sibling care

to a high-income ceiling (Haas & Hwang, 2013).

of infants is most common in situations in which

To encourage fathers to take advantage of these

women have several children and heavy workloads,

benefits, Norway and Sweden have achieved some

and fathers are not involved, as in the Kenyan sam-

success by experimenting with policies that extend

ples in Children of Different Worlds.

the period of paid parental leave for families when

In Ngecha, Kenya, for example, the workload of

both the mother and father participate.

mothers is very heavy (Edwards & Whiting, 1993;

Although the patterns of change are complex,

2004). At the time of our study and continuing into

some studies of contemporary families find a the present, the majority of mothers were responsible prominent role for fathers. For example, Edwards,

for obtaining water, cooking fuel, and fodder for the

Logue, Loehr, and Roth (1986, 1987) conducted

milk cow. They were the principal gardeners, respon-

spot observations on 38 infants and toddlers aged

sible for raising maize, beans, and other vegetables for

2–30 months living in a college town in Amherst,

family consumption and selling any surplus in the

Massachusetts. The study had a matched-pairs local market. These busy mothers often designated design. Half of the children attended a high- a daughter aged about 6–10 years as “child nurse”

quality, university-based infant/toddler program

for an infant, although they would readily involve a

that was open mornings only. The other half son if no girl of the right age was available. The child (matched by age and sex) also had mothers who

nurses carried their infants around on their backs or

were working or studying at least part-time, but

hips while they played or did chores, and when these

these children were cared for in home-based charges grew older and became ambulatory, they arrangements (by fathers, family day care provid-incorporated their toddlers into the little group of

ers, babysitters, etc.). The study provides a detailed

children (usually close relatives) who played together

picture of the ecology of the children’s lives. Spot

in the roads and fields near the homestead. Child

observations were conducted either in person or

nurses might be expected to care for infants for 2–4

by telephone, in morning, afternoon, and evening

hours daily while their mothers worked in the gar-

time periods, 7 days a week, over 8 months, for

den or performed household chores—more time

a total of 1,232 observations (with 25.8% of the

than seen in most of the other study communities.

center-care children’s observations collected at the

Yet, backup was available; usually, the child nurses

center). In the at-home observations, mothers were

kept the babies, by now at least 4 or 5 months old,

found to be in the immediate vicinity (“interac-

in or near the homestead, where aunts, co-wives, or

tional space”) of the child in 73% of the obser-

grandparents could be called upon to help out when

vations, compared to 44% for fathers. Mothers

needed in an emergency.

were the “closest adult” for 64% of the observa-

In our many hours of observational records of

tions, compared to 33% for fathers. Content of the

Kenyan child behavior, we mostly find examples

observations revealed fathers to be very involved

of attentive care by older siblings. This finding

in both play and caregiving activities. Similarly,

accords with other studies documenting sibling

Harkness and Super (1992) employed an in-person

teaching and nurturing (Watson-Gegeo & Gegeo,

spot observation technique to study father involve-

1989; Zukow, 1989). For example, with respect to

ment in another Massachusetts town, Cambridge.

cognitive and linguistic stimulation, Zinacanteco

These fathers were directly involved in caretaking

siblings in the Mayan village of Nabenchauk,

from the beginning of the infant’s life, holding

Mexico, engaged toddlers in interactions that

steady at about 15% of the time during the child’s

were sustained, elaborate, well-matched to the

first 5 years; fathers engaged in feeding, bed/bath

toddlers’ developmental level, and facilitative of

routines, play, book reading, outings, and other

mature responses by the toddlers; as they grew

activities. Thus, both these studies have demon-

older, the caregivers’ behaviors approached more

strated that fathers are very involved in both play

closely the adult Zinacantec model of teaching

and caregiving in children’s early lives.

(Maynard, 2002).

pope eDwa r DS, r en, Brow n

169

In a few of the Ngecha observations, however,

sister what she has made, a piece of round metal tied

it is easy to discern when a child nurse was over-

at the end of a string. She asks her if she wants one

taxed. Indeed, mothers said that they preferred a

made for her, and Muthoni says yes. While Wambui

child nurse to be at least 6 years old, and when we

is looking for another piece of metal, Muthoni

compared the behavior of 5- versus 8-year-old sib-

takes Wambui’s plaything and tries swinging it.

ling caregivers, we found that the younger care-

The metal flies off the string. Wambui, upset at

givers were the more inconsistent ones in their

this, tells Muthoni she will not make a toy for her

treatment of infants, kissing them one minute,

because of what she has done, but Muthoni ignores

then teasing, pinching, or handling them roughly

her. Wambui repairs her plaything and teasingly

in the next (Whiting & Edwards, 1988, p. 194).

calls Muthoni, “You bad Kinono” [a corruption of

In a close microanalysis of the rate scores of social

“Muthoni”]. Muthoni takes it as a joke and repeats

behavior of Ngecha mothers with toddlers (aged

it after Wambui, who is amused. Muthoni now sits

2–3) and their adjacent older siblings (17 girls,

with her feet together, squeezing a clod of earth

14 boys, aged 4–5 years), we found that the older

between her feet. Wambui takes the piece of earth,

siblings interacted in a mix of positive and nega-

saying it belongs to her. Muthoni starts to cry, and

tive modes with their toddler-followers and a

Wambui gives the clod back.

combination of nurturing and companion roles

(Edwards & Whiting, 1993).

(Edwards & Whiting, 1993). The mothers, as is

Nyansongo, Kenya. Rebecca is a 5-year-old

typical in sub-Saharan Africa, did not treat tod-

child nurse living in a rural farming village (LeVine

dlers (or infants, for that matter) as social com-

& LeVine, 1963). She is observed hoeing in a field

panions. They rarely engaged in play or purely

with her aunt, cousins, and Moriasi, her 1-year-old

sociable interaction with them; rather, most of

brother. Moriasi begins to fuss, and Rebecca

their interaction was “business” of the nurturant

interrupts her work of hoeing to go and pick him

or prosocially dominant types. The adjacent older

up. She tries jouncing him, but he only begins to

siblings, in contrast, were significantly more

cry louder. “Why are you crying?” Rebecca asks,

likely than their mothers to engage in various

“I don’t have anything to give you.” She becomes

kinds of playful and sociable as well as aggressive

impatient and gives him a little slap, but then

interaction. The siblings were more likely (on the

self-corrects and puts Moriasi onto her back and

positive side) to clearly seek the toddlers’ sociabil-

carries him into the shade at the front of a bigger

ity, sit with or follow after them, play, run around

house where her baby cousin and his big sister are

with them, and watch them, and (on the negative

playing. Rebecca carefully sits Moriasi down. She

side) physically tease them, dominate them, seek

turns her attention for a few moments to her baby

or grab an object from them, and verbally criti-

cousin, and treats this baby affectionately. The

cize or insult them.

two big girls begin to get involved in laughing and

Here are typical examples of this mixed posi-

wrestling together and start to drift away from the

tive and negative interaction from Ngecha and

two babies. The aunt sees this retreat and says to the

Nyansongo, two of our agricultural cultural com-

girls, “Why are you leaving those babies?” Rebecca

munities. Notice how 3-year-old Muthoni, in the

immediately comes running back and proceeds to

first case, and 1-year-old Moriasi, in the second,

amuse the babies by singing and dancing.

do not seem disturbed or overwhelmed by their

siblings, but rather take the complexity in stride.

Whiting & Edwards, 1988, pp. 174–175)

Also notice that while Muthoni receives a larger

Thomas Weisner (1989 a), studying the Abaluhia

proportion of teasing and dominance, and Moriasi

of Western Kenya, has described this pattern of

a larger proportion of affectionate interaction, in

sibling caregiving as a distinct cultural style that

both cases, the older sisters demonstrate nurtur-

provides toddlers with beneficial cognitive and

ance and empathy.

emotional challenge. From repeated opportunities

of deciphering their siblings’ intentions, toddlers

Ngecha, Kenya. Present in the observation are

learn how to deal with teasing and mild aggression

Muthoni and Wambui, sisters aged 3 and 5, along

incorporated within an envelope of generally benev-

with their grandmother. Muthoni is fiddling with a

olent caregiving. They practice and master different

dry corn husk. Wambui teasingly and playfully tells

techniques of social persuasion. Crying and whin-

her that she could be bitten by a lizard, but Muthoni

ing may get their mother, aunty, or grandmother to

does not respond. Wambui now shows her little

intervene, but on those occasions when no adult is

170

e a r ly Conte x tS of l e a r ning

present, the toddler must learn to fight back, out-

expectations for grandparent involvement and

wit, or better yet, deflect sibling provocations into

roles. For instance, in Chinese urban areas, approx-

playfulness. The toddler is thereby stimulated to

imately 50–70% of young children receive supple-

cognitively discriminate between different kinds of

mentary care from grandparents (Jiang et al.,

social situations and to develop a rich repertory of

2007). There are many benefits when parents and

behavioral responses.

grandparents share the responsibilities of caring for

Extensive sibling caregiving in Western fami-

the children. Grandparents are often the ones with

lies is less common than in non-Western agrarian

whom parents feel most comfortable to entrust

societies. In the United States, sibling caregiving is

their children. Grandparents can share the load of

most common in poor and rural communities and

parenting. Some grandparents act as “child savers”

in African-American and other minority commu-

who spend a great amount of time providing child

nities. Native Hawaiians (like other Polynesian and

care when parents are incapable or unavailable to

Pacific Island peoples) are known for their value of

take care of their children, and some are “parent

lifelong sibling relationships and ethnotheories of

savers” who take care of grandchildren so that par-

shared domestic management by parents (Weisner,

ents can focus on their jobs or education (Baker &

1989 b), although with much variability in the Silverstein, 2012). In some cases, grandparents are amount they delegate care in daily life. Sibling

both “child savers” and “parent savers.”

caretaking is especially useful for single mothers

Additionally, in many families, children feel

employed in the labor force. To be preferred as a

most comfortable sharing troubles or worries with

caregiver, the sibling should be at least a young ado-

their grandparents. In some cultures, grandparents

lescent rather than elementary-school aged. Sibling

and grandchildren develop “joking relationships”

care by elementary-school aged children ideally

characterized by teasing, insults, and suggestive

takes place under the indirect supervision of a par-

behaviors. Drucker-Brown (1982) worked with

ent who is busy with other tasks or while the parent

people from the Mamprusi of northeastern Ghana

is off for a short, unspecified period of time.

where the joking relationship between grandpar-

ents and grandchildren serves multiple functions.

Grandparents as Caregivers

The joking relationship helps erase the real age dif-

In addition to parents and siblings, other fam-

ferences between the two generations and reduce

ily members, grandparents in particular, often play

intergenerational tensions as well. Mamprusi chil-

an important role in children’s development across

dren are required to respect and defer to their par-

many cultural contexts, providing important back-

ents; they are expected to “kneel or crouch, avert

ups to mothers, especially in families with extended

their eyes, and speak softly” (Ikels, 1998, p. 41)

household arrangements. In contemporary Western

when seeking goods from parents. However, it

societies, with increased longevity and good health,

is not uncommon for a child to make demands

psychologists have become increasingly interested

from his grandparents in a very discourteous way.

in studying grandparenthood (Dunifon, 2013).

Similarly, the Mamprusi children may discuss sex-

The intensity of grandparent involvement var-

ual matters with their grandparents but not their

ies substantially across cultures. However, most of

parents.

the empirical research has been conducted in the

Finally, grandparents can be important social-

United States, where grandparent involvement is

izers who transmit values, ethnic heritage, and

relatively low. In the United States, individual-

family traditions to their grandchildren either

ism and independence are valued, and the nuclear

through direct contacts or via the middle genera-

family is the most common family form; multi-

tion. Children can learn important knowledge or

generational households are not usual. Only 1 in

skills that are valued by the culture they live in

10 children lives with grandparents (Livingston &

through interacting with their grandparents. For

Parker, 2010). Grandparents are the primary pro-

instance, in Bhubaneswar, India, familial interde-

viders of child care for 30% of working mothers

pendence is highly valued, and learning the signifi-

with children under age 5.

cance of extended kin is an important task in early

In some other countries, grandparent involve-

years of life. From infancy on, mothers and other

ment is more prevalent and expected (Ikels, caregivers repeat over and over to infants and tod-1998). These studies have been conducted mainly

dlers a complex set of kin terms so that children

by anthropologists and sociologists and have can learn how to address extended kin appropri-revealed ways in which cultural values influence

ately (Seymour, 1993). In the following example,

pope eDwa r DS, r en, Brow n

171

the adults, especially the grandmother, teach a tod-

Fostering: Another Form

dler how to address the researcher (Susan Seymour)

of Shared Caregiving

appropriately:

As we have described, the sharing of infant and

Bhubaneswar, India. For half an hour

toddler caregiving among family members is nor-

Grandmother, Sita (father’s older sister), Gopal

mative in many cultures. Even beyond that kind

(father’s younger brother), and Rabi (1.5-year-old

of sharing, in Africa and some other parts of the

boy) sat in front of the room. Grandmother, Sita,

world, a culturally specific child care practice and

and Gopal all together told Rabi how to greet me.

tradition of child fosterage exists, and here the role of

They repeated the command over and over again.

parents is markedly reduced (Weisner, Bradley, &

Rabi finally said “nani,” which was an appropriate

Kilbride, 1997). Accounts in Africa describe foster-

way to address me. Everyone laughed.

age as a social welfare system revolving around kin-

ship; fosterage is defined as the rearing of a child by

(adapted from Seymour, 1993, p. 56)

someone other than the biological parent (Bledsoe,

Group sleeping is a common practice in 1990). What makes fosterage unique is the semi-Bhubaneswar, India. Children usually sleep permanent yet adjustable nature of the relation-together with their mothers and siblings, grand-

ship. Goody (1973) was among the first to describe

parents, or some other relative in order to reinforce

the practice among the Gonja of Cameroon. She

an early sense of interdependence. Rabi (the boy

remembers her first entries in her field notes were

just mentioned) slept with his grandmother for

the Ganja word kabitha “a girl given to someone”

an extended period after his younger sibling was

and kaiyeribi “a boy given to someone.”

born. This practice was believed to help reduce

Early work focused on West Africa, but

Rabi’s feelings of sibling rivalry. More importantly,

Southern Africa, in fact, has the highest rates of

sleeping with an adult makes children learn how to

fosterage, in large part due to migration of parents

share intimate spaces and experience much physi-

looking for work (Monasch & Boerma, 2004) or

cal contact with their siblings when they grow up

to families putting their children into what they

(Seymour, 1993). Seymour (1993, table 3.1, p. 58)

believe are advantageous situations. Fosterage also

reported that in Bhubaneswar, India, 10–12% of

affords parents a culturally appropriate outlet to

nurturant acts were performed by grandmothers,

prepare children for the death of a parent or to

the next highest to the proportion of nurturant acts

acquire the emotional skills they need to face loss.

done by mother (53–58%). Grandparents appeared

In present day contexts like sub-Saharan Africa,

to be important caregivers and socializers for infant

where HIV/AIDS rates are more than 20%, foster-

and toddlers in Bhubaneswar, India.

age is protective and congruent with how orphans

Despite the benefits of grandparent involve-

are transferred out to families in the midst of the

ment, many issues may arise when parents and

illness, prior to the death of the parent, to protect

grandparents hold different childrearing val-

the child from the trauma of the parent’s death

ues and beliefs and adopt different childrearing

and to help the child adjust to his or her new situ-

practices. Goh (2006) interviewed parents and

ation. The percentage of children living away from

grandparents of young children about their joint

their mothers ranges from as low as 3% in Sudan

parenting experiences in Xiamen, an urban city

to as high as 30% in Namibia. Fosterage seems to

in southeastern China. Both parents and grand-

increase with age. In Namibia, fosterage rates are

parents expressed a lot of ambivalence, dilemma,

13.7% (for children birth to age 2 years), 25.9%

and contradiction regarding their joint parenting

(for children aged 3–5), 30.2% (for children aged

experiences. Some parents expressed the concern

6–9), and 31.3% (for children aged 10–15). The

that grandparents tended to take over tasks that

younger children are fostered primarily to grand-

parents expected their children to perform (e.g.,

mothers, whereas the older children are fostered

feeding oneself), and, as a result, children learned

to those who can provide apprenticeship, work, or

to depend too heavily on grandparents, which access to education (Brown, 2011).

was contradictory to parents’ goal of cultivating

Clearly, the motivations behind fostering chil-

independence in their children. Some parents also

dren are multiple and complex. Research illumi-

raised the issue that parents and grandparents nates such motivations as the desire to gain an might convey mixed messages to the children. This

heir or a helper (Payne-Price, 1981), provide a bet-

is one of the many aspects of distributed caregiv-

ter education for a child (Isiugo-Abanihe, 1985),

ing that deserve further research.

gifting and sharing between families (Madhavan,

172

e a r ly Conte x tS of l e a r ning

2004), establishment of social bonds (Bledsoe,

Windhoek, Namibia. I entered the house and

1990), enhancement of fertility (Isiugo-Abanihe,

found only Ndeleo, 19 years old, home with the

1985; Pennington, 1991), the need for the birth

children of the house. The house is in the township

mother to be childless when entering a new

of Katatura on the outskirts of the capital city in

relationship with a man (Pennington, 1991;

Namibia. I asked, “Where is Meme (mother)?”

Vandermeersch & Chimere-Dan, 2002), and

and Ndeleo tells me she went to the North for

times of crisis, like sickness and famine (Brown,

the funeral of Memekulu (grandmother) and will

2011; Madhavan, 2004).

return next week. Ndeleo is holding an infant of

Some of these motivations are intended to ben-

6 months, and with her in the sitting room are three

efit the adults, whereas others are intended for the

girls aged 6, 8, and 12. Ndeleo hands the infant

benefit of the child, and concepts link parental

to the 6-year-old, and those two leave the room to

ethnotheories with cultural necessities. For exam-

return later with a bottle. Two other boys enter the

ple, in ethnographic interviews with Namibian

room and greet me and continue on to the back

women fostered out as children, an ethnotheory

of the house bringing dried meat for dinner. The

of “suffering as a source of strength” was heard.

8-year-old girl takes the infant and attempts to

Suffering was closely linked to moral development

make her smile. Ndeleo directs the 12-year-old to

and a sense that suffering makes a person stronger

fetch drinks and bring them to the sitting room.

(Brown, 2011). Thus, women believed they were

benefiting their children when they fostered them

The above vignette is a snapshot of family life

out, even if mothers increased suffering in the

in Southern Africa. But at a closer look it is the

short run.

relationships among these children that is impor-

Furthermore, in Namibia, as elsewhere, infants

tant and provides the context of early learning.

and toddlers are often fostered to “grannies” or

The children in the house constitute a web of

elderly extended kin with the intention to instill

relatedness, both social and genetic, that cements

traditional knowledge and ways of behavior that

families together and provides the context for early

are diminished in urban centers. Many mothers

development.

in the capital of Namibia arrange for infants as

Ndeleo is the biological child of the mother of

young as 6 months to make the journey 13 hours

this house and is currently staying at the house.

north to the tribal homeland to live with extended

She did not grow up there; she was fostered to a

family. In Ovambo culture, it is not appropriate to

maternal uncle as an infant. The 12-year-old girl is

deny a “granny” when she asks for a child, yet some

Ndeleo’s biological sister and grew up in this home.

mothers struggle with negotiating this arrange-

The 8-year-old is Ndeleo’s oldest brother’s daugh-

ment. Mothers spoke of the competing desires for

ter, and the 6-year-old is the child of her mother’s

children to learn cultural traditions in the rural

husband. The boys are both paternal relatives from

area versus keeping them in urban centers where

the north who are living in the home primarily to

there are opportunities to participate in modern

be closer to better schools in the capital. Ndeleo,

learning environments such as preschool. Mothers

who has finished her studies, has come back to stay

also described the emotional attachment they have

in this house with her mother and look for a job.

to the child and the wrench they feel in letting

The house runs seamlessly in the absence of

the child go. One mother, Emelia, explained her

adults during their visit to the north, and adults

tactic to keep her child with her, yet placate the

often report little worry in situations similar to

paternal grandmother who had asked to have her

this vignette. Each member of this house might be

child. “I sent her to her grandmother. She went to

thought of as a small context of care, with Ndeleo

the village, but only for three or four months… .

providing instrumental support while the younger

I wanted her back and it was only that Memekulu

girls play and tease in emotionally supportive ways.

(grandmother) wants a child… . So I decided to

As Suzanne Gaskins describes, work is intermixed

give her away for three months, not to disappoint

with play, and children earn recognition from

Memekulu.”

adults as their competency and workload increases

Perhaps the most striking aspect of the fostering

(Gaskins, 2014, this volume). The fluidity of care-

customs is the light it sheds on the competency cre-

givers and opportunities for interactions are nested

ated in the entire family, from oldest to youngest,

within these broader cultural norms of socially

in child caregiving. Here is an example from Jill

distributed child care, fosterage, and extended kin

Brown’s field notes (2011), focused on Ndeleo.

care (Weisner et al., 1997).

pope eDwa r DS, r en, Brow n

173

Early Care and Education Services

children under age 3 in organized child care.

The institution of schooling has transformed

According to a United Nation’s Children’s Fund

the social lives of school-aged children around the

(UNICEF, 2008) report on the advanced indus-

world by removing them from the context of the

trial countries of the Organization for Economic

home for much of the day, where education is non-

Cooperation and Development (OECD), “Today’s

formal and most of their child companions are

rising generation in the countries of the OECD is

siblings or “courtyard cousins.” Instead, they gain

the first in which a majority are spending a large

access to formalized, symbolically oriented learn-

part of their early childhoods not in their own

ing situations and to intense social relationships

homes with their own families but in some form of

with peers, that is, same-age children from outside

child care” (p. 3).

the family. Correa-Chavez, Manigione, and Black

A glimpse into how child care might affect

(2014, this volume) point out that in communities

children’s daily companionship is evident in the

with extensive schooling, babies are often talked

study described earlier of Amherst, Massachusetts,

to in ways that direct and order their attention in

children aged 2–30 months (Edwards et al., 1986;

much the same way school does.

1987). Initial interviews had revealed that most

Along parallel lines, it becomes timely to con-

parents, whether they used center- or home-based

sider the comparable effects of child care institu-

supplementary care, strongly valued early peer con-

tions on children under age 6. Families today tacts for their infant or toddler. Looking at the total have increased needs for such services, reflecting a

corpus of 1,232 observations, it is striking how

global increase in the incidence of women in the

much contact the children had with other chil-

labor force, single-parent families, and family units

dren. Observations were coded in terms of whether

isolated from extended kin. In North America,

a “sibling,” “regular peer,” or “stranger child” was

many parts of Europe, and increasingly in Asia and

present with the target child (where a “sibling” was

Africa, women have become essential contributors

defined as a sibling, half-sibling, or step-sibling; a

to family income. As working parents increase their

“regular peer” was a familiar playmate from play-

use of preschools, organized playgroups, and child

group or day care; and a “stranger child” was any

care arrangements, their children are encounter-

other child, for example, one visiting with a par-

ing formal learning experiences and peer relations

ent). For the half of the sample who attended the

at ever earlier ages. Increasingly, these extrafamil-

university center, the most frequent companions

ial settings have become important contexts of

were regular peers, present in 28.2% of the obser-

socialization for infants and toddlers. As such, they

vations. In fact, some of these observations took

present different kinds of opportunities and expec-

place during home time, when parents got day care

tations than do family contexts, and their influence

“friends” together. A sibling was present in 16.9%

may leave lasting impacts.

of the observations and a stranger in 3%. In con-

An infant–toddler program is quite a different

trast, for the half of the sample who received care

place from a family home. Bronfenbrenner (1979)

in home-based arrangements, the respective figures

describes how “new” in human history it is for chil-

were 21.7% with siblings, 9.3% with regular peers,

dren so young to spend all day in the care of adults

and 4.8% with stranger children. Clearly, the cen-

focused exclusively on them, not on economic ter experience was transforming young children’s or household tasks, and in companionship with

age of access to same-age peer experiences.

same-age peers. The result is that children receive

It is evident that interactions with peers are

less exposure to the cultural world of work and

exciting and pleasurable to the children (e.g.,

reduced opportunity to observe and participate in

Brownell, Ramani, & Zerwas, 2006; Sanderson,

everyday activities of production and household

2011; Whaley & Rubenstein, 1994). Mueller and

with adults and older children. Rather, they engage

Cohen (1986) speak of “peer hunger” on the part of

in child-centered play experiences that elicit sym-

toddlers. Part of the excitement and pleasure seems

bolic, fantasy, and constructive play—experiences

to arise precisely from the fact that the dominance

that professional educators believe are conducive to

hierarchy is not set. Constant moments of compari-

the cognitive skills of school readiness.

son and challenge arise because children have not

Equally striking is the change in their daily

spent years growing up together with relative com-

companionship. The global nature of the change in

petence long ago established. Instead, relatively

age of access to same-age peer relations is strongly

novel to one another, and similar in size, strength,

suggested by the rising rates of participation of

and verbal ability, they have similar cognitive and

174

e a r ly Conte x tS of l e a r ning

social agendas that make competition and com-

means, for example: asking “Can I have that?,”

parison particularly interesting and motivating to

asserting “That’s mine!,” explaining “My turn,” and

all concerned. Toddlers grab for the interesting

so on. Research has established that American

objects waved in the hands of others but often shift

adults tend to have very early expectations for ver-

between moments of conflict, sharing, showing,

bal assertiveness and social skills with peers (see

and affection (Caplan, Vespo, Pedersen, & Hay,

Edwards, Gandini, & Giovannini, 1996). This

1991), as if the incidents of aggression are part of

American approach to socializing for verbal profi-

the flow of learning to play with others.

ciency fits well with values of self-expression and

What does this changing age of access to peer

individualism, for example, defense of ownership

relations suggest about the opportunities and rights.

expectations for children? In our view, this depends

In Pistoia, Italy, in contrast, observation suggests

on the cultural context because different societies

that adults instead have relatively early expecta-

have very different policies and curriculum guide-

tions for another kind of competence, the capa-

lines for early care and education, as documented,

bility to become a participant (or “protagonist”)

for example, in the 10 “country portraits” in New

in the social group, finding identity, and sense

and Cochran (2007). The approaches that vari-

of belonging (Galardini & Giovannini, 2001).

ous countries have applied to the field of family

In Italy, mothers have the right to paid parental

policy and child care are deeply embedded in their

leave to spend at least 1 year at home with their

national histories, core value systems, and basic

infant, while government policies support families

beliefs about child development. Similarly, Tobin,

in finding public infant–toddler care that is edu-

Hsueh, and Karasawa (2009), in their research

cational and nurturing for the children and at the

comparing preschool in China, Japan, and the same time supportive of family needs. Educators in United States, argue that culture acts as a source of

many parts of Italy have interpreted this policy as

continuity and a brake on globalization in educa-

requiring strategies for incorporating families into

tion, leading to preschool systems with noticeable

the civic community and seeking to create wel-

differences in their core features. For example, in

coming services that are open to all children and

the case of the Japanese preschools, one finds peri-

good for them in the present, rather than an invest-

ods of order and disorder alternating throughout

ment that produces useful outcomes in the future

the classroom day, high student–teacher ratios, and

(Fortunati, 2007).

emphasis on feelings and the development of empa-

This chapter opened with an observation illus-

thy. Teachers tend to stand back and let children

trating the extreme care and delicacy with which

learn to resolve their own disputes. In contrast, in

an infant and family are transitioned into the child

the case of US preschools, one finds an emphasis on

care center (Bove, 2001). Ten-month-old Clara and

choice, individualism, ownership, self-expression,

her mother arrived on the first day and sit together

and risk reduction (that is, removing dangers and

with the teacher, Franca, who asks about the baby’s

challenges in the interest of safety). There, teach-

routines at home. Franca begins to inquire about

ers tend to intervene and manage the children’s

the family’s expectations of infant care, where

conflicts, imposing adult standards of justice and

Clara will be part of a group of children staying

fairness. “The unmarked beliefs and practices are

together for 3 years. As the observation continues,

supported by … what we are calling ‘an implicit cul-

we see how the teacher picks up on the mother’s

tural logic’ ” (Tobin et al., 2009, p. 242).

wishes and demonstrates how the infant center will

These core beliefs play out in innumerable ways

help fulfill them.

in the interactions children are socialized to pre-

fer and the expectations that adults bring to their

Pistoia, Italy. Clara’s mother tells the teacher of

encounters with children, for example, in manag-

her hopes: “I don’t want Clara to be one of those

ing interpersonal issues that naturally arise in a

little girls who are so shy that they won’t talk to

group of small children. Frustrations and conflicts

anyone. Maybe coming here, she will become an

often arise because the children have not yet devel-

outgoing girl.” Just then the baby’s attention is

oped skills of smooth group entry, negotiating dis-

attracted by the sight of a little boy slightly older

putes, waiting their turn, and sharing materials and

than herself coming around the corner. Franca picks

space. One solution to managing a toddler group,

up immediately on Clara’s attention, “Clara is very

favored in American programs, is to teach children

interested in other children.” The mother nods,

the words to resolve their conflicts through verbal

“Yes, yes!” So Franca gently carries Clara close to

pope eDwa r DS, r en, Brow n

175

Lorenzo and introduces the two, in the affectionate,

on the Development and Care of Children without

slightly formal style an Italian mother might use in

Permanent Parents, 2012). These poor outcomes

introducing any two children. The two children are

result from the constraints of institutional rear-

almost touching, and Carla reaches to put her hand

ing—regimented routines, high child-to-caregiver

softly on Lorenzo’s head. Franca says he is bello

ratios, impoverished cognitive and linguistic

(“handsome”). Now Carla turns for the first time to

stimulation, and deprivation of reciprocal interac-

look directly and fully into the face of Franca, as if

tions with stable caregivers (Nelson et al., 2007). It

to take in who she is. Then she glances over to her

might be said that many child welfare institutions

mother, as if to be reassured it is okay. Her mother

are all constraint, little opportunity, in the sense of

gazes with a warmly smiling face, signaling to Carla

their developmental potential.

that she approves of Carla’s interest in these new

In light of the findings, many Western countries

people.

have closed almost all of their child welfare institu-

By the end of the week, Carla’s mother leaves her

tions in favor of systems of adoption, foster care,

for the whole morning. On Friday, when she arrives

kinship care, and small group homes. However,

for pick up, Clara rests comfortably in Franca’s arms

in low-resource countries, building such systems

while the teacher tells about the baby’s day. Then,

will take many years, and, in the meantime many

Clara arches toward her mother, who takes her in

children, particularly in Eastern Europe, Africa,

her arms. As mother and baby turn to leave, Clara’s

and Asia, will still be raised in institutions. What

mother pauses in the doorway. Revealing their

to do in the meantime? An important study con-

growing sense of belonging, she names everyone

ducted by the St. Petersburg—USA Orphanage

present around the room and waves good-bye for

Research Team (2008) demonstrated that com-

Clara to all the friends.

prehensive changes in institutions, making them

(Adapted from Edwards & Gandini, 2001, pp. 187–190)

less “factory-like” and more “family-like” in care-

Our studies include many such observations,

giver assignments, routines, and caregiver–child

as well as detailed descriptions of strategies used

interaction—could lead to dramatically improved

to help children recognize the identity of others

developmental outcomes (physical and cognitive)

and learn empathy. Complementary observations

in young institutionalized children, even those

focused on object play and language development

with disabilities. The group sizes were reduced,

by Musatti and Mayer (2011) show how teachers

children were assigned their own primary caregiv-

structure and lead activities, including how they

ers, and caregivers learned how to be warm, sen-

position their body and pace their interaction to

sitive, and responsive during nurturing, as well as

create prolonged sequences of shared attention and

child-centered in play. Thus, by approximating the

participation by toddlers, for example, in ongoing

shared caregiving paradigm that is so successful

investigation of musical instruments, toys, or the

worldwide—not seeking for a “mother-exclusive”

natural environment.

arrangement—healthy socialization contexts were

re-established.

Child Welfare Institutions

An example of another such intervention

We conclude this chapter with consideration of

is under way in China, taking place at a much

one final context of socialization for infants and

larger scale, suggesting that it is possible to cre-

toddlers, child welfare institutions, providing total

ate relatively benign group care contexts for

care for children who are orphaned, abandoned,

infants and toddlers without families. Half the

or otherwise separated from a family. It is difficult

Sky Foundation, a nongovernmental organization

to estimate the number of infants and toddlers

founded in 1998, operates in close partnership

involved in such care worldwide, but the risk of

with the Chinese government and has established

poor developmental outcomes is well documented.

Children’s Centers in 51 welfare institutions in 24

When committed early to institutional care, young

provinces and municipalities all over the country.

children become vulnerable to long-term problems,

Today, it focuses on professional development for

including malnutrition, growth retardation, sen-

welfare institutions throughout the entire nation

sory processing difficulties, behavioral and attach-

(http://www.halfthesky.org/en/map). For young ment disorders, and cognitive and language delays

children, the foundation establishes enrichment

(see reviews in the St. Petersburg—USA Orphanage

programs that supplement custodial care, provid-

Research Team, 2008, and the Leiden Conference

ing primary caregiving, intimate-style relationships

in the context of a group, and an active learning

176

e a r ly Conte x tS of l e a r ning

environment. A forthcoming 2-year evaluation Memory Books may hold therapeutic value for of Half the Sky training and technical assistance

orphaned children who have no parents to provide

conducted by an international external research

a natural source of personal history and autobio-

team has assessed the fidelity of program imple-

graphical memory.

mentation and outcomes for children birth to age 6

(Zheng, Li, McCall, & Groark, 2013). The assess-

Conclusion and Future Directions

ment team measured children’s growth (including

In this chapter, we discussed several kinds of

height, weight, and head circumference) and social

early contexts for socialization. They vary in their

behavior and observed the quality of child–care-

subjective as well as objective dimensions, influ-

giver interactions and accommodations at two enced by such ecocultural variables as household metropolitan sites. The study concludes that under

arrangements, settlement patterns and subsistence

Half the Sky training and on-site, follow-up sup-

level, parents’ workload and employment, gender

port, all areas show significant improvements.

division of labor, and cultural roles and norms

At the core of the Infant Nurture programs,

pertaining to sibling caregiving. Through such

serving the youngest children, are practices that

contextual factors, children’s daily routines and

provide enrichment in the context of a close, caring

interaction patterns provide them with both oppor-

relationship. Women from the community (“nan-

tunities and constraints in development. Despite

nies”) go through an intensive training before each

the variations, the early contexts for socialization

is assigned as the primary caregiver of a consistent

we have described are generally based on predict-

group of two to four infants (Cotton, Edwards,

able, responsive, and reciprocal relationships, and

Zhao, & Gelabert, 2007). The little groups gather

these promote healthy development in children.

together a few hours each day within a large play-

We began with the suggestion that early child

room. The nanny pays close attention to her babies,

development happens “within, through and for

learning each child’s signals and how to respond

relatedness” (Josselson, 1996, p. 2); relationships

to them, holding, playing, talking, and encour-

provide the companionship (e.g., close and caring

aging mobility. Through responsive, reciprocal adult–child and child–child interactions), forma-interactions, the nanny helps the babies grow in all

tive processes (e.g., attachment, language stimu-

domains of development and build a firm attach-

lation, social-emotional guidance), and sources of

ment. She also observes and makes anecdotal motivation (e.g., desires for comfort, help, atten-records twice a week on her babies, compiling a

tion, information, and play) that power early

Progress Report every few months (Evans, 2003).

development.

These reports describe skills and behaviors recently

Of course, in diverse settings, the nature of

mastered, as well as areas that still need special

developmentally enhancing relationships looks

attention, but are written in a personal, first-person

quite different, as witnessed in the townships of

style that conveys the nanny’s emotional invest-

Namibia, infant centers in Italy, and the welfare

ment in the child, as seen in the following example

institutions of China. However, we may extract

provided by Janice Cotton, Chief Program Officer:

a pattern of caregiving that is characterized with

closeness, emotional intimacy, commitment, and

Lianyungang Social Welfare Institution,

continuity over time for healthy development in

China. On February 24, 2006, a miracle came

young children, perhaps a microcosm of common

true: GengHui stood up without any help. We were

ingredients of all the early contexts of socialization

so happy and excited. I held her tightly in my arms,

we have described for infants and toddlers.

kissed her face again and again and praised her

Many fruitful lines of research could follow

ceaselessly and loudly. All the nannies clapped their

from the foundations laid by past investigators. We

hands for her and were really proud of her. She was

offer some future directions for research involving

happy too! She snuggled into my arms, with her

each early context of socialization. Regarding par-

arms around my neck and her face against mine,

ents, there is a well-established body of literature

uttering “Mama, Mama.” I was so happy, and my

about maternal caregiving, but less about the role

eyes were full of joyful tears. After that, we still

of fathers. In this chapter, we reviewed studies on

continued the training every day.

the degree of paternal involvement, but, clearly,

Eventually, the Progress Reports, along with

much more work needs to be done. Given the wide

photos and other artifacts, are compiled into a

variation in amount and styles of paternal involve-

Memory Book that belongs to the child. The ment in children’s early life, what are the outcomes pope eDwa r DS, r en, Brow n

177

for children? Does it matter if fathers violate the

negative experiences of two-generation caregiving

cultural norm, for example, by taking a much more

and maximize the felt benefits of two-generation

active or less active role in daily caregiving than

caregiving in young children’s development?

is typical? How does paternal caregiving interact

Child fosterage represents a unique variant in

with maternal caregiving in influencing young caregiving and offers a window into understanding children’s socialization? Many children grow up in

the implications of early relationships, both those

households where the identity of the male figures

with biological origin and those socially created. In

residing in the home changes over time: how do

the contemporary world, as educational opportu-

very young children comprehend or react to this?

nities become more valued, what are the develop-

How should we conceptualize and measure the

mental implications for children who receive this

dynamic processing of the interactions and rela-

opportunity? What happens when parents refuse

tionships among father, mother, child, and others?

this practice? Furthermore, what more can be

Siblings are important caregivers and compan-

learned about the transfer of resources through the

ions to young children around the world. Although

practice of fosterage? Children are but one entity

the practice of sibling caregiving has been well

that moves; the webs of connection also act as con-

documented, we still do not know much about its

duits for material resources to move between fami-

developmental implications. What is the quality

lies. How large are these webs of connection, and

of the emotional closeness or attachment between

to what extent are families materially intertwined?

babies and their child nurses, and does it endure

As child care centers become an increasingly

over time, perhaps even into adulthood? What pervasive and important part of contemporary life, could we find out by interviewing children about

children have earlier and more frequent interac-

being a child nurse, or their memories of having

tion with same-age peers from outside the family.

been cared for by one? Furthermore, what could

Of course, peer relationships at the dawn of chil-

we learn about the maternal decision making dren’s development differ in profound ways from involved? What kind of factors do mothers consider

what they will become in later years, but are they

in assigning one of their older children as a child

totally transient and replaceable to preschool chil-

nurse to a new baby? Do they have ethnotheories

dren, as many American parents believe (Aukrust,

about what makes a good child nurse; have they

Edwards, Kumru, Knoche, & Kim, 2003)? Later

seen some children who are especially good in this

peer relationships have been much studied, both

role? We would expect that mothers in middle-level

the negative side of peer relationships (e.g., aggres-

societies would speak of “responsibility” and “obe-

sion, bullying) and the positive (e.g., prosocial

dience” in describing a good child nurse, but do

behavior). Yet, the emergence of the earliest rela-

they also have ideas about the child’s empathy or

tionships has only just begun to be understood,

consistency? How do they monitor and train their

and questions remain about their long-term conse-

children for the role of caregiving? Are there dif-

quences (e.g., in teaching role-taking and empathy,

ferences between more educated and less educated

or skills of conflict avoidance and resolution) that

mothers in these regards?

set the stage for later development. Are children

New directions of research into care by grand-

who have higher levels of early peer interaction—

parents might include how children navigate the

whether in home and neighborhood settings, or in

messages and varied socialization efforts of the two

formal child care—different in their social compe-

generations. In societies in which the roles of parents

tence from children who have lower levels? What

are rapidly changing, how are parental ethnotheo-

about the quality of the caregiving context; for

ries about the activities of grandparents—for exam-

example, how effective are typical early childhood

ple, in discipline, play, feeding—also changing?

practitioners in facilitating very young children’s

How do children interpret and internalize conflict

interactions with their peers so that the infant or

that arises between parents and grandparents? How

toddler group becomes a community and all chil-

do they retain emotional bonds with grandparents

dren are included?

even over separations in time and space? Focusing

It is well known that child welfare institutions

on infants and toddlers, what methods can be

often cause poor outcomes for children, especially

used to study two-generation caregiving from the

for the youngest children and those who remain

standpoint of such young children who may not be

in them the longest. Intervention efforts have been

able to verbalize their ideas well? Are intervention

made to examine how changes within institutions

or education efforts needed to minimize potential

may improve children’s developmental outcomes.

178

e a r ly Conte x tS of l e a r ning

Most of our discussion in this chapter has centered

creative potential to navigate complex and rap-

around contexts of early learning, where the norms

idly changing contemporary environments, then

of socialization are implicit. These norms have

we all need to learn much more about children’s

emerged over the generations within an ecocul-

growth, development, and adaptations to change

tural niche in which they are connected to other

in the context of the extraordinary ambiguities,

beliefs and practices. However, norms of adult–

risks, opportunities, stresses, and multiple path-

child and child–child interaction—implicit in the

ways that are encountered in contemporary life

systems of sibling care in Kenya or of peer inter-

worldwide today.

actions in the United States—need to be made

explicit in the context of child welfare institutions

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pope eDwa r DS, r en, Brow n

181

P A R T 3

Early and Middle

Childhood

C H A P T E R

Childhood Practices Across

12 Cultures: Play and Household Work

Suzanne Gaskins

Abstract

Why do young children play? Why do they work? Although play is often considered a spontaneous and intrinsical y motivated activity of children, this chapter provides evidence that different cultural commitments to play influence the forms that it takes. Work also is a cultural y constructed activity, with cultural variation in its value and forms. These cultural differences in how play and work are viewed by caregivers and experienced by children grow out of differences in broader parental ethnotheories about the nature of childhood and development, which in turn are based on more general cultural beliefs and practices. How play and work influence development is obscured by theory that emphasizes universal outcomes even as it also recognizes environmental influences. Four different models of how to integrate these potential y contradictory claims are proposed and are used to interpret the adequacy of explanations about developmental outcomes of children’s play and work experiences.

Key Words: culture, work and play, parental ethnotheories, everyday experience Play is the work of the child.

cultural understandings rather than of children’s

— Maria Montessori

nature; thus, conclusions about them will become

more complex and nuanced.

The child becomes a person through work.

I learned something about the complexity of

— Maria Montessori

understanding children’s play and work early on in

my field work in a traditional Yucatec Mayan vil-

Why do young children play? Why do they

lage in Mexico while chatting one day with two

work? What motivates them, and what do they

sisters, aged 7 and 9, about what they did after

gain? At first glance, these questions may appear to

school. They started listing the chores that were

have simple, direct answers, but, when considered

waiting for them each day when they got home.

through the lens of cultural variation, we discover

Then the 7-year-old proudly proclaimed that

there are multiple answers. It becomes clear that

she washed her own clothes in the long washtub

the answers must consider not only the “nature”

set up in the back yard. Her older sister quietly

of children but also the nature of children’s every-

announced that she washed her own clothes, too,

day activities and the culturally informed parental

and those of her baby brother. And then, after

ethnotheories that organize them. This chapter lays

thinking for a moment, she added proudly that she

out an argument for reconceptualizing children’s

thought that soon, when she got a little better at

play and work as culturally organized activities.

doing laundry, she would be allowed to wash her

And, in the process, motivation and outcomes will

older brother’s clothes, too. Because I didn’t know

come to be understood as a reflection of particular

any children in the United States who liked to do

185

chores and sought more work, I was surprised by

This chapter explores the cultural foundations

their enthusiasm for after-school chores. I asked if

of their attitudes and actions and, in the process,

they sometime wished that they could just relax

illustrates both how children’s everyday contexts

when they came home from school, with time to

and interactions are organized through cultural

play outside or watch television. They assured me

schemas (Strauss & Quinn, 1997) and how chil-

they did not because they liked being able to help

dren’s repetitive participation in such activities leads

their mother, who had so much to do. It was clear

them to construct their own understandings in line

by their demeanor that it also felt good to be judged

with those shared in their community (Kulick &

competent to do adult work.

Shieffelin, 2004; Miller & Goodnow, 1995). It

Even though they were eager to work, these two

demonstrates that the origins of children’s motiva-

girls also liked to play. Once their specific work

tion to work and play and the ways in which work

tasks were done, they and their younger siblings

and play function in their everyday lives are not

would go out into the yard to play. While playing,

universal but in fact quite variable across cultures.

though, these two girls were actually still work-

The chapter concludes with a discussion of the

ing because they were taking care of their younger

consequences of such variation for theorizing chil-

siblings who were playing with them. This sibling

dren’s development and learning. Cultural varia-

child care, embedded in the children’s play, freed

tion in experience creates a tension between two

their mother from child care so she could more

basic tenets of developmental theory: children’s

easily cook, clean, collect firewood in the woods

development is a universal process, and it is shaped

nearby, or run errands. On some days, they would

by experience (Gaskins, 2006; 2013 a). Four differ-

set up a “play house” scene in the yard and act out

ent models of how to integrate cultural variation

domestic narratives. On other days, they would

into developmental theory will be proposed and

all retreat to the back of the yard and climb fruit

evaluated in the conclusion: (1) multiple pathways

trees to find an afternoon snack for themselves.

to universal developmental outcomes, (2) a dual

When they tired of eating, they might play a game

model of general universal outcomes paired with

of chase or try walking along a fallen log without

specific but consequential differences, (3) a theory

falling off. But in all their play activities, the two

of active negotiation between universal matura-

girls never abandoned their role of caretaker, mak-

tional processes and enculturation, and (4) rec-

ing sure their younger siblings stayed safe and con-

ognition that differing pathways of development

tent and providing suggestions of activities within

always involve gains and losses.

the younger children’s ability and interests, even

Most psychological claims are largely based

as the older girls also had a good time doing such

on research conducted on one community—

things as pretending or taking physical risks. They

middle-class European-Americans. Henrich,

knew if one of their siblings got hurt or became

Heine, and Norenzayan (2010) have identified this

unhappy, they (because they were older) would be

sample as WEIRD: Western, educated, industrial-

held accountable by their mother (Gaskins & Lucy,

ized, rich, and democratic. Even more disturbing,

1986). They had also reached an age at which they

they demonstrate how behaviors from this one

felt the responsibility on their own, as well, under-

sample are often outliers when a more represen-

standing that their siblings didn’t fully grasp all the

tative sample is studied. They conclude that psy-

possible dangers and therefore depended on them

chologists need to sample more widely if they want

for their safety and well-being.

to make universal claims about human behavior.

In both their work and their play, these two

Although their critique focuses on studies of adults,

Yucatec Mayan girls demonstrated a great deal and in particular college students, they acknowl-of responsibility and behavior motivated by edge in passing that the same problem exists in the doing things that helped the family—more than

study of children from infancy on. Not only have

one would expect to see in most middle-class developmental theories been tested on this single European-American children of the same age, population and then generalized to all groups, but although their behavior is similar to children in

on the basis of such limited data researchers have

many other cultures (Lancy, 2014). They liked to

generated theoretical categories (e.g., attachment

work because it made them feel competent (White,

types; see Gaskins, 2013 a; Morelli, this volume)

1959) and helpful to their family (Paradise & de

and set population norms of what is “normal.”

Hann, 2009). They enjoyed playing with and taking

The bulk of existing research on children’s play

care of their younger siblings for the same reason.

and work is particularly vulnerable to this critique.

186

Childhood Pr aC t iCes aCross Cu lt ur es

It is often assumed that play is “children’s work”

else to do, but caregivers do not think that play

and that work is, at best, an unpleasant interrup-

has a central role in children’s learning and devel-

tion of their innocent and carefree experience. The

opment. Perhaps they think it is a way to use up

moral force of these arguments is often explicit

extra energy and to practice certain skills needed

or lying just under the surface. And yet the eth-

for adulthood, but overall, it is not as highly valued

nographic record of childhood in other cultures

nor as actively mediated as it is in those cultures

clearly demonstrates that children in many cultures

that cultivate play. In yet other cultures, such as

spend a lot of time on chores and helping out with

the Yucactec Maya, although play is seen as a nor-

family work, even as it also shows that children

mal part of childhood, as a way to expend energy

everywhere enjoy playing (Lancy, 2014).

and practice skills, it is often curtailed when there

are other activities at hand that are seen as more

Cultural Beliefs About Play and Work

valuable and productive (i.e., work; Gaskins, 1999;

Why do children play? Play theories, which are

Gaskins et al., 2007).

quite varied, provide a number of answers to this

For parents who hold either of these two kinds

question (Göncü & Gaskins, 2011; Smith, 2010).

of ethnotheories about play—acceptance or cur-

Children play to expend energy or to seek stimula-

tailment—children’s play is not considered to be

tion. Children play to practice and display mastery

uniquely valuable over other kinds of activities;

of cognitive and social skills, especially those that

rather, play is a default activity (harmless but insig-

they will need as adults. Children play as a way of

nificant) for children to engage in when they can-

dealing with the frustrations that come from their

not helpfully participate in other, more useful ones.

own immaturity (Piaget, 1962) and to overcome

And parents who accept or curtail play, in contrast

more traumatic or undesirable events they experi-

to those who cultivate it, do not take much respon-

ence (Freud, 1950). And children play to establish

sibility for mediating children’s play by providing

or defend social hierarchies, explore social roles

materials, space, or ideas, and they certainly do

(Vygotsky, 1978), or refine their understanding of

not see themselves as being a guiding play partner

themselves (Mead, 1934).

(Lancy, 2007).

In cultures where caregivers cultivate children’s

Why do children work? There has been much

play (Gaskins, Haight, & Lancy, 2007), as in less written about the role of work in formal theories middle-class American families, they tend to have

about children’s learning and development, prob-

an ethnotheory about play that might be sum-

ably because the cultural group that has produced

marized as “all of the above”; that is, they think

such theories has an ethnotheory that de-empha-

that children play for all of these reasons. With

sizes work as a legitimate activity in childhood in

this understanding of play, they value it highly as

the first place. Of note, this chapter only looks at

a childhood activity. For them, play is an intrin-

child contributions to household work (chores), not

sically motivated behavior that children exhibit

child labor (working for wages); see Nieuwenhuys

in order to be stimulated, display mastery, escape

(1996) for a discussion of this distinction. We must

from their own incompetency, conquer their fears,

look instead at what is known about why parents

and learn to understand themselves and their seem to value children’s work. European-American playmates better. They usually hold two other middle-class parents say that they assign chores to commitments about play: play is uniquely suited

their children not because they need their help—

for children to accomplish all these things, and,

in fact, they report it is often more work for them

because it is so central to children’s well-being,

to have the child do a chore than to do it them-

learning, and development, adults should mediate

selves. They think that children learn some prac-

and even participate in children’s play to maximize

tical skills by doing chores, but they value chores

the children’s pleasure and play’s positive outcomes

far more because of the social lessons that children

(Lancy, 2007).

learn about the importance of their participating

Not all parental ethnotheories, however, value

in family work (White & Brinkerhoff, 1981). There

play so highly. In some cultures, such as the is a strong moral tone to their reasoning: children Kpelle-speaking people of Liberia, play is accepted

should work, even if it they don’t want to (and even

as a normal part of childhood, but it is not seen as

though it can make their parents’ lives harder not

particularly valuable (Gaskins et al., 2007; Lancy,

easier), because it teaches them important lesson

1996). In these cultures, children spend a great

about responsibility and independence (Goodnow,

deal of time at play because they do not have much

1988). Children from this community appear to

G a sk ins

187

start out, when they are toddlers, by being moti-

birth order affected the amount of work children

vated to join in doing family work (Rheingold,

do, with older children doing more).

1982). But, sometime before they are of school age,

Likewise, across cultures, it is consistently

they lose much of that motivation, so much so that

found that girls start working younger and spend

parents have to incentivize older children through

more hours working than do boys of comparable

payment or other rewards to do the chores and/or

age. Edwards (2005) reports that boys consistently

to threaten punishment if they do not (Goodnow,

spend less time working than do girls, beginning as

1988).

early as age 3 (see also Blurton-Jones et al., 1994;

This state of affairs stands in stark contrast

Wenger, 1989). Many reasons have been offered to

to the situation in the Yucatec Mayan family explain this gender difference: (1) young girls spend described at the beginning of this chapter, in which

more time with gender-appropriate role models

the two school-aged girls were eager to work, were

(i.e., mothers and other caretakers) than do young

proud of their accomplishments, sought additional

boys; (2) women’s work is more accessible for young

work, and actually helped their mother get serious

children’s participation than men’s work (which

work done. In many cultures, even very small chil-

often requires greater strength and takes place away

dren contribute helpfully to ongoing family work,

from home); (3) girls are more prepared to accept

and children begin to assume regular and produc-

responsibility, especially at a younger age; and

tive work responsibilities as they enter into middle

(4) girls are more likely to be interested in helping

childhood (Rogoff, Sellers, Pirrolta, Fox, & White,

with the care of younger siblings. However, there is

1975). Wenger (1989) reports attitudes toward work

little evidence available to evaluate the validity of

among Kaloleni children in Kenya, for instance,

any of these explanations.

that are quite similar to those reported here for the

Like European-American parents, parents in

Yucatec Maya. Lancy (2014) calls this the “chore

many cultures believe that it is important that chil-

curriculum” (p. 254) and gives many examples of

dren learn to participate in family work. However,

how children contribute to household work, agri-

they also believe that children will naturally learn

cultural and pastoral chores, gathering, hunting,

how to be competent at appropriate work tasks,

and fishing. As Henrich, Heine, and Norezayan

and, although there sometimes is a need to remind

(2010) suggested, when it comes to children’s work,

children of their responsibilities or focus their

it is the European-American middle-class sample

attention, there is often less urgency expressed

that is the outlier.

about the need for formal training (examples

These contributions show some stable pat-

of how children seem to learn effortlessly can be

terns across cultures. For instance, it is consis-

found in Hewlett & Cavalli-Sforza, 1986; Phillips,

tently reported that children’s work responsibilities

1983; Simmons, 1942; Wilbert, 1979). Along with

increase as they get older. The pattern reported

this attitude there is sometimes a tendency to define

in Gaskins (2000) is similar to that seen among

children’s work as primarily important not because

agricultural groups (e.g., Edwards, 2005; Nag, of what it teaches the child but because it is needed White, & Peet, 1978; Rogoff, 1981; Wenger, 1989)

for a family to thrive. For both these reasons, these

and foragers (e.g., Bird & Bird, 2002). The par-

parents are less likely to encourage children to help

ticulars of timing are influenced by the difficulties

before they are competent; rather, children will

of the work to be done (and learned); children in

often be excluded from any particular activity in

forager societies usually engage in work activities

family work until they are both motivated to do the

at a later age than do those in agricultural societ-

work and have enough skill and understanding to

ies (Kramer, 2005; Lancy, 2014). Blurton-Jones,

need little active support while doing it (Gaskins,

Hawkes, and Draper (1994) demonstrated that 1999; Wenger, 1989).

even within a particular type of society, the partic-

Why does play loom so large in the lives of

ular demands of the work environment may influ-

European-American middle-class children and

ence the age at which children take on significant

work seem so onerous, whereas Yucatec Mayan

work responsibilities. In a comparison of two forag-

children embrace work enthusiastically and reserve

ing societies, they found that Hadza children were

play for leisure times? General parental ethno-

productive at a younger age than were !Kung chil-

theories about the nature of childhood and chil-

dren. Resources available in particular households

dren’s learning and development can go a long way

can also have an effect (e.g., Munroe, Munroe, and

toward explaining these differences. Childhood for

Shimmin’s [1984] comparative study showing that

European-Americans (at least for the past century),

188

Childhood Pr aC t iCes aCross Cu lt ur es

and early childhood in particular, has been defined

ways that do not interfere with the ongoing work.

as a time of innocence, protection, and indulgence

They strive to become more competent in order

(Mintz, 2006). Along with this is an understand-

to be able to participate in the ongoing activity of

ing that children’s experiences contribute not only

the household. Thus, Mayan children’s everyday

to what they learn, but also to their development

experiences are very family-centered rather than

(Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000). Taken together, these

child-centered (Gaskins & Paradise, 2010) because

two understandings lead parents and other con-

even very young children, although they have come

cerned adults to invest a great deal of time and

to expect to have their basic needs met and to have

material resources into constructing environments

a great deal of autonomy and choice in their own

to maximize children’s pleasure and the richness of

activities, recognize that they have little influence

their experiences (Zelizer, 1985).

on the flow of family activities in general. They are

Intentional efforts to teach or socialize often

highly motivated to become competent at adult

look a lot like school learning: highly verbal, with

work activities but not particularly motivated to

the adult directing the child’s attentional focus.

become more competent at their play, beyond using

Given their understanding of the role of play in

it as a place to practice the skills and understand-

development, much of their investment is in maxi-

ings they are acquiring.

mizing the quantity and quality of play. These

beliefs lead children’s everyday experiences to be

Foundational Sources of Cultural

very child-centered (Lareau, 2003), and even very

Beliefs About Play and Work

young children come to expect to have a great deal

These contrasting parental ethnotheories do

of control and influence over family activities (du

not exist in a vacuum. They grow out of more

Bois-Raymond, Büchner, & Krüger, 1991). They

basic cultural differences in economic systems,

are highly motivated to become increasingly com-

historically particular circumstances and beliefs

petent at their play for its own sake but not par-

about the future, and understandings of self. In

ticularly motivated to become competent at adult

terms of children’s experiences of work and play,

work activities, nor does their competency in play

the particular production mode of a culture is not

transfer easily into competencies in work.

the most important thing; rather, a major deter-

Yucatec Mayan parental ethnotheories are very

mining factor for shaping children’s experience is

different from those just described (Gaskins, 1996;

the presence of adult work of any sort that is inter-

1999). They also think that very young children

pretable and accessible (Gaskins, 2003). Whether

are innocent and need protection and indulgence,

the adult work is in agriculture, cottage manu-

but they expect children to move more quickly into

facturing, or running a small business makes a

demonstrating understanding and shouldering difference, of course, in the particulars of what responsibilities. They believe that children learn

children must learn and the kinds of help that

much of what they need to know gradually, through

they are able to contribute, but all of these types

observing what goes on around them according to

of work take place in the presence of children and

their own interests and practicing their working

involve significant tasks that children can under-

models of their developing knowledge in play and

stand and in which they can participate. Thus,

in work (Gaskins & Paradise, 2010). They view

while one child might spend the day weeding a

development as a process of unfolding, with little

garden, another in packaging merchandise to be

recognition of how experience might influence that

sold, and a third stocking shelves, all are contrib-

process (Gaskins, 1996). And they do not recog-

uting meaningfully to the family’s work by doing

nize play as being a particularly important vehicle

tasks that are somewhat repetitive, within their

for development (Gaskins et al., 2007).

physical ability, comprehensible, and taking place

These beliefs lead children’s everyday experi-

side by side with the other members of their fam-

ences to be centered on ongoing adult activity

ily. In contrast, when parents take on wage labor

(Gaskins, 1999). To be able to participate in the

outside the home and/or engage in abstract work

“center ring,” they must acquire and demonstrate

dealing with ideas rather than goods (even if in

competence at the family’s work tasks as increas-

the home), their work is either no longer present

ingly legitimate participants (Lave & Wenger, for children to see or too complex for children to 1991). Until they reach a level of competency, they

comprehend. A child who accompanies his or her

are expected to engage in observation or in unre-

mother or father to a law office on a “take your

lated play, in both cases conducting themselves in

child to work day,” or, in fact, watches a parent

G a sk ins

189

work on the computer from home everyday, can-

Finally, every culture has an ideal of what

not really understand nor participate in a parent’s

characteristics are valued in a person. Parents

actual work.

adopt this ideal as the goal they want to achieve

Engaging children in adult work seems most

in raising their children, what Quinn (2005) has

sensible and least exploitative if there is reason

called “cultural models of childrearing” (p. 479),

to believe that they are not only contributing to

by which she means the process of rearing chil-

the family’s well-being today, but also learning

dren to be culturally valued adults. She argues

how to do the work that will sustain them tomor-

that cultures train children into culturally spe-

row as adults (a comparison Bock [2002] makes

cific emotional predispositions to prepare them

between direct contributions to the household

to receive the lessons about what is desired and

economy and experience-based embodied capi-

expected behavior—“predispositional priming”

tal). Thus, learning family work through observa-

(p. 480)—and gives several examples. For the

tion and increasingly legitimate participation is

Taiwanese, parents instill a sense of shame that

most likely to take place in communities where

leads children to understand right from wrong

there is little culture change stemming from and seek to exhibit proper conduct (Fung, 1999; recent culture contact, increased mobility, new

Miller, Fung, Lin, Chian-Hui Chen, & Boldt,

educational opportunities, and technology. The

2012). For the Ifaluk, they instill a sense of fear-

rationale for having children work changes where

fulness that will lead children to avoid danger

there is little continuity of economic and cultural

and prefer the company of others, eventually

ways of living across generations, especially if

leading to an extreme awareness of the conse-

parents explicitly recognize that the world their

quences of one’s own actions on others (Lutz,

children will inhabit as adults is going to be very

1983). For the Inuit, they instill a combined sense

different from the one they live in. It may still be

of respect and fear of being treated unkindly

useful to have children’s help, but their participa-

(Briggs, 1998). For the Gusii, it is a sense of obe-

tion in work is no longer serving as a seamless

dience, restraint, and social distancing (LeVine

entry into adult work.

et al., 1994). For Germans, it is self-control and

Freeing children to spend their time during

self-reliance (LeVine & Norman, 2001). And for

early and middle childhood in formal school-

middle-class Americans, it includes self-esteem,

ing (and homework) or other ways of preparing

accomplishment, and ability (Miller et al., 2012).

for an unforeseeable future—including perhaps Adding the Yucatec Maya to this list, their pre-open-ended exploration and play—becomes a more

dispositional priming is a sense of independence

motivated parenting strategy with rapid cultural

of action, responsibility toward the family unit,

change. This dual commitment to play and school-

and confidence built through accomplishments.

work, which on the surface appears contradictory,

For each of these cultures, parents construct

in fact is motivated by a common understand-

experiences and provide feedback to help chil-

ing of childhood as being more about preparing

dren learn the particular understanding of self

for the future (and perhaps an unknowable one)

that will lead them to learn the proper lessons to

than engaging in productive work in the present.

become a well-functioning adult in that culture.

(It is interesting to note that many of the recent

impassioned defenses of the importance of play

The Cultural Construction of Children’s

for children’s development—e.g., Hirsch-Pasek, Everyday Environments and Activities

Gonlinkoff, Berk, & Singer [2008]—are in

By considering the parental ethnotheories that

response to increased competition from formal organize the everyday lives of European-American schooling [not from family-based work] in the middle-class and Yucatec Mayan children and the form of increased number of hours in school, ear-foundational cultural understandings that inform

lier introduction of literacy and numeracy activi-

them, their different commitments to work and

ties, elimination of recess, and more homework.)

play in childhood come to make sense. It is not

Contextual and economic discontinuity across the case that either group of parents is engaged in generations leads the developmental process to misguided parenting or irresponsibly putting their be discontinuous, too, with childhood set off as a

children at risk, or that one approach is “better”

unique period of time with special characteristics

than the other (although parents in each group

that need not be integrated with what comes later

may think these things about the parents in the

(Benedict, 1938).

other group). Rather, parents in both cultures are

190

Childhood Pr aC t iCes aCross Cu lt ur es

preparing their children to enter into the cultural

children learn both skills and responsibility, but

world they will inhabit as adults. This is not to

often the demands of household chores outpace the

say that the developmental outcomes of these two

children’s knowledge or ability, so caregivers assign

very different sets of experiences will be identical,

some small part of their own chores and help the

except in the larger sense of the children becom-

child complete the task successfully, attributing

ing well-functioning adults in their communities.

the successful completion of the task to the child

Nor will the everyday realities of the children be

(cf. Hopgood, 2012, chapter 10). In this form, it

the same. Children’s engagement in work and in

often takes longer for the adult to complete a task

play in their everyday lives grow out of a particular

than it would if the child was not involved; some-

cultural perspective on childhood and have distinct

times, the task has to be redone entirely once the

influences on their habitual experiences.

child is done “helping.”

Children living in a child-centered world, as

In contrast, children living in a world centered

middle-class European-American children often on family work, as Yucatec Mayan children often do, inhabit a world in which their parents go are, inhabit a world in which all family members away to work and then spend their time at home

are regularly engaged throughout the day (and

significantly focused on their children’s activities

evening) in productive work in the home, yard,

and concerns. This world is filled with negotiation

neighborhood, or fields. For the Yucatec Maya,

between parent and child, a world in which chil-

there is no clear distinction between times for work

dren feel they have a right to assert their opinions

and leisure, and young children can be present for

and their desires and strive to have events reflect

almost all activities adults engage in. Activities

them (du Bois-Raymond et al., 1991; Kusserow,

are defined by what needs to be done and who

2004). Caregivers’ behavior is motivated out of con-

can contribute to accomplishing a task (Gaskins,

cern about the children’s self-esteem, using praise

1999). Children are welcomed as active partici-

to reassure children and everyday narratives about

pants if they are competent or as participants who

their experiences to paint children’s behaviors (even

are primarily observing if they are interested but

their transgressions) in a positive light (Miller, not yet competent. Because they want to be per-Sandel, Liang, & Fung, 2008; Miller et al., 2012).

mitted to be more actively involved in the family’s

Negative feedback like punishment and teasing are

activities, children are motivated to become more

less common. Children’s play often appears locally

competent. If the task is primarily a solitary one,

to be self-motivated, but it grows out of a highly

they sometimes work as an assistant (e.g., hold-

mediated physical environment filled with many

ing something, fetching something), pairing this

toys that have been purchased by adults, some, if

help with observing the work. Eventually, they are

not most of which (“each sold separately”) are tied

able to do the task on their own. But many tasks,

to cultural themes that are commercially promoted

especially low-skill, repetitive ones (e.g., forming

and serve to provide cultural capital with their

tortillas, weeding, shucking corn), allow people to

peers (e.g., tie-ins to movies and TV shows, popu-

work together in parallel. For these tasks, children

lar collections; Chudacoff, 2007). Children often

often work independently alongside a parent or

play alone, with same-aged peers (either in school

older sibling, doing the same work. While work-

or arranged play dates), or with their parents. They

ing, they can continue to observe to improve their

frequently request help or company from their par-

skill or to learn how to do the next step (Gaskins &

ents, especially when they are bored, lonely, or frus-

Paradise, 2010). They may work more slowly or

trated (Haight & Miller, 1993).

need occasional correction, but their contribution

Adult teaching is often intentional and highly

is a real one. Similar characteristics are found in

verbal. Adult participation in children’s play (at

the “chore curriculum” in many cultures (Lancy &

home and at school) allows caregivers to suggest top-

Grove, 2010) and indeed, were more common in

ics and embed explicit lessons (Bedrova & Leong,

the United States in the 1800s (Chudacoff, 2007).

1995; Chudacoff, 2007; Haight & Miller, 1993),

If they are not going to work or watch, they are

thus eliminating the opportunity for children to

encouraged to separate themselves from the loca-

use play for their own exploration and expression.

tions where work is being done and can decide for

Interactions often take the form of verbal expla-

themselves what they want to do (Gaskins, 1999).

nations, questions, and reference to concepts and

As a result, they usually take up their play and other

abstractions beyond the here and now, mirroring

leisure activities at some distance (at least, psy-

school instruction. Chores are introduced to help

chological distance) from those who are working.

G a sk ins

191

At this distance, multiaged play groups organize

everyday context for children’s activities and affect

themselves and resolve their own conflicts, with

how much of their time children spend at play or

older siblings asserting their play agendas on the

at work and how they and their caregivers under-

younger ones but also respecting the needs and

stand and value those activities. Although there

desires of the younger ones because they have a

is no one “right” answer to the questions of why

responsibility to keep them content while they play

children play or work, or what they “should” or

(Gaskins & Lucy, 1986). Resources for play consist

“naturally do” get out of play or work, the variation

of discarded objects or other found objects in the

in children’s everyday experiences of work and play

house or yard, along with a few purchased com-

are, however, not without consequence. The final

mercial toys that often are used for novel purposes

question to be examined is how these different cul-

once they have outlived their original uses.

turally organized everyday contexts influence chil-

Direct adult instruction in this environment

dren’s learning and development.

is rare, as it is in many cultures (Lancy & Grove,

The issue of cultural influences on developmen-

2010). If children fail to take the initiative to mas-

tal outcomes has proven to be a conundrum in the

ter work appropriate to the level of their under-

study of childhood, especially in the field of psy-

standing and the needs of the family, or if they fail

chology, where there has been a general commit-

to join in ongoing work that they know how to do,

ment to understanding developmental processes as

they are teased or shamed to direct their efforts

being universal across the species. At the same time,

more toward observing, practicing, and pitching in

there is a widespread recognition that experience

(Paradise & Rogoff, 2009), but they are hardly ever

can have a significant impact on developmental

explicitly assigned work against their wishes, thus

outcomes (Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000). These two

reflecting the cultural belief in individual autonomy

theoretical premises in themselves do not lead to

(Gaskins, 1999). Feedback and explanation dur-

an inconsistent argument if one of two additional

ing collaborative work occurs, usually as a minor

corollaries is added: (1) environmental influences

course correction when the child has made an error

lead to only minor differences, without influenc-

while productively working. It often occurs at the

ing the basic developmental processes; or (2) there

moment when the child needs to be more careful

is only one kind of environment that maximizes

to avoid hurting him- or herself or causing damage

developmental potential, and varying from it leads

to the objects and materials being used. Feedback

to deficient outcomes. Both of these corollaries,

can be direct or it can be subtle, such as making

especially the second, are frequently invoked in the

an adjustment to something the child has done

literature: differences are defined as deficits.

and offered as complete. Praise is rare; no response

The fields of cultural psychology and psycho-

(no dismissal, no explicit corrections, no adjust-

logical anthropology have as a basic premise the

ments of finished work) is seen as active acceptance

importance of experience in children’s develop-

that the child has managed the job competently.

ment (Shweder et al., 2006). However, research-

Children often invite direct feedback by asking a

ers in these fields have emphasized the complexity

simple question: “Like this?”—to which adults give

and profundity of environmental differences that

a direct, accurate, and informative answer. Because

shape children’s experiences, often by focusing on

adults do not see play as a learning activity, they are

detailed descriptions of a single cultural case and

not motivated to join in or structure children’s play

minimizing comparison. Coming from a Boasian

as a way of teaching.

perspective, they are also committed to the premise

that cultural differences should not be judged as

Developmental Consequences of

being better or worse against some outside stan-

Culturally Organized Experience

dard, but rather understood on their own terms.

So far, it has been argued that children’s everyday

Thus, this perspective does not accept either of the

lives are organized by parents and other caregivers

two corollaries that permit psychologists to pair

based on their culturally informed ethnotheories

universal outcomes with experiential effects. They

about play and work, which grow out of their the-

accept one of two theoretical premises of psycholo-

ories about how children develop and learn and,

gists—the importance of experience—and add to

more generally, broader cultural constructs, such

that the fact of significant variation in that experi-

as economic systems, the rate of culture change,

ence. These two are also compatible in themselves,

and understandings of self. These nestled beliefs,

but they are incompatible with the psychologists’

ranging from particular to general, construct an

fundamental premise of universal processes.

192

Childhood Pr aC t iCes aCross Cu lt ur es

Two-by-two, the premises work. However, all

of European-American children’s play and Yucatec

three premises cannot be accepted in any straight-

Mayan children’s work share a number of impor-

forward way because they are mutually contra-

tant characteristics that usually go unrecognized

dictory (Gaskins, 2006). It is not possible for (see also Edwards, 2005; Gosso, Morais, & Otta, development to be a universal process and signifi-2007). Both lead children to be occupied in inter-

cantly dependent on experience while taking place

esting activities that allow them to seek stimulation,

in radically different environments. Thus, develop-

express their mastery, and yield a sense of agency

mental psychologists and cultural psychologists,

and competence. Both provide opportunities to

if they are to hold to their own primary premises,

solve problems and to learn social skills through

must violate or at least ignore one premise held

interactions organized around a common goal. The

by the other group. Developmental psychologists

argument for multiple pathways to universal devel-

often do not seek out the full range of environ-

opment would focus on these similarities. While

mental variation that different cultural groups play may indeed be a major influence on children’s represent, or, if they do, they do not maximize the

engagement with the environment and their cogni-

richness of description of that variation. Those who

tive and social development in European-American

focus on cultural variation often do not articulate

middle-class families, its influence may come more

the developmental implications of the variations

because it takes up so much of children’s time and

that they document.

less because it is a unique experience for foster-

There are multiple ways to address these con-

ing such activity and development. Children in

tradictions, all of which involve an acknowledg-

other cultures who spend more time participating

ment of two things: (1) significant and legitimate

in family work are getting similar experiences in

variations in children’s environments that influ-

all of these areas. They are applying their energy

ence their experiences and (2) the importance of

and interest to the task at hand, and they are con-

looking at the developmental outcomes of those

stantly engaged in problem solving and negotiating

experiences. One solution is the concept of mul-

social relations through interaction as they work.

tiple pathways to a single developmental endpoint.

To accept this argument, however, one must be

Another is a model of universal outcomes (paired

willing to let go of the claim that play is a unique

with universal or comparable experience) at the

developmental force.

most general level paired with an elaboration of

The argument for general universal outcomes

variable outcomes at the next level. This relies on

with important variations would focus first on

the idea that, in spite of wide variation in experi-

what play and work have in common, as the multi-

ence, there are general principles shared across ple pathways argument does, but additionally take communities—for instance, that all children, at

into account where these arguments differ. Both

some point in infancy or early childhood, will be

allow children to expend energy and to seek stim-

engaged by their primary social group as legitimate

ulation. But work puts real-world limits on these

actors—even as there are also significant variations

experiences. Both give children a sense of agency

in the details. A third solution is to redefine the

and competency by giving children an opportu-

problem as being the active negotiation between

nity to take action and practice mastery, but these

the universal processes of development that chil-

may be qualitatively different when gained through

dren bring with them and the particulars of cul-

work and play. Play’s advantage lies in the fact that

tural understandings and activities that they are

there is great freedom to explore and fail because

faced with in their everyday lives. A fourth solution

there are few real-world consequences. However,

is to acknowledge that every culture does better

one might argue that work experiences might pro-

at supporting some developmental processes and

duce even more profound or more efficient learning

worse at others but that, overall, no one approach is

precisely because there are real-world consequences

better than another. These approaches are not nec-

for both mastery and error. This approach allows

essarily mutually exclusive—in fact, it may take all

a reduced claim about play’s uniqueness to stay

of them to develop an adequate concept of develop-

intact, but it introduces the idea that other activi-

ment as an intersection between an individual and

ties might also have unique roles missing in play.

a cultural process.

The argument for negotiation between uni-

Each of these integrative approaches invites a dif-

versals of child development and cultural under-

ferent focus in understanding the role of work and

standings would focus on how different cultural

play in children’s development. The characteristics

approaches to children’s everyday experiences deal

G a sk ins

193

with the universal characteristics of children every-

includes responsibility). Through work, they are

where. The list of such characteristics might include

able to make a real contribution to the shared work

expenditure of energy, seeking of stimulation and

of the family, with the result that their under-

curiosity, social interaction, problem solving, and

standing of self includes having their participation

pleasure in mastery and performance. Children in

highly valued (Gaskins, 2003). So, play and work

different cultures would find ways to express these

each provide unique developmental consequences

universals that are consistent with the cultural roles

that are in complementary distribution: increased

they are given through work and play, as well as

creativity (and perhaps emotional catharsis) versus

the mechanisms of learning they come to practice

increased sense of competence in the real world and

and the teaching they come to expect. Thus, all

connectedness. The nature of play minimizes the

childhood behavior might be thought of as a set of

opportunity for competence and connectedness,

underlying developmental universals that can only

just as the nature of work minimizes the opportu-

be observed through their culturally conforming

nity for the expression of creativity and a cathartic

expression (which, in addition to providing differ-

reinventing of reality.

ently shaped molds for these universals, might also

The most complete analysis may come from

influence their relative importance to the children).

combining the insights from all four of the argu-

European-American children learn to express them

ments. Although play has been emphasized by

primarily through their play, and its open-ended

European and American scholars of childhood

and nonserious parameters both expand and limit

as the primary activity of childhood and credited

their experience. Likewise, Yucatec Mayan chil-

with many important consequences for children,

dren learn to express these same universals pri-

in fact, both play and work, if culturally valued

marily through their work, and its grounding in

and supported through parental beliefs and prac-

consequences and productivity likely expand and

tices, can be rich everyday activities for achiev-

limit their experience in different directions.

ing many developmental outcomes. Both offer

The argument for qualitative differences—that

many opportunities for children to express their

each cultural organization of childhood experience

curiosity in order to learn about the world while

is better at promoting some kinds of development

also learning about solving problems and inter-

and worse at others—would focus on the unique

acting with others, and both can lead to a great

values of play and work. In the case of play, perhaps

deal of pleasure. Play allows for more exploration

the best candidate for a unique contribution is the

and personal expression, whereas work allows for

expression and fostering of creativity. Because of

more integration into family activities with shared

its lack of direct consequences, play invites experi-

meaning. Over time, the differences of these two

mentation, risk taking, and novel expression in a

approaches lead children to feel comfortable living

way that is not available in activities where there

in either a primarily child-centered or primarily

are indeed consequences of work not finished or

family-centered environment. And although many

valuable materials wasted. Another potentially developmental outcomes attributed to play can be unique contribution of play is the opportunity for

achieved through work as well (such as being an

emotional catharsis through pretending things effective social partner and learning how to solve that do not conform to reality, thus increasing the

problems), some claimed outcomes of play (such as

child’s sense of power and control. A review of the

creativity) are not achieved as clearly through work,

ethnographic record suggests that such inventive

just as play does not lead children to feel as compe-

pretend play is found most prevalently in cultures

tent at practical skills and socially connected (and

where play is highly cultivated by adults and rep-

responsible) as work does.

resents a large part of children’s activity (Gaskins,

To date, little research on work or on play

2013 b). Given this distribution of inventive pretend,

addresses the potential of these different inter-

the emotional catharsis that comes with it could be

pretations of the tension between development

seen as a compensatory act by children who need to

processes and experience (multiple pathways to

express control precisely because of their isolation

universal development, general universals tem-

and lack of impact in the real world they inhabit

pered by specific cultural variation, negotiation

(Gaskins & Miller, 2009). In the case of work, per-

between universal developmental processes and

haps the best candidates for unique contributions

culturally organized environments, and recog-

to children’s development are increasing their sense

nition of strengths and weaknesses of different

of competence and social connectedness (which

developmental outcomes). This explains why, when

194

Childhood Pr aC t iCes aCross Cu lt ur es

the research lens is focused on different aspects of

the “natural” way that children “should” grow up.

children’s experiences, there can be such divergent

The importance of play for middle-class European

interpretations of the value of work and play and

Americans is not diminished by this analysis, but

their roles in development. Going forward, if play

our understanding of the source of its importance

and work can be studied in a variety of culturally

is transformed from being universal to being cul-

organized children’s environments and the impact

turally motivated. By doing so, we are more open to

of such environments on shaping children’s every-

value other kinds of childrearing environments and

day lives (and thereby, their cognitive, social, and

to appreciate the complexity of our own.

emotional development) assessed, our understand-

ing of both of these central activities of childhood

can be understood more fully and accurately.

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C H A P T E R

Cognition in Childhood

13 Across Cultures

Mary Gauvain and Christina Nicolaides

Abstract

Children learn to think through the appropriation, use, and adaptation of social practices and the material and symbolic tools of their culture. Social processes are the means through which these practices and tools become part of the child’s cognitive repertoire. To describe cognition in childhood from a cultural perspective, this chapter discusses the sociocultural approach to cognitive development along with ideas from evolutionary developmental psychology that support this view.

It focuses on four social learning processes through which children come to understand and engage in culture: behavioral observation, sharing of knowledge in reciprocal interaction, explicit efforts to instruct or transmit knowledge, and participation in cultural activities. Empirical support for each of these processes is also discussed.

Key Words: cognitive development, sociocultural theory, cultural psychology, cross-cultural psychology, cognitive socialization, ecocultural theory, evolutionary psychology, dynamic systems How does the complex set of skills we call

way of tracing out the origins and development of

thinking come about in childhood? This intriguing

cognition (Gauvain, Beebe, & Zhao, 2011). Such

question is made all the more interesting by the fact

inquiries aim to advance understanding of the rela-

that the remarkable intelligence even young chil-

tion between culture and cognition, as well as to

dren possess is adapted to unique circumstances

identify common and variable properties of intel-

of growth. These circumstances are defined, at lectual growth (Cole, 1996). Whereas some studies the broadest level, by historical period and cul-have reinforced long-standing ideas about cogni-

tural context. Yet, even with history and culture in

tive development, others have raised new questions.

mind, it can be difficult to discern the possibili-

To illustrate, let’s consider our recent study about,

ties and scope of child cognition in the midst of its

ironically, children’s questions.

unique forms. Tackling this issue from a histori-

For a number of years, the first author

cal vantage point is severely limited. Children are

(Gauvain) has collaborated with anthropologist

largely omitted from the historical record before

Robert L. Munroe in analyzing a large corpus of

the last century, and even when discussed, the

child data that he and his late wife, the develop-

focus is usually on their place in the social order

mental psychologist Ruth H. Munroe, collected

with little insight into their thought processes in 1978–1979 in four traditional communities: (Aries, 1962). Cultural analysis is another matter,

Garifuna in Belize, Logoli in Kenya, Newars

however. Many different cultures have existed and

in Nepal, and Samoans in American Samoa (see

continue to exist on the planet. It is therefore pos-

Munroe & Munroe, 1997). This rich dataset covers

sible, although not always practical, to study cog-

socioemotional, motor, and cognitive development,

nition in childhood across different cultures as a

and many findings are relevant to current research.

198

In fact, data such as these may be especially valuable

For a child to often ask “why” would be to chal-

in that they come from a time with less rapid and

lenge that authority and appear insolent (LeVine,

widespread societal changes than we see today. The

1970). Second, in small-scale traditional societies,

current pattern of change, called globalization, may

children can see for themselves their meaningful

very well reduce cultural variation in the everyday

part in relatively stable socioeconomic fabrics and

experiences that underlie cognitive development.

therefore they may seldom need to ask for explana-

Our interest in examining children’s ques-

tions. Third, in industrialized and postindustrial

tions was prompted by research with Western societies, the demands of life—new devices and samples that reports high rates of children’s techniques, ever-widening knowledge—may make explanation-seeking or “why” questions. We were

the asking of explanatory-type questions a highly

especially interested because this research tends to

adaptive way for children to come to terms with

assume that this type of questioning is universal

their environment (Gauvain & Munroe, 2012).

and, also, that it may play an important role in cog-

Further study is needed to substantiate any of

nitive development. For instance, in an analysis of

these claims, yet all point to the importance of

the CHILDES database (MacWhinney & Snow,

examining the sociocultural context in order to

1985), Chouinard (2007) showed that almost understand cognitive development. The benefits of one-quarter of the information-seeking questions

such study are manifold (Gauvain et al., 2011). They

from 3- to 5-year-old American children sought

may elucidate commonalities in cognitive develop-

explanation rather than isolated factual informa-

ment; for example, in both the Western samples

tion. Chouinard argued that a child’s use of explan-

and our four cultures, children actively explored

atory questions indicated that learning was taking

the world and used language to carry out their

place. She then conducted experimental work to

explorations, often with questions. But the use of

support this assertion and used this set of results

any particular type of questioning varied across set-

to support the claim that children’s questions func-

tings because social and cultural practices, such as

tion as a mechanism of cognitive development.

authority relations and other conditions, appeared

In analyzing the four cultures in our samples,

to influence the nature of these questions. Our

we identified close to 3,000 utterances from 96 3-

analysis also shows that, given limited evidence of

to 5-year-old children and found scant evidence

the universality of explanation-seeking questions,

of “why” questions (Gauvain, Munroe, & Beebe,

the assumption that they are a widespread mecha-

2013). These children were curious and asked ques-

nism of cognitive development is problematic. That

tions (269 [11%] of the utterances were questions),

is, if explanation-seeking questions are an impor-

but these were mostly of the information-seeking

tant mechanism of cognitive development, where

type (e.g., “Where are you going?”). Only 12 does this conclusion leave children who live in cul-

(4.5%) were “why” questions. In their questions

tures where language socialization does not empha-

of all types, these children displayed memory for

size or encourage such forms of speech? Although

events, concern with future-oriented activities, and

it is reasonable to contend that explanation-type

perspective taking. In other words, their questions

questions can function as one among many such

had evidence of complex thought, thus there was

mechanisms, it may be that the role these questions

no gulf in cognitive activity between them and

assume as a mechanism is contingent on their con-

“Western” children of the same ages. Rather, what

text of expression. In general terms, this research

we found were patterns suggesting that cultural

illustrates how cognitive development is an indi-

variation in explanation-seeking questions may be

vidual, social, and cultural endeavor, and to under-

quite large, an observation that begs the question

stand this process it is necessary to study it in a way

about the role these questions play in cognitive

that respects these contributions and their relation

development.

to one another.

What might explain these differing patterns?

What are the individual, social, and cultural

To answer this question, we needed to look beyond

contributions to cognitive development? In terms

individual cognitive performance to the socio-

of the individual, cognitive development involves

cultural context. In so doing, three explanations

the organization and adaptation of human cogni-

occurred to us. First, in small-scale traditional tive potential in a way that reflects the needs, intersocieties, including the four we studied, there is

ests, and capabilities of a person over the lifetime or

an unspoken acceptance of the greater authority of

ontogenesis. For these developing competencies to

adults vis-à-vis children, especially younger ones.

take form, social processes are necessary. Human

G au va in, niCol a ides

199

beings are social animals, and human cognition is

1993). Although these four processes are not the

an emergent property of social experience. When a

only social means through which culture becomes

child is born, social contact and support are indis-

part of individual cognitive functioning, research

pensible to survival, and the early social experi-

has identified these processes as important. By

ences children have set in motion a lifelong process

identifying and discussing a range of social learn-

of learning and cognitive growth that is deeply

ing experiences, we hope to show the pervasive

and inextricably entwined with other human contributions of the social-cultural context to cog-beings (Gauvain, 2013). The other critical compo-

nitive development and, at the same time, point

nent is culture. Cognition develops as individuals

to some of the commonalities in this development

engage in meaningful and prospective ways with

around the world.

other people and their products, and culture pro-

vides the overarching structure or frame for these

Social Learning Processes that Connect

experiences.

Individual Cognitive Development

So what is culture? We use the definition of

with Culture

culture from Goodnow, Miller, and Kessel (1995).

Several processes of learning have come to the

Culture is an organized social unit in which mem-

fore as developmental scientists have grappled with

bers of the group share values, beliefs, and under-

the complex social and cultural nature of cognitive

standings about the world; participate in common

development. Here, we focus on observing, shar-

practices; and transmit information and ways of

ing, transmitting, and participating, which we

living across generations. Culture connects cogni-

contend are universal processes of cognitive devel-

tive development with human history instantiated

opment although with different emphasis and form

in the time and place in which the individual lives

across cultures. For instance, in cultures without

and grows—that is, the unique circumstances of

formal schooling, children learn largely through

development (Cole, 1996). These cultural-historical

observation (Lancy, 1996), whereas cultures with

contributions exist in myriad material, symbolic,

formal schooling place great emphasis on instruc-

and institutional forms and practices that collec-

tion, which we refer to as transmission. Here, we

tively enable, organize, and provide direction for

define these processes and later we discuss them

intelligent human activity. As children participate

more fully. Table 13.1 provides a summary of these

in social interaction and other forms of social expe-

four processes.

rience, the shared understandings and behaviors of

Learning by observing occurs when some-

the culture become part of a child’s own thoughts

one attends closely to and learns the behavior of

and actions (Rogoff, 2003).

another person or model (Bandura, 1986). Such

In this chapter, we discuss cognition in child-

learning, which is restricted to overt behaviors,

hood across cultures. We focus on the period from

begins in infancy and remains significant through-

infancy to middle childhood, a time of significant

out life. The learner attends to the model in a

change in how children think and engage in the

nonintrusive manner. Because the model is not

world. We discuss individual, social, and cul-

displaying the behavior in order to aid learning,

tural dimensions of cognitive development using

the onus is entirely on the learner. Observational

research from various cultures as the evidentiary

learning is an important source of cultural knowl-

base. Cognitive development is wide-ranging, edge, and two types have been described: emula-includes a broad set of capabilities, and occurs in

tion, when learners use their own means to achieve

many different situations. Therefore it should come

a goal observed in another’s actions; and imitation,

as little surprise that a number of learning processes

when learners use observed behaviors to reach the

are involved. We highlight four processes by which

same goal as the model (Tomasello, Kruger, &

children come to know and use cultural forms of

Ratner, 1993).

thinking and acting: observing, sharing, transmit-

Sharing describes situations in which informa-

ting, and participating. These processes are inher-

tion is communicated from one person to another

ently social, relying on information that children

for the purpose of mutual understanding. It

gather from other people. They are also transfor-

involves proactive effort to exchange knowledge

mative in that children actively construct under-

in a reciprocal way; that is, the partners are equal,

standing of the world and of themselves through

albeit with different capacities defined by develop-

experiences with others and with the institutions

mental status or knowledge state. Sharing informa-

and tools of the culture (Lawrence & Valsiner,

tion begins in the first year, is not restricted to overt

200

CoGnit ion in Childhood aCross Cu lt ur es

Table 13.1. Four Social Learning Processes Important to Cognitive Development from a Cultural Perspective.

Social learning

Typical focus of

Role of developing

Role of other

Child–other person

process

learning

child

person(s)

relationship

Observing

Discrete behavior of Observer who selects Model may or may

Same physical setting

another person

and attends to

not be aware of being but otherwise not

another’s behavior

observed

necessarily related

and retains it for

later use to meet own

goals

Sharing

Information passed

Participant who

Participant who

Reciprocal

from one person

shares information

shares information

to another for the

or with whom it is

or with whom it is

purpose of sharing

shared

shared

Transmitting

More experienced

Active learner who

Supports and

Learner and teacher

person purposefully gradually assumes

guides the learner

teaches a less

responsibility for the in the activity and

experienced person

activity

gradually transfers

some skill or

responsibility for it to

understanding in a

the learner

learning activity

Participating

Cultural activity

Participant–learner

Engaged in a cultural Inexperienced

with a clear goal and who intends to learn activity that is the

participant and

demonstrated means the activity

focus of the learning, experienced

to reach the goal

allows child access

participant(s)

to the activity and

may alter behavior

to accommodate

learning

behavior or verbal communication, and need not

Children also learn by participating alongside

be initiated by a more experienced person. Even

experienced cultural members in the activities of

very young children use pointing to share infor-

the community (Rogoff, 2003). Such situations are

mation (e.g., a sight or sound). The emphasis and

geared toward practical purposes, to carry out an

emotional register during sharing often coveys cul-

activity that happens to be the focus of the child’s

tural values about what knowledge is important to

attention. Learning may or may not be aided by

the group and how group members feel about it

the person engaged in the activity. Through this

(Goodnow, 1990).

form of active participation, which includes but

Transmitting involves explicit efforts to teach

is not limited to directing attention toward the

someone something. These efforts begin early in

activity in a resolute manner, children learn much

childhood, occur in informal and formal settings,

about their culture (Rogoff, Paradise, Arauz,

and are increasingly important with development.

Correa-Chávez, & Angelillo, 2003).

Much of the research on this process has been

Together, these social learning processes play

informed by Vygotsky’s (1978) notion of the zone

a significant role in cognitive development. We

of proximal development (ZPD), the region of sen-

discuss them separately for explanatory purposes;

sitivity for learning. Support by a more experienced

however, they operate in concert and often occur

partner in the ZPD can help a child engage in and

side by side. Sometimes, they even build on one

practice higher levels of competence. Scaffolding,

another, for example, when a child and adult remi-

an instructional technique in which the experi-

nisce, the adult may, at some point, offer instruction

enced partner adjusts the support to meet a learner’s

such as a cultural lesson about moral responsibility

needs, helps children engage with and learn during

(Miller, Fung, Lin, Chen, & Boldt, 2012). In this

a challenging activity (Wood & Middleton, 1975).

discussion, we do not aim to create a doctrinaire

G au va in, niCol a ides

201

typology of sociocultural learning processes. We

At this same time, researchers, often the same

discuss these processes because there is extensive

individuals conducting the tests, were reporting

research on how each functions as an inroad to

various impressive cognitive skills and reasoning

cultural-historical ways of knowing and acting. We

in the everyday behaviors of traditional peoples,

are also interested in their relation to other criti-

including children (e.g., Greenfield & Childs,

cal features of the developing organism, including

1977; Saxe, 1981; Serpell, 1979). These observa-

the active and learning-oriented nature with which

tions suggested that what children knew and were

human beings are endowed (Elman et al., 1996)

capable of doing cognitively were not being tapped

and our inherent social bias, which is especially

in conventional research measures. Also, it was

evident in the young (Homer & Tamis-LeMonda,

clear that it was not just transfer to Western-style

2012). Social learning processes build on these testing situations that was at issue; children in tra-capacities, and it is through them that human cog-

ditional cultural settings were having difficulty

nition finds expression in, and comes to embody,

in formal educational situations, which suggested

the cultural-historical forms that make up a par-

that their impressive cognitive skills were not being

ticular developmental context.

transferred to the classroom either. These observa-

Before discussing these social learning processes,

tions led to closer study of the relation between for-

we describe the relatively recent research emphasis

mal schooling and cognitive development (Rogoff,

on social and cultural contributions to cognitive

1981), yet formal schooling alone did not answer

development. We then discuss sociocultural theory,

all the questions researchers had about culture and

an account that incorporates the individual, social,

cognitive development. What eventually emerged

and cultural dimensions of cognitive development.

was the realization that there must be a much

Some ideas from evolutionary developmental deeper connection between culture and cognition psychology are also discussed because they offer

than was currently understood (Cole, 1996).

long-range historical support for this approach.

What followed was a long period of study aimed

at the functional organization and expression of

A Brief History of the Sociocultural

human intelligence in specific cultural settings

Approach to Cognitive Development

(Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition,

Interest in cultural contributions to cognitive

1983). The result was a theoretical approach in

development emerged in the 1960s, partly in reac-

which cognitive development was seen as cultur-

tion to universal assumptions inherent to Piaget’s

ally mediated (Cole, 1996), an approach enriched

theory, but also in an effort to understand increas-

by theories that emphasized the sociocultural

ingly worrisome patterns of school failure, espe-

basis of human intelligence, especially the ideas of

cially among poor children (Munroe & Gauvain,

Vygotsky (1978) and activity theorists (Wertsch,

2010). Developmental scientists began to study 1981). Other theoretical views of the time were also children’s cognitive performance in different cul-valuable in this emerging formulation, including

tural settings, including those in which formal

ecocultural (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) and adaptation

schooling was not or had only recently become

views of human development (Konner, 1977).

available (e.g., see Cole, Gay, Glick, & Sharp, 1971;

Since this time, researchers have studied the cul-

Serpell, 1979). In general, this research showed

tural basis of cognitive development. It is now clear

that children in more traditional societies did not

that schooling plays an important role, but not all

perform as well on a wide variety of cognitive tests

cultural variations can be explained by this experi-

as did children living in urban-industrial settings

ence (Gauvain & Munroe, 2012). We also know

(e.g., see Dasen, 1974; Goodnow, 1976; Wagner,

that the cognitive consequences of formal educa-

1981). This pattern was perplexing, and attempts

tion can vary across cultures and types of school-

to explain it included unfamiliarity with task or

ing (Scribner & Cole, 1981; Stevenson & Stigler,

test materials; inexperience with research methods;

1992). Commonalities in cognitive functioning

differing social practices, especially pertaining to

and development across cultures also remain a

questioning by authority figures (i.e., adults); and

mystery because researchers espousing universal

experience with formal education and literacy explanations rarely delve deeply into the existence (Rogoff, Gauvain, & Ellis, 1984). When investiga-or sources of these patterns. When explanations

tors tried to compensate or control for these dis-

are offered, they often draw on general theoretical

crepancies, differences in performance essentially

ideas such as evolutionary psychology or the rela-

remained (e.g., Gay & Cole, 1967; Lancy, 1983).

tively new field of developmental neuroscience, but

202

CoGnit ion in Childhood aCross Cu lt ur es

without the tests needed to support the universal

environment more efficiently than would a prepro-

claims. It is difficult, as Cole (1996) observed, to

grammed set of knowledge.

create a description of cognitive development that

This description of human phylogeny is con-

incorporates the vast range of settings and practices

sistent with the idea of cognitive development as

that make up the cultural-historical experiences

a socially constituted process. Although much of

of human beings. Nonetheless, this multidecade

what children learn is common across social and

effort, one that arose from several theoretical tradi-

historical circumstances, such as physical proper-

tions and used various research methods, produced

ties of the world (Spelke & Kinzler, 2007), and

significant appreciation of and insight into the rooted in domain-general processes, such as atten-complex connections of the individual, social, and

tion and memory, learning is specialized to the

cultural in cognitive development.

unique circumstances of growth. Infants and chil-

dren are taught by those who care for them and

The Evolutionary Base

pass on valued practices and tools of the culture.

The sociocultural basis of cognitive develop-

As Vygotsky (1987) pointed out, the development

ment was crafted over the long period of human

of higher mental functions is where the phylogeny

evolution (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002). As Cole

and cultural history of the species converge.

(1996) writes, human biology and culture are the

dual legacy or inheritance of our species. In other

Sociocultural Theory

words, they co-evolved, and their mutually consti-

Contemporary sociocultural theory has been

tutive nature is the foundation of cognitive devel-

greatly influenced by Vygotsky (1987), who

opment. Through natural selection, our ancestors

described how social and cultural experiences con-

who were able to solve problems critical to survival,

tribute to psychological development. Vygotsky

including obtaining vital resources and caring and his colleagues, who together developed activ-for their young, were more likely to succeed and

ity theory (Wertsch, 1981), differed markedly from

reproduce (Buss, 2012). Several social and cogni-

their contemporaries of the early 20th century who

tive capabilities were crucial, including the ability

emphasized individual functioning or relied on

to cooperate in groups and understand conspecif-

immediate environmental stimulation to explain

ics and be able to work with and learn from them

development (Kozulin, 1990). These theorists saw

(Tomasello et al., 1993). In addition, the vast the sociocultural context and intelligent human potential for and interest in learning that human

activity as an organized and meaningful whole.

beings possess, along with other neural properties

Social experience is the means through which

such as brain plasticity (Kolb & Whishaw, 2011),

children learn about themselves, other people, and

gave early hominids the capability to construct and

their culture by way of the practices, symbols, and

modify the environment to aid survival (Flynn,

tools that support intelligent action.

Laland, Kendal, & Kendal, 2013).

In this view, social and cultural experiences

Several other species characteristics also evolved

mediate individual cognitive development by

that were pivotal to cognitive development, includ-

transforming basic psychological abilities, such as

ing immaturity at birth, a protracted period of

innate perceptual and memory skills, into com-

dependence on mature members, gradual special-

plex, higher order psychological functions tailored

ization of intelligence to local circumstances, and a

to the needs and interests of the culture (Wertsch,

period and process of growth that makes it possible

1985). Whereas other primates, and human beings

for human beings to obtain high levels of cognitive

when they use basic mental functions, use features

functioning in a lifetime—the process known as

of the world to guide action, human beings are

childhood (Konner, 2010). This period of depen-

also capable of creating symbols (e.g., language)

dence provides many benefits along with survival,

and tools (e.g., literacy) that affect how they think

including a form of nurturance that has countless,

and interact with the world. For example, the basic

repeated opportunities for learning. What manner

form of memory includes unintentional impres-

of cognitive system would mesh with this evolution-

sions of events directly influenced by the environ-

ary story? For Elman and colleagues (1996), it is a

ment. More complex forms entail the voluntary use

mental system endowed with some basic cognitive

of signs or tools to mediate and extend these basic

skills that can jump-start the system once experi-

functions, as when an individual writes something

ences occur. Such a system would allow the human

down on paper to remember it for later use. Here,

organism to understand and use information in the

literacy, a cultural product transmitted socially

G au va in, niCol a ides

203

across generations, mediates individual cognition

coordination of elements of a complex, integrated

and, in so doing, transforms it.

system. Development arises from the system as a

The ability to devise and use cultural tools frees

whole, not from any single factor. Similarly, a cul-

human intelligence from its biological base and

ture and its members change in relation to ongoing

links it to the minds of other people as they pres-

interactions and demands in a system, with cogni-

ently exist and as embodied in the practices and

tive development constrained but not wholly deter-

artifacts of the culture (Cole, 1996; Vygotsky, mined by these various processes.

1987). Adoption of these practices and artifacts

aligns children’s thinking and behavior with others

Social Processes and Cognitive

in their culture. Children play active roles in this

Development in Cultural Context

process. They do not simply mimic the actions of

Now we focus on four social means of learning

more experienced others; they come to understand

about culture: observing, sharing, transmitting,

the meaning and intention behind these practices,

and participating. Our aim is to demonstrate the

tools, and symbols (Tomasello, Carpenter, Call,

breadth, complexity, and sociocultural nature of

Behne, & Moll, 2005). For example, communi-

individual cognitive growth.

cative conventions of the culture, such as scripts,

organize and guide children’s actions by providing

Observing

them with an outline of expectations and behav-

Children acquire many behaviors that are

iors in a setting (Nelson, 2007). Cultures also have

cultural by observing others (Konner, 2010).

forms of representation that provide children with

Observational learning has a long history of study

knowledge that would not be possible without in psychology (Bandura, 1986), with much of the these forms; for example, maps provide children

research focused on social behaviors. Here, we con-

with insight about large-scale space they would not

centrate on cognitive skills, although we recognize

otherwise have (Liben, 2001). Through social pro-

that dividing intelligent behaviors into cognitive

cesses such as observing, sharing, transmitting, and

and social realms is arbitrary and serves the pur-

participating, the thinking, practices, and products

poses of researchers more than it describes actual

of the culture become part of individual cognition.

human development.

Over the course of development, what emerges is a

Other people model behaviors in children’s

mature individual in whom the culturally specific

presence that are valued in their culture. Children

nature of experience is an integral part of how the

learn these behaviors by attending closely to them

person thinks and acts.

in an inconspicuous manner guided by the child’s

The sociocultural approach is consistent with cur-

own interests and capabilities. Children are active

rent understanding of human evolution, discussed

in this process, displaying intrinsic motivation and

previously, and with other developmental theories

initiative in selecting and attending to a behavior,

including probabilistic epigenesis (Gottlieb, 1997),

concentrating in order to learn it, and expending

ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner & effort to make sense of it in the immediate con-Morris, 2006), and dynamic systems and trans-

text and in relation to personal goals (Gaskins &

actional approaches (Sameroff, 1989; Thelen & Paradise, 2010). The person observed, or model, Smith, 2006). Similar to sociocultural theory, all

may not be aware of the observation, nor does

these views contend that bidirectional forces across

the model do anything to encourage or support the

time and contexts shape development. Probabilistic

learning. Thus, responsibility for learning is on the

epigenesis redefines the relation between human

child alone.

biology and experience in a way consistent with a

Learning through observation begins early

sociocultural approach. In this view, human devel-

in life, which suggests an innate propensity for

opment does not have a predetermined biological

human beings to learn in this manner. Infants

course; rather, its course is facilitated, organized,

as young as 6 months of age can imitate novel

and maintained by experience. Ecological systems

actions toward objects that they have seen adults

theory stresses the relations between the develop-

do (Barr, Dowden, & Hayne, 1996). They can

ing child and various environmental systems and

learn new behaviors by observing others for as little

provides description of the layers of human social

as 30 seconds and reproduce these behaviors after

experience that make up development in cultural

a 24-hour delay (Collie & Hayne, 1999). By the

context. Dynamic systems and transactional end of the first year, children understand other approaches concentrate on change over time in the

persons as intentional agents, which contributes to

204

CoGnit ion in Childhood aCross Cu lt ur es

their ability to select and interpret observed actions

use. Although observational learning is a universal

(Tomasello & Haberl, 2003). In the second year of

strategy for cognitive development, opportunities

life, the ability to learn behaviors through obser-

for and emphasis on observational learning vary

vation increases (Matheson, Moore, & Akhtar, across cultures.

2013). At 16 months, children can learn a com-

plex set of modeled behaviors, with an evident

Sharing

bias toward intentional as compared to accidental

Much of learning about culture occurs in situ-

behaviors (Carpenter, Akhtar, & Tomasello, 1998).

ations in which knowledge is communicated from

Observational learning is not restricted to more

one person to another for the purpose of mutual

experienced models; at 30 months of age, infants

understanding or sharing. These exchanges are

can learn problem-solving strategies by watch-

reciprocal; that is, both parties are equal partners,

ing same-age peers solve a problem (Brownell &

notwithstanding their developmental status or

Carriger, 1991).

knowledge states. The intent is to involve some-

Cross-cultural research has shown that chil-

one in what another person knows or is thinking

dren spend much of their waking hours watching

about and not to teach the person something.

others (Whiting & Edwards, 1988), which sug-

Sharing information begins early in life, and it

gests ample opportunity to learn a wide range of

helps initiate infants and young children into the

behaviors through observation. These behaviors are

knowledge, practices, and values of the culture.

displayed by other cultural members and, as such,

Intersubjectivity, joint attention, social referencing,

represent some of the cultural behavioral reper-

conversations about the past and as events unfold,

toire. Observational learning is especially likely and joint narratives during shared reminiscing and for routine cultural behaviors because of their fre-storytelling are examples of sharing as a means of

quent occurrence, public display, and consistency

learning about culture (Gauvain, 2013).

in performance across cultural members. The fact

Young infants show interest in sharing informa-

that children, especially when young, are in close

tion with their caregivers. Two-month-old infants

company of adults and older children who use these

respond to parental overtures by making sounds

behaviors enhances opportunities to learn them.

similar in pitch to the parent’s voice (Snow, 1990).

For instance, children in the Warao community of

At 3 months, infants are sensitive to social con-

South America will grip a canoe handle for the very

tingencies when interacting with their mothers

first time in the same manner as do older members

(Striano, Henning, & Stahl, 2005), which paves

of the group without any prior instruction (Wilbert,

the way for coordinated social attention or intersub-

1979), and girls in Chiapas, Mexico learn to operate

jectivity (Trevarthen, 1980). Six-month-old infants

a complex foot loom by observing an experienced

can partake in turn-taking routines (Bruner &

weaver (Childs & Greenfield, 1980).

Sherwood, 1976), and, later in the first year, infants

Evidence of observational learning also appears

will look reliably at the place where adults are look-

in play when children adapt observed behaviors in

ing, referred to as joint attention (Adamson &

order to practice a skill. For example, girls in the

Bakeman, 1991). Together, these emerging com-

Okavango Delta of Botswana will pound a stick on

petencies allow children to share knowledge with

the dirt during play in a way that resembles how

others, which, in turn, supports the development

they have seen others use a pestle and mortar to

of a broad spectrum of cognitive skills, including

crush grain (Bock & Johnson, 2004). In Liberia, 8-

language and object knowledge—skills important

to 10-year-old Kpelle boys practice climbing trees

to learning about and participating in culture.

with a bamboo strip wrapped around the tree and

Joint attention develops similarly in very dif-

each end held in a hand, the conventional way of

ferent cultural settings, although there is variation

climbing the tall, straight palm trees in their village

in the communicative styles and cultural practices

(Lancy, 1996). However, in play, the boys practice

caregivers use to establish joint attention. Among

on a coconut tree because it is curved near the

the !Kung San, a hunter–gatherer society in Africa,

ground, which makes climbing easier.

adults neither encourage nor prohibit an infant’s

What children learn through observation is exploration of objects, but if the infant initiates often opportunistic, spurred on by what they see

interactions by offering objects to caregivers, joint

and hear around them. Children take an active

attention and object exploration follows the same

role by choosing what they attend to and in deter-

course observed in other communities (Bakeman,

mining how the learned information is later put to

Adamson, Konner, & Barr, 1990). The focus of

G au va in, niCol a ides

205

interest during joint attention also differs across

and qualities, whereas conversations of Taiwanese

cultures. Mothers and their 12- to 24-month-old

parents and preschoolers focused on social rela-

children in the United States and in a Mayan com-

tionships. These patterns were, in turn, associated

munity in Guatemala allocate their attention in

with children’s memory. Other research showed

different ways (Chavajay & Rogoff, 1999). Whereas

that European American parents are more likely

Mayan dyads attend to several events simultane-

to use an elaborative and child-centered approach

ously, US dyads attend to one event or object at

when reminiscing with their children in compari-

a time or alternate back and forth between items.

son with Chinese parents who tend to use a prag-

In other research, mothers in the United States,

matic, mother-centered approach (Wang, Doan, &

France, and Japan were similar in nurturance Song, 2010). Parent–child conversations about past and responsiveness toward their 5-month-old events also reflect cultural values. Mullen and Yi infants, yet they differed in the rates they directed

(1995) found that European American mothers

the infants’ attention toward objects and mother

made more references to the children’s thoughts

(Bornstein, Tal, & Tamis-LeMonda, 1991). US

and feelings, whereas Korean mothers made more

mothers mainly directed attention to objects, and

references to social norms. In research on naturally

US and Japanese mothers had similar and higher

occurring stories about past experiences between

rates of directing attention to the mothers them-

2–1/2-year-old children and family members, sto-

selves than French mothers did.

ries told in Taiwanese families emphasized moral

Caregivers and children also share information

and social standards, reflecting cultural values

about culture in conversations about the past and

regarding proper conduct, respect for others, and

as events unfold, which contributes to memory

self-control (Miller, Wiley, Fung, & Liang, 1997).

development (Reese, 2002). Children use similar

In contrast, European American stories mostly

memory strategies, such as elaboration, in conver-

focused on entertainment and affirmation of

sations with an unfamiliar adult that were previ-

the child as an individual; also, when the child’s

ously used with their mothers (Lange & Carroll,

past transgressions were discussed, misdeeds were

2003). Children’s active engagement is important

understated and recast to emphasize the child’s

to this learning, as shown in research in which

strengths. These patterns are consistent with social-

children’s memory for an event was better when

ization goals and values in these cultures and sug-

the event was talked about by mother and child

gest that, during conversations about the past,

than when it was only talked about by mothers

children not only learn how to organize memories

or not discussed (Haden, Ornstein, Eckerman, &

for communication, they also learn what aspects of

Didow, 2001). In conversations in which children

the past are important to talk about and remember.

and their caregivers co-construct autobiographical

Children also share knowledge with and learn

stories in the form of a narrative (Bruner, 1986),

about culture from other children as they engage in

children gain experience with a cognitive structure

joint activities including those involving problem

important to learning about and engaging in cul-

solving (Fletcher, Warneken, & Tomasello, 2012),

ture. The narrative form is useful for organizing,

conservation (Doise, Mugny, & Perret-Clermont,

storing, and communicating memories, and it is

1975), planning (Gauvain & Rogoff, 1989), spa-

common in sustained social groups including the

tial thinking (Golbeck, 1998), moral and causal

family (Farrant & Reese, 2000). Shared narratives

reasoning (Kruger, 1992; Manion & Alexander,

help establish and maintain group identity and

1997), and conceptual and scientific understanding

cohesion (Ochs, Taylor, Rudolph, & Smith, 1992).

(Mercer & Littleton, 2007). As children get older

They also contribute to the child’s developing sense

and develop representational, linguistic, and meta-

of self and understanding of mind (Nelson, 1996),

cognitive competencies, the information they share

interpretation and encoding of events (Haden &

changes as do opportunities for learning. Research

Ornstein, 2009), and anticipation of future actions

indicates that explanations offered to agemates by

(Gauvain & Huard, 1999).

preschoolers and preadolescents during naturalis-

Research has found cultural differences when

tic conversations cover a wide range of topics and

young children and adults share personal knowl-

reflect developmentally related interests and capa-

edge with one another, which has consequences for

bilities (Blum-Kulka, Hamo, & Habib, 2010).

cognitive development. Wang (2013) found that

This research suggests that sharing knowledge is

the conversations of European American parents

an important learning process, one that changes

and preschoolers emphasized personal attributes

as children develop cognitive skills. To illustrate,

206

CoGnit ion in Childhood aCross Cu lt ur es

consider how the development of language and

that support learning (Gauvain & Rogoff, 1989),

symbolic understanding provides children with including understanding in specific domains such the means to interact with others about events and

as science and mathematics (Bjorklund, Hubertz, &

ideas beyond the immediate circumstances.

Reubens, 2004; Hyde, Else-Quest, Alibali, Knuth,

& Romberg, 2006; Jipson & Callanan, 2003).

Transmitting

Parents and other more experienced partners,

When children enter early childhood and including older siblings, arrange opportunities for develop many skills, in particular language and

children to develop cognitive skills through play and

executive functions, there are more active efforts

other after-school activities and by making technol-

to teach them cultural ways of thinking and act-

ogy and other learning tools available (Gauvain &

ing (Vygotsky, 1978). We refer to these processes as

Perez, 2005; Serpell & Hatano, 1997). More expe-

transmitting to emphasize the explicit intention to

rienced partners aid learning by helping children

pass cultural knowledge on to children. Societies

manage the more difficult components of tasks,

make an enormous investment in educating young

breaking down a problem into manageable subgoals

members about the culture (Göncü & Gauvain,

and providing structure and guidance (Gauvain,

2012). Developmental research on this process has

2001; Saxe, 1991). In a successful encounter, as the

examined social interactions in the child’s zone of

child’s skill increases, the more experienced partner

proximal development (Vygotsky, 1978), scaffold-

reduces the amount of support so that eventually

ing (Wood & Middleton, 1975), and apprentice-

the child can execute the task in a skilled fashion on

ship (Rogoff, 1990). These findings support the

his or her own.

general claim that cognitive development can result

The technique of scaffolding is important in

from solving problems with an experienced partner

many cultural settings for transmitting skills that

who targets assistance to the learner’s needs.

children need to carry out mostly or entirely error-

Some research has examined the transmission

free, such as knowledge needed in situations when

of cultural knowledge in formal learning situa-

adult supervision is limited or unavailable (e.g.,

tions (e.g., see Hughes, Luo, Kwok, & Loyd, 2008;

information about poisonous plants and hazard-

Palinscar & Brown, 1984; Pianta & Stuhlman,

ous conditions; Gauvain, 2005; Zarger, 2002).

2004). In school, children learn much about their

Scaffolding may also occur in situations in which

culture, including how it interprets the natural

economic or other costs are high, for example, in

and social worlds, the values it places on certain

trying to maintain valued traditional practices.

ways of thinking, and the tools it uses to sup-

In contrast, trial-and-error learning may be more

port thinking (Bruner, 1996). Research suggests

common when cost does not matter or innova-

that cognitive skills including executive functions

tion is desired (Greenfield, 2004; Tanon, 1994).

(i.e., working memory, inhibitory control, atten-

Instruction may be especially important when

tion), decision making, and problem solving are

children enter middle childhood and become

enhanced by exposure to formal education (Baker,

engaged in economically important activities and

Salinas & Eslinger, 2012). Although teachers play

venture beyond the homestead on their own or

a central role in this process, children also contrib-

with other children. Instruction and scaffolding

ute through peer tutoring, collaborative learning

may also be used to convey cultural skills that

arrangements, and less formal learning opportu-

involve mainly mental activity, especially skills

nities in the school setting (Flynn, 2010; Harris,

that are important for children to learn quickly

1995; Joiner, Littleton, Faulkner, & Miell, 2000).

or flawlessly. Lancy (1996) observed scaffolding

Research has also shown that parents in cultures

among the Kpelle when children learned respect-

with compulsory schooling prepare children for

ful behaviors or manners, apprenticed in spe-

the classroom before they even begin school by

cialized skills such as weaving or how to make

engaging them in activities and communicative

medicine, and when boys learned to play Malaη, a

exchanges that resemble those in school, such as

game of mental strategy.

small lessons about how things work or talking

Still, deliberate instruction as described in rela-

on a sustained topic about things that are not the

tion to ZPD and scaffolding may be more common

current focus of activity (Tudge, Odero, Hogan, &

in cultures in which formal schooling is highly

Etz, 2003).

valued. When formal schooling is less common or

Children also acquire cognitive skills and cultural

nonexistent, mothers may sometimes instruct their

knowledge outside of school during interactions

children, but their instruction seems to differ from

G au va in, niCol a ides

207

cultures with formal schooling. LeVine and col-

example, in Zinacanteco, a Mayan community in

leagues (1994) videotaped traditional Gusii moth-

Mexico, skill at weaving is transferred across gener-

ers in Kenya and middle-class US mothers as they

ations as apprentice weavers, usually young girls, sit

taught 6- to 25-month children age-appropriate

or stand quietly alongside and watch their mothers

tasks. Gusii mothers instructed their children ver-

or older sisters weave (Greenfield & Childs, 1991).

bally, demonstrated the entire task in advance, and

The learner’s attention is focused on behaviors that

told the children to complete the task exactly as

are important to the learning, and this attention

demonstrated. They rarely demonstrated part of

is permitted over a long period of time, which in

the task while the children were doing it, and when

other circumstances might be considered rude.

children completed the task successfully, the moth-

Despite substantial cultural variation in the

ers did not praise them. In contrast, American

onset and nature of participatory learning experi-

mothers used verbal instruction throughout the

ences, engagement in cultural activities is pervasive

task, often demonstrated part of the task while

in children’s lives. In these situations, the child is

children worked on it, encouraged task exploration,

neither a bystander nor a learner, but is rather a full

and, when children finished, their mothers praised

participant whose contribution is defined by his or

them. Gusii children were more cooperative with

her current understanding, maturation, interests,

mothers than American children were; however,

and so forth. Cognitive development is evident

Gusii children completed the task less often. In

in changes in children’s roles and responsibilities

explaining these differences, LeVine and colleagues

in the activities (Rogoff, 2003). Children learn by

pointed out that the Gusii mothers and children

directing their attention in a sustained and reso-

were in an unfamiliar situation in that young chil-

lute manner toward what it is they want to learn,

dren usually learn skills from older children and

described in the process of intent community par-

siblings, compliance is important because children

ticipation (Rogoff et al., 2003). Intent community

are often responsible for domestic activities, and

participation includes behaviors by the child such

praise is avoided at all ages because adults think it

as interest and motivation to learn about a valued

leads to conceit and undermines group solidarity.

cultural practice, close observation of experienced

This research echoes the view that some modes of

individuals engaged in these practices, listening in

transmission are more common in some cultures.

on conversations of more experienced individu-

And, specifically, it suggests that when instruc-

als, asking questions about the behaviors of expe-

tion occurs, it reflects cultural values, unique task

rienced individuals, and creating opportunities to

requirements, and long-term community-based be involved in practices of interest. Such learning goals for children’s learning and development.

may or may not be aided by the experienced person

engaged in the activity, but the child is nonethe-

Participating

less allowed to witness the activity, which Lave and

Children learn quite a bit about culture by par-

Wenger (1991) call legitimate peripheral participa-

ticipating alongside experienced group members in

tion. The experienced cultural member may aid

the daily activities and practices of the community

learning by placing the activity in the child’s line of

(Goodnow et al., 1995; Rogoff, 2003). Such situ-

sight, arranging participation in ways that build on

ations are geared toward practical purposes—to

the child’s skills, or offering guidance as the child

carry out an activity that happens to be the focus of

engages in the activity (Rogoff, 2003).

the child’s attention. In many cultures, children are

Opportunities to learn through participation

given extensive access to the mature practices of the

change as children develop. Some of this change is

community. Even children as young as 2–3 years of

regulated by maturational factors, some by experi-

age in some communities, such as the Efe foragers

ence, and some by a combination of the two. The

in Africa and Maya in Guatemala, have experience

transition that takes place from 5 to 7 years of age,

in a limited but authentic fashion with the routine

the 5-to-7 shift, is a case in point. Research based

work activities of adults in their societies and are

on a wide range of cultures has shown that between

thereby privy to cultural ways of acting and solv-

5 and 7 years of age children experience a change

ing problems (Morelli, Rogoff, & Angelillo, 2003).

in the roles and responsibilities that are assigned to

Learning through participation may be especially

them, and this change has consequences for cogni-

important in settings where explicit instruction is

tive development (Rogoff, Sellers, Pirotta, Fox, &

less common than in Western communities (Lancy,

White, 1975). This period coincides with neuro-

Bock, & Gaskins, 2010; LeVine et al., 1994). For

logical changes, principally the development of the

208

CoGnit ion in Childhood aCross Cu lt ur es

frontal cortex and associated executive functions

and the material and symbolic tools developed by

(Kolb & Whishaw, 2011). This transition point

their culture. For cognitive development to suc-

appears to operate as a prelude to maturity by set-

ceed—that is, bring a child to mature competence

ting the stage for middle childhood, a period when

in the community—children have to learn much

children are increasingly relied on by others and

about their culture. Interpersonal and other social

the culture at large (Weisner, 1996). The rate and

processes are the primary means through which

pattern of children’s participation in and responsi-

cultural understanding is conveyed to children,

bility for activities at this transition differs across

and engagement in these processes helps organize

cultures and may be greater in communities where

the developing mind in ways aligned with the

children are relied on to meet economic or subsis-

needs and aspirations of the community. Although

tence needs.

much of this learning occurs through interper-

A key feature of learning through participa-

sonal contact, the social nature of this learning is

tion is that children are engaged to some degree

evident when children work alone on problems or

in authentic adult activities, which in turn helps

materials derived from the culture. Experience in

prepare them to become mature cultural members.

cultural activities and with cultural symbols and

This learning affects cognitive development in sev-

tools advance children’s thinking in ways that

eral ways. It provides children with an introduction

would not be possible without them. It is through

to and practice with activities that foster the devel-

these experiences that, over the course of develop-

opment of culturally valued skills. It demonstrates

ment, culture and its resources become constitutive

how more experienced cultural members under-

components of human intelligence (Cole, 2006).

stand and approach common problems. Finally, it

Children’s active contributions to this learning are

provides children with experience with the actual

evident in the ways they adopt some of these con-

tools, both symbolic and material, that are used in

ventions and tools; adapt, resist, or discard others;

the culture for solving problems, especially those

and introduce new and innovative forms—all with

problems that are encountered regularly and con-

the aim of meeting the unique circumstances of

sidered important to solve (Goodnow, 1990).

growth (Gauvain, 2009).

Although learning by participating has roots

Similar to other critical aspects of human devel-

in observational learning, these processes differ on

opment, opportunity and support for children to

several counts. Observational learning is opportu-

develop cognitive skills suited to the circumstances

nistic, and what is observed is incorporated into the

of growth are overdetermined. Many learning pro-

child’s behavioral repertoire and used later to meet

cesses help children come to understand and engage

the child’s own goals, which may differ from those

in their culture, including behavioral observation,

of the model. In contrast, learning by participating

the sharing of knowledge in reciprocal interactions,

is activity-focused and involves some recognition

explicit efforts to transmit cultural understand-

of the activity as a whole along with its purpose

ing and ways of thinking, and participation in the

and place in the culture. For example, when a child

activities, practices, and institutions of the culture.

looks on as someone engages in a routine cultural

These processes co-occur, and one process may

practice, such as preparing food or weaving a cloth,

mutate into another depending on the situation and

the learner acquires how the goal state, food to eat

learning needs. For example, when a child is learn-

or a cloth to use, is achieved in his or her culture.

ing through intent community participation, the

The learned behavior is tied to the activity as an

experienced person may notice the child’s interest

ensemble, and its reproduction, later on, is tied

and offer instruction, thereby shifting from partici-

to this activity. Thus, learning by observing and

patory learning to a more didactic means of trans-

learning by participating differ in two ways: focus,

mission. Several factors regulate the frequency and

either on an action (observing) or an activity (par-

manner with which these various types of learning

ticipating), and goal, either the learner’s own goal

occur. Additionally, the dominance of any particu-

(observing) or the goal of the activity in the culture

lar learning process and how it is implemented dif-

(participating).

fer across cultures (Miller, 1997).

The ideas in this chapter are based on a sociocul-

Conclusion

tural approach to cognitive development. We began

Human beings learn to think about and solve

with discussion of research on children’s ques-

problems in their everyday lives through the appro-

tions to illustrate the complex social and cultural

priation, use, and adaptation of social practices

nature of cognitive development. We discussed the

G au va in, niCol a ides

209

theoretical foundations of a sociocultural approach

Baker, D. P., Salinas, D., & Eslinger, P. J. (2012). An envi-

and then described four social learning processes

sioned bridge: Schooling as a neurocognitive develop-

that support individual cognitive development

mental institution. Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience,

2(Suppl 1), S6–S17.

and connect the individual mind with the culture

Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and

it inhabits. Throughout, we tried to show how an

action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs,

approach to cognitive development that incorpo-

NJ: Prentice-Hall.

rates the mutual contributions of the individual,

Barr, R., Dowden, A., & Hayne, H. (1996). Developmental

the social, and the cultural context is both feasible

changes in deferred imitation by 6- to 24-month-old

infants. Infant Behavior and Development, 19, 159–171.

and valuable. However, to date, theory and research

Bjorklund, D. F., Hubertz, M. J., & Reubens, A. C. (2004).

have concentrated on one, sometimes two, of these

Young children’s arithmetic strategies in social con-

components. These efforts have yielded important

text: How parents contribute to young children’s strategy

formative steps. Still, a comprehensive description

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213

C H A P T E R

Cultural Manifestation of Intelligence

14 in Formal and Informal Learning

Environments During Childhood

Sascha Hein, Jodi Reich, and Elena Grigorenko

Abstract

The authors present a cultural perspective on conceptualizations of intel igence and the effects of educational practices in formal (i.e., Western-style schooling) and informal (i.e., family and community apprenticeship) learning environments on intel igence. Western schooling primarily affects the development of cognitive processes underlying performance on tests measuring academical y related cognitive skil s. Learning in informal settings is closely related to cognitive skil s with a high value for successful adaptation within the culture. The effects of both learning environments can only be understood in relation to each other since both foster the cognitive skil s necessary in a particular context. Zambia and Saudi Arabia are used to il ustrate that different emphases in educational contexts underlie the variation in meaning and value attributed to cognitive skil s across cultures. The authors stress the importance of investigating how different conceptualizations of learning have a culture-specific bearing on intel igence and related academic skil s.

Key Words: intel igence, culture, formal schooling, informal education, Saudi Arabia, Zambia In some parts of the world, in rural Zambia, for

cognitive ability. With such a confession, in this

example, views of the origins of intelligence and

community, one’s capacity to do well is believed

the value of formal schooling differ from those of

to be predetermined and thus continued school-

the Western1 world. We recently observed such a

ing for children unable to progress is considered

difference as part of the regular recruitment pro-

of little value. Moreover, this statement provides

cedure for our current study of reading disabilities

evidence that his cultural beliefs regarding devel-

in Zambia, the Bala Bbala Project 2 (BBP; Reich,

opment remain unwavering despite being trained

Tan, Hart, Thuma, & Grigorenko, 2013b; Tan,

in Western-style pedagogy. This is not to say that

Reich, Hart, Thuma, & Grigorenko, 2014). In a

children who struggle will be set aside as unable to

meeting with parents in a rural Zambian farming

experience success. Rather, parents and elders often

community about the possibility of their children

evaluate cognitive capacities, strengths, and weak-

participating in the BBP, a retired head teacher

nesses informally, and roles in society are assigned

(i.e., principal) expressed his view that the capac-

accordingly, with more complicated tasks being

ity for reading is God-given, and parents acknowl-

assigned to those who can handle them and simpler

edged their agreement. In further conversations, a

tasks being assigned to those who cannot.

high school-educated witness to the meeting who is

Western models, in contrast, view cognitive

from a nearby community said that the statements

development as unfolding through the interac-

of this parent, this former educator, indicate that he

tion of various interlinked ecological contexts and

and the other parents do not believe in the devel-

individual characteristics of a child. Formal educa-

opment of intelligence or, for that matter, of any

tion in school settings and informal education in

214

the family context interact with children’s predis-

allocation of meaning to the psychological con-

positions to contribute to individual differences in

struct of interest in different societal settings and to

cognitive development (Baenniner & Newcombe,

understand how individuals adapt to change caused

1995; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Sternberg &

by acculturation (Bornstein, 2002; Kagitcibasi &

Grigorenko, 2001). These environmental contexts

Berry, 1989; van de Vijver & Poortinga, 2002).

are highly complex and play varying influential This chapter adds a perspective on the effects of roles during the life span. Particularly at young

educational practices on intelligence at the inter-

ages, the structure provided by the family (e.g.,

section of school and family environments across

interactions among parents, children, and siblings)

cultures. Similar endeavors have been undertaken.

and features of home learning environments serve

For example, Buchmann and Hannum (2001)

as highly influential contexts that shape cognitive

reviewed research on educational outcomes in

development, and provide multiple opportunities developing countries and concluded that although to acquire cultural knowledge (Bornstein, 2012; there is evidence of the relative effects of school Bradley, Corwyn, Burchinal, McAdoo, & Coll, and family on educational outcomes, less is known 2001; Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Estrada, Arsenio, about how community factors operate indepen-Hess, & Holloway, 1987; Fiese, 2001; Maccoby,

dently of or in conjunction with family and school.

1992; Ramey & Ramey, 2012). As children mature

From a cultural perspective, distinguishing

from early to middle childhood, the context of for-

between formal and informal learning environ-

mal education (e.g., instructional practices, teacher–

ments and their effects on intellectual functioning is

student relationships, and curricular differentiation)

important. In the past decades, most research from

and schooling, when available, exerts an increasingly

the United States has accentuated that Western

important environmental influence on children’s modes of schooling primarily affect the development cognitive abilities (Ceci, 1991; Ceci & Williams,

of cognitive processes underlying performance on

1997; Christian, Bachnan, & Morrison, 2001; tests measuring academically related cognitive skills Cliffordson & Gustafsson, 2008; Eccles & Roeser,

(e.g., mathematical problem-solving tasks) taught in

1999; 2012; R. E. Mayer, 2000; Nisbett, 2009).

school (Ceci, 1991; Christian et al., 2001; Sternberg,

Bridging this Western social science understanding

2007). Learning in informal settings, however, is

of cognitive development to cultural conceptualiza-

more closely related to cognitive skills relevant to

tions of intelligence as expressed by Zambian parents

a particular cultural community (e.g., practical

is a challenging task—a task that we consider impor-

problem-solving skills). What these skills—whether

tant to achieve for the field of cultural psychological

it be hunting and navigation skills of children in

research and for different societies worldwide.

Alaska, showing social responsibility in Africa, or

The goal of this chapter is to explore how the

being able to memorize large sections of the Quran

relationships of schooling (as a context for formal

in Arab countries—have in common, and what

education) and the family and home environment

cannot be assessed with traditional intelligence

(as a context for informal learning) affect children’s

tests, is the successful adaptation to an environment

intellectual development in childhood across cul-

and the culture-specific perception of what defines

tures. We draw from context-based theories and

an intelligent child. These skills might be important

ecological models of human development (e.g., indicators of intelligence in some cultures but not Berry, 2004; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) to

in others. For instance, a child who takes care of

(1) emphasize the relationships between intellec-

siblings and the elderly or who is able to recite large

tual development and culture-shaped educational

parts of the Quran is not necessarily perceived as

practices in formal and informal learning envi-

an intelligent child by Western standards. However,

ronments and (2) describe potential influences on

this does not imply that conclusions cannot be

intellectual development that occur on the basis of

drawn from Western tests of cognitive skills across

bidirectional relations between the child and his or

cultures. As we illustrate, what varies is the meaning

her formal and informal learning contexts, as well

and value attributed to the assessed skills. This dis-

as across these contexts.

crepancy is reflected, for example, in the data gener-

This goal is by no means new. Cultural research

ated by large-scale international studies such as the

has long been concerned with children’s exposure

Trends in International Mathematics and Science

to and learning from particular cultural activi-

Study (TIMSS). The overall low performance in

ties. In this field of research, the primary aim is

mathematics and science compared to international

to understand the universal and culture-specific

benchmarks of countries like Saudi Arabia (Martin,

hein, r eiCh, Gr iGor enko

215

Mullis, Foy, & Stanco, 2012; Mullis, Martin, Foy,

changing cultures or contexts. Some communi-

& Arora, 2012) is coupled with an unusual obser-

ties maintain strong cultural integrity while others

vation that girls in seven Arab-speaking countries

change more rapidly; thus, cognitive development

(the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Saudi Arabia,

may follow different developmental trajectories in

Palestinian National Authority, Jordan, Bahrain,

different cultural communities that build on dis-

and Oman) showed generally higher science tinct cultural practices (Cole, 1985; L. A. Jensen, achievement in eighth grade, with scores being close

2003; 2012; Rogoff, 2003; Weisner, 2002). School

to or meeting the international average (e.g., in the

and family contexts are embedded in this larger

United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Jordan). Thus,

cultural milieu and affect individual differences

whereas around the world there is a dominant trend

through their impact on the proximal conditions

for boys to do better in math and science, in the

for child development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris,

Arab-speaking countries the situation appears to be

2006; Harkness & Super, 2012; Nisbett, 2009;

different.

Rogoff, 2003; Rogoff & Chavajay, 1995).

The first section of this chapter introduces the

Culture can be understood as patterns of beliefs,

ways in which culture has an impact on cognitive

values, and social practices that are acquired (i.e.,

development. The second section focuses on psy-

from other individuals through teaching, imita-

chological accounts of intelligence and different

tion, and other forms of social learning) and tra-

notions of intelligence across cultures. These first

ditions that are inherited (i.e., persisting across

two sections support our view that intelligence can

generations), transformed over time, and shared

only be understood as inextricably linked with cul-

by members of a community (Gutierrez, 2002;

ture, which makes it necessary to take the cultural

L. A. Jensen, 2012; Laland, Odling-Smee, &

context into account when examining the deter-

Myles, 2010; Rogoff, 2007; Shore, 1996). Culture

minants of and environmental influences on the

as a set of socially transmitted information (Alvard,

development of intelligence. The third part focuses

2003) can therefore be used to describe communi-

on the ecological contexts for children’s intellec-

ties whose members share key beliefs and behaviors

tual development and provides the foundation to

(Gutierrez, 2002; Paradise, 2002) but where cul-

unfold our conceptualization of formal and infor-

tural practices may also vary within communities

mal learning environments across cultures. In the

(Gutierrez & Rogoff, 2003; Rogoff, 2003; 2007;

fourth section, we illustrate this conceptualization

Shore, 2002). Based on this understanding, study-

with a discussion of formal and informal educa-

ing culture becomes an analysis of the cultural

tion in Zambia and Saudi Arabia, as well as the

practices in learning environments (Gutierrez,

effects of both learning environments on cognitive

2002). From a psychological perspective, the term

skills and related academic achievement. Zambia

“culture” has described how a group learns and

illustrates ways in which responsibilities at home

solves problems in varying environments (Berry,

can enrich children’s cognitive development and

Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 1992; Sternberg,

how these factors interplay with school experience.

2007). To understand how culture forms cognitive

Saudi Arabia exemplifies the tension between tra-

development, it is important to consider the eco-

ditional Islamic educational values—which are nomic, social, political, and historical contexts in deeply entrenched in the educational system as well

which they appear and function (Paradise, 2002).

as in home education—and the Western critique

With globalization comes the merging of differ-

on the traditional models of schooling and their

ent cultures and the interaction of diverse people

presumed suboptimal effect on cognitive develop-

more than ever, with a unique flow of people, ideas,

ment of children. We conclude with an outlook on

and goods across cultures (L. A. Jensen, 2012).

future research and the need to take a closer look at

Globalization strongly shapes the cultural milieu

the interplay of formal and informal learning envi-

of children’s development and has important impli-

ronments and how different conceptualizations of

cations for psychological research (Arnett, 2002;

learning in these contexts have a culture-specific

Kagitcibasi, 2012). These implications reflect a

bearing on intelligence and related academic skills.

change in perspective regarding the applicability

of psychological and educational theories beyond

Culture and Globalization as Linked

the cultural contexts in which they were origi-

Contexts for Developing Cognition

nally designed (Serpell, 2008 a). Theories of intel-

As children worldwide mature in the age of

ligence have mainly emerged from European and

globalization, they develop within one or more

American research. However, this understanding is

216

Cult ur a l M a nifestat ion of intelliGenCe in for M a l a nd infor M a l l e a r ninG

not necessarily shared across cultures worldwide, as

for different concepts of intelligence is required. For

we describe in the following section.

example, we have found that in Kenyan villages,

children perceived as competent have the broadest

Intelligence and Culture: Two Multifaceted

and most accurate knowledge regarding natural

and Interwoven Concepts

herbal medicines used to treat parasitic and other

Since the inception of psychological accounts

illnesses (Grigorenko et al., 2001; Sternberg et al.,

of intelligence more than 100 years ago (Lubinski,

2001). This form of adaptive tacit knowledge (prac-

2004; Spearman, 1904), it has been of great interest

tical intelligence) is different from the kind of aca-

to researchers from educational and psychological

demic intelligence required for academic success.

disciplines to understand the nature, development,

In these villages, in contrast to the views of many

and determinants that account for individual dif-

in postindustrialized Western countries, academic

ferences in intelligence test scores (Herrnstein &

skills are perceived as a relatively minor part of cog-

Murray, 1994; A. R. Jensen, 1998; Lubinski, 2004;

nitive competence, and the concept of intelligence

Neisser et al., 1996; Nisbett et al., 2012; Spearman,

comprises more practical and community-oriented

1904). Particularly Spearman’s (1904) conceptual-

social adaptive skills than Western concepts

ization of general intelligence has received much

(Grigorenko et al., 2001). Furthermore, on the

attention as a common source of individual differ-

other side of the world, in rural Alaskan Yup’ik vil-

ences that is “generally” manifested in positive cor-

lages, the most competent adolescents are viewed

relations between distinct tests (e.g., verbal, spatial,

as those who have superior hunting, gathering,

and numerical tests) of intellectual functioning navigating, and fishing skills—an important part (Borsboom & Dolan, 2006; Carroll, 1993; Deary,

of their everyday knowledge/practical intelligence

2012; A. R. Jensen, 1998; 2002). In addition to

(Grigorenko et al., 2004). These examples show that

theoretical analytical intelligence frameworks, culture affects what skills are perceived as part of multiple theories of other intelligence indicators

cognitive competence. Thus, it is necessary to take

have been proposed and examined for underlying

the cultural context into account when examining

construct validity. These theoretical frameworks

the determinants of and environmental influences

have in common that they are somewhat distinct

on the development of intelligence. How culture

from more academic ones (Almeida et al., 2010;

relates to the broader ecological context for child

Gardner, 1999; J. D. Mayer, Caruso, Panter, &

development and how educational practices have a

Salovey, 2012) and include notions such as practi-

bearing on cognitive development are the focus of

cal intelligence (Sternberg et al., 2000), emotional

the following sections.

intelligence (J. D. Mayer, Salovey, & Caruso,

2000; 2004; Roberts, Zeidner, & Matthews, 2001;

A Closer Look at Ecological Contexts

Salovey & Mayer, 1990), personal intelligence for Children’s Intellectual Development

(J. D. Mayer, Panter, & Caruso, 2012), and social

Conceptualizing the significance of environ-

intelligence (Kihlstrom & Cantor, 2000; Marlowe,

mental influences on child development and their

1986). A common feature of these conceptualiza-

interplay with biopsychocultural dynamics, espe-

tions of the components of intelligence is that the

cially in early learning contexts, has been the foun-

corresponding skills (e.g., application of knowl-

dation for a host of socioecological models, such

edge of how to regulate emotions to then gener-

as the developmental niche (Harkness & Super,

ate solutions to interpersonal problems) are needed

2012; Harkness et al., 2009; Super & Harkness,

for successful adaptation to the environment and

1986), the bioecocultural microniche (Worthman,

therefore the cultural context.

2010), and Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model

Thus, intelligence is inextricably linked to cul-

of human development (Bronfenbrenner, 1986;

ture, and views on what is perceived as adaptive also

Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994; Bronfenbrenner

vary across cultural contexts. Among different soci-

& Morris, 2006). Cultural contexts such as the

eties, adaptive success in life depends on more than

impact of religious institutions have been added,

the conventional academic knowledge and skills

for example, to Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) model of

taught in school. Similarly, Western definitions of

developmental contexts, and the original model

intelligence might not be shared by other cultures

has been deepened by highlighting the overlap

(Serpell, 2000; Sternberg, 2000), thus a worldwide

among contexts such as family and work, and that

understanding of intelligence as encompassing potential orders in the nested contexts may depend multiple cultural sensitive meanings and notions

on culture (Goodnow, 2011).

hein, r eiCh, Gr iGor enko

217

The common denominator of ecological models

between these systems and their influence on child

of child development is that they aim at a struc-

outcomes. One instance of these bidirectional

tured description of social interactions in environ-

influences becomes evident when children in

mental contexts, as well as the interaction between

early and middle childhood experience significant

these contexts and the growing child. The over-

transitions from one context to another (e.g., the

arching goal is to link the development of human

transition into formal schooling), which has a tre-

behavior to the ecological and cultural contexts in

mendous effect on children themselves as well as on

which an individual lives and where the environ-

the ways in which family members experience this

ment provides opportunities or constraints on the

change (Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Dockett, Perry, &

range of possible cultural forms that may emerge

Kearney, 2012).

(Berry, 2004). Development in these models is typ-

Ecological contexts such as the child’s family

ically seen as being produced through person–envi-

are therefore not closed subsystems, but, in order

ronment interaction and as a process of adaptation

to understand the cognitive development of chil-

(Super & Harkness, 1999).

dren, it is important to consider how families inter-

In these person–environment interactions, act with schools and how these interactions may Berry (2004) viewed day-to-day experiences such

foster or hinder cognitive development. Families

as child reading practices and education as part of

are important socialization agents that produce

a pattern that provides a basis for individual learn-

substantial variability in cognitive skills early on,

ing and development (i.e., the experiential context).

and a multitude of factors in the child, family,

Ecological models stress that the effects of educa-

and sociocultural context affects a child’s cogni-

tion (proximal process) will differ in their influ-

tive growth even before formal schooling begins

ence on intellectual development (child outcomes)

(Christian et al., 2001; Fiese, 2001). However,

depending on the nature and quality of the formal

rather than looking at intrafamilial processes alone

and informal learning environments (context) and

(e.g., parent–child relationships and relationships

the nature of periodicity (time). In this ecologi-

among siblings), it is important to consider that

cal context, cultural factors will prescribe what is

these processes are also influenced by the external

learned and at what age. Cultural variations in

environment (events at home can affect the child’s

intelligence may best be understood as adaptations

progress in school and vice versa; Bronfenbrenner,

to differing ecological settings (Berry, 2004). As

1986). Thus, formal and informal learning envi-

Lonner and Hayes (2004) noted, the process of

ronments are strongly linked to one another and

learning to be competent always occurs in a cultur-

need to be described and understood as intercon-

ally prescribed context; that is, the way one learns

nections among people (Goodnow, 2010; 2011). In

to act intelligently and competently is guided by

what ways the links between formal and informal

the cultural prompts and inputs that shape one’s

learning environments can be culture specific is the

personal and social growth and development.

focus of the next section.

At the broader community level, intellec-

tual skills are shaped by complex interactions in

Formal and Informal Learning

larger social networks, including family (Fiese, Environments Across Cultures

2001), school (Christian et al., 2001), and religion

In September 2000, 189 nations agreed (among

(Goodnow, 2011). The cultural beliefs, values, and

other goals) to achieve universal primary education

practices within these settings are an integral part

(Millennium Development Goal [MDG] 2); that

of the socioecological environment for children’s

is, to ensure that children everywhere, boys and

social and cognitive functions. In a socioecologi-

girls alike, will be able to complete a full course (i.e.,

cal setting, cultural factors do not only affect the

enrollment and completion) of primary schooling

distal context of child development (i.e., the remot-

by the year 2015 (Lewin, 2006; United Nations

est layer of the environment in which a child does

General Assembly, 2000). This goal reflects a mini-

not directly participate), but also the proximal set-

mal consensual understanding of social policies

ting conditions, such as community services and

that are designed to provide what is considered an

childcare practices (Chen & Eisenberg, 2012). ideal formal educational context for child develop-Even though ecological models were designed to

ment. Achieving universal primary education for

allow for multiple levels of analyses, as well as for

all children worldwide comes from Western beliefs,

the systematic investigation of the relationships

and although many governments have adopted

among them, less is known about the relationships

these goals and started working toward them long

218

Cult ur a l M a nifestat ion of intelliGenCe in for M a l a nd infor M a l l e a r ninG

before the MDGs, the choices of individuals sug-

might differ across cultures and countries as well

gest that some communities might prefer to have

(Demetriou & Papadopoulos, 2004). Thus, despite

children learning in other environments (e.g., at

the wide dissemination of Western-style for-

home). The MDGs imply that a way of formal

mal schooling, these Western modes might not

schooling similar to middle-class European and

be applicable to all cultures or might need to be

American communities (i.e., age-grading and seg-

altered (Elliott & Grigorenko, 2008; Sternberg,

regation of children from their communities, with

2008). Although the ideological value of universal

learning through lessons out of the context of target

primary education is supported by national poli-

activities) is preferable across countries, whereas in

cies, this goal also illustrates a global reality—not

some communities, children are more included in a

all children go to school. In some communities,

range of community events, with learning through

this might be because schooling is not available for

observation and practice (Rogoff, 2007). This con-

everyone. In others, it might not be a preferred or

trast is not only visible for a small number of coun-

valued way to spend one’s childhood years, or the

tries worldwide, but also is apparent—to a varying

practical value of formal education is still underap-

degree—in many countries that strive toward preciated. However, children in these families are formal education for all children as prescribed by

not disadvantaged regarding successful outcomes

current global society. We argue here that the two

in life per se, but rather they are developing cogni-

learning environments (i.e. formal schooling and

tive skills relevant to tasks within their particular

informal learning at home and community) are by

cultural environment, their specific community,

no means mutually exclusive. It is the degree of cor-

and their individual family. Given that these skills

respondence that determines how skills acquired

are not always in line with a Western sense of ideal

in one learning environment (and viewed as neces-

outcomes of education, such as critical thinking

sary and adaptive to this environment) are applied

and knowledge in academic domains, it is neces-

in another learning environment and vice versa. It

sary to pay attention to adaptive cognitive skills

is the cultural context that shapes this degree of

that are defined based on cultural values within

correspondence; that is, how closely two learning

informal learning environments.

environments are related and overlapping—or how

different they are from one another. We refer to

Informal Learning Environments

Saudi Arabia and Zambia as examples where our

In informal education (i.e., education with-

current work helped us to understand this overlap

out an arranged educational agenda, curriculum,

between formal and informal education.

learning plans, or planned and deliberate teach-

ing), multiple opportunities exist to be creative and

Formal Learning Environments

reflective (Thomas & Pattison, 2012). Worldwide,

The premise for providing formal education there are examples of children acquiring knowl-is its large influence on cognitive development edge associated with academics outside of the (e.g., Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994; Sternberg &

classroom. For instance, opportunities to develop

Grigorenko, 2001) and opportunities for chil-

everyday mathematical skills have been observed

dren to develop and acquire the necessary skills

out of school (Carraher, Carraher, & Schliemann,

to become valuable members of society. Although

1985; Guberman, 1996). In a recent study, Wager

the importance of formal education is being rec-

(2012) found that, in their mathematical instruc-

ognized among cultures worldwide, particularly

tion, American teachers utilize children’s cultural

Western-style modes of universal formal school-

and community/out-of-school experiences as con-

ing and educational practices have left an impact

texts for problems, link these experiences to school

around the globe (Grigorenko, 2008). Many stud-

mathematics, and identify embedded mathematical

ies from Western countries have identified school

practices prominent in these experiences. In con-

contextual factors associated with cognitive abili-

trast, teachers from Bahrain tend to underappreci-

ties (Ceci, 1991; Ceci & Williams, 1997; Christian

ate children’s out-of-school mathematical practices

et al., 2001; Eccles & Roesner, 2012; R. E. Mayer,

and are not always in agreement with parents

2000), yet it is unlikely that the same factors will

regarding their perceptions about home–school

operate universally across different countries, cul-

relationships and mathematics learning in differ-

tures, and societies (Heyneman & Loxley, 1983).

ent contexts (Al-Mahdi, 2010). In a Bolivian study,

The varying emphases on formal schooling around

boys living on the street scored higher on a creativ-

the globe and their influences on cognitive abilities

ity measure whereas scores on other cognitive tests

hein, r eiCh, Gr iGor enko

219

were similar for boys living on the street and living

(Moore, 2012), and given that positive effects of

in houses even though they had the same socio-

Quranic schooling on serial memory and short-term

economic status (Dahlman, Backstrom, Bohlin, &

recall performance have been observed (Wagner

Frans, 2012). Some communities have even rec-

& Spratt, 1987), it is misleading to oversimplify

ognized the benefits of alternative education and

and hastily criticize traditional methods of teach-

assistance programs for families unable or unwill-

ing that place an emphasis on factual knowledge

ing to send children to formal school programs.

and memorization. However, discussions about the

The Working Boys’ Center of Quito, Ecuador quality of education in Arab countries need to con-

(Working Boys’ Center, 2011), established in the

tinue (Rugh, 2002), especially given that the labor

1960s, accommodates the work schedules of young

markets in these countries often demand a cogni-

children to help support them and their families.

tive skill set that is beyond that of young adults

Education programs are scheduled to complement

who graduate from institutions of higher educa-

their work rather than put them in the situation of

tion. In the following sections, we present Zambia

having to choose earning money over learning in a

and Saudi Arabia as illustrative examples of why it

formal setting.

is important to examine adaptive cognitive skills

Our main argument so far is that although the

based on the cultural specifics of education in for-

implementation of Western modes of schooling

mal and informal environments.

has gained momentum in low- and middle-income

countries, there is a large discrepancy across cul-

Zambia and Saudi Arabia: Two

tures regarding the emphases that are being put on

Distinct (but Similar) Examples

education in formal and informal learning envi-

Zambia and Saudi Arabia serve as excellent

ronments. What accompanies the premise that examples of culture-specific extents of environmen-there are inherent benefits to formal education is

tal influences on cognitive performance because

the Western concept of intelligence that emerged

they are geographically distinct and economically

mainly due to its presumed importance in pre-

different, but show important aspects of divergence

dicting educational attainment and scholastic from the Western model of formal education.

achievement (Deary, Strand, Smith, & Fernandes,

2007; Lynn & Mikk, 2007). Whereas the effects

The Point of Friction Between Formal

of formal schooling on intellectual functioning and Informal Education in Zambia

are clearly evident in research that emerged from

In Zambia, a country experiencing tremendous

Western countries, the significance of education in

socioeconomic and cultural change, understand-

informal contexts and the effect of informal educa-

ing children’s development requires, as Kagitcibasi

tion on cognitive development have been underes-

(2012) has expressed recently, a cultivation of the

timated. From a cultural perspective, this clearly

contextual and a consideration of the global. How

misrepresents the picture of intellectual develop-

global ideas of formal education collide or harmo-

ment and the value of cognitive skills for successful

nize with informal education in community and

adaptation to the demands of a particular society.

family contexts is especially evident in this country.

It is therefore important to understand that

Zambia is one of the least developed countries

formal and informal learning and their effects on

and a place where, in spite of economic growth

cognitive skills do not necessarily build on one

over the last decade, 66% of the population still

another and complement each other (as is most

lives in poverty (Ministry of Finance and National

likely the case in high-income countries), but can

Planning, 2011; USAID, 2011). The ideological

also be in contrast to each other. For example, in

value of formal, Western-style schooling is appre-

some African communities, a child who is able

ciated on a national level, as reflected in Zambia’s

to plan daily activities for siblings and carry out

efforts to achieve universal primary education.

home responsibilities is often regarded as a “smart”

However, due to financial constraints, there are

child and thus not sent to school so that the fam-

communities in Zambia in which education is

ily and community can benefit from his or her

not feasible for all children. Therefore, in Zambia

skills. Another example pertains to memorization

(similar to other countries in sub-Saharan Africa),

and reproduction skills required for many Muslims

one can observe a remarkable divergence between

around the world to gain knowledge in the Quran.

national ideology (i.e., a striving toward Western

Especially since Quranic schooling is the only for-

modes of formal schooling) and local educational

mal school experience for some Muslim children

practices. Especially for rural parts of Zambia,

220

Cult ur a l M a nifestat ion of intelliGenCe in for M a l a nd infor M a l l e a r ninG

schooling has placed new demands on children

skill practice. A less obvious, but potentially just

from traditionally subsistence-farming families, in

as important, area of concern is the role or empha-

which cognitive competence is required to progress

sis placed on agricultural education. Even with

academically and be successful in an increasingly

instruction and practice in agricultural techniques,

international labor market.

primary school programs are designed more often

Providing universal primary education for all

to prepare students for the possibility of secondary

is a project with many practical hurdles, such as

school and future employment rather than for the

advancing the idea that education has practical

reality of farming and rural life. These production

value and is not simply an abstract concept with

units for agricultural experience, when available,

few tangible outcomes (Serpell, 1993; Serpell &

do teach farm-related skills, but evaluations have

Jere-Folotiya, 2008). On the most basic instantia-

not found these programs to be otherwise success-

tion of the goal of universal primary education,

ful (Achola & Kaluba, 1989). A merger of formal

Zambia is set to achieve it. The net enrollment

and informal education systems has been posited

was reported to be more than 100% in 20093—

for Zambia (Banda, 2008), and the work of Serpell

more schools are being built, and school fees are

and colleagues in Mpika, Zambia, has provided

no longer formally required with the Free Basic

some encouraging results for students who are able

Education and Reentry Policies (Chiwele & to participate in programs that make community Syampungani, 2011). However, despite increases in

values and socialization part of the curriculum

primary school enrollment, grade 7 enrollment has

(Serpell, 2008 b; Serpell & Mwape, 1998/1999).

not yet reached 100% and secondary school com-

pletion rates continue to be low (19.8% in 2009;

Learning environments

Chiwele & Syampungani, 2011). Furthermore, the

and inteLLigence

quality of education is in question, with more chil-

The differences between Western notions of for-

dren attending primary schools without an influx

mal schooling and informal education in families

of equivalent resources. This concern is not just one

and communities in this African context crystal-

of an outsider’s perspective; Zambians state gen-

lize in what has been described as social respon-

eral dissatisfaction with government schools, and,

sibility and social competence (i.e., sensitivity to

more specifically, parents have said that there are

the needs of others and taking responsibility for

not enough teachers and children have expressed

others), forms of adaptive and intelligent behavior

a desire to have motivated teachers with adequate

in societies where extended families live together,

housing (Chiwele & Syampungani, 2011).

and children are required to assume family respon-

At the time of Zambia’s independence, reports

sibilities early in life (Chen & Eisenberg, 2012;

indicated that only 1,200 Zambians had second-

Edwards, 2000; Kagitcibasi, 2012; Keller, 2007;

ary school certificates and only 32,000 Africans

2012; Serpell, 2011).

in Zambia had completed primary school (out of

The Western concept of intelligence does not

357,000 individuals aged 15–19 years, and 457,000

map directly onto an African concept, the closest

children aged 10–14 years, respectively, as reported

of which is better described as socially responsible

in the 1969 census; Ohadike & Tesfaghiorghis,

intelligence (Mundy-Castle, 1974). For example,

1975). This was problematic for a country work from Kenya (Sternberg et al., 2001) showed with limited resources that was trying to grow

that, in Kenyan villages, time spent developing

(Mwanakatwe, 1974). Since then, enrollments have

academic skills may be perceived as taking away

increased, but it takes time and money to build

from time needed to develop practical skills and

schools, train teachers, and adjust culturally. In

vice versa, suggesting that academic and practical

one of our current studies, the BBP, we continue to

intelligence can develop independently or are even

observe the problems of a growing Zambian school

at odds with one another. Furthermore, in Kenya,

system within a traditional culture described in the

this form of intelligence is related to household

1970s by Mwanakatwe (1974). Of course, an acute

responsibilities (Harkness & Super, 1992), which in

area of concern is that schools are not equipped or

the Western view are not as closely related to intel-

staffed appropriately. With increased attendance,

ligence as school performance might be. And, in

multiple sessions are scheduled to allow for more

Senegal, despite low scores on a Western-designed

students to attend, but this leaves little time for

developmental assessment (i.e., the Bayley Scales of

teachers to prepare lessons, and high numbers of

Infant and Toddler Development), children did not

students leave little time for individual attention or

show more developmental delays, and parents were

hein, r eiCh, Gr iGor enko

221

aware of ways to support their children’s develop-

members of the local communities, are living in

ment (Harkness et al., 2009).

the traditional culture, but teach and exemplify

In Zambia, one can observe a divergence between

the “success” of completing one’s studies.

what is being taught in school based on a national

At least in Zambia, the Free Basic Education and

ideology that orients itself toward international cur-

Reentry Policies (Zambia Ministry of Education,

ricula blueprints and what is being taught at home.

2003) could eventually lead to social acceptance of

In the latter realm, the communal perspective on

children attending school without the ability to pay

education clearly prioritizes the family as the key

associated fees or obtain necessary resources (e.g.,

unit of socialization, whereas compulsory formal

pencils, uniforms); however, as of 2002, many par-

schooling is sometimes regarded as undermining the

ents continued to report that their children stopped

family structure. This leads to noteworthy observa-

attending for financial reasons (e.g., expenses such as

tions that teaching-learning activities in Zambian

school uniforms and supplies), and schools reported

schools do not find their cultural origins solely in

that family obligations or situations were most often

Western school-based learning practices. In Eastern

involved in the decision to leave school (i.e., mar-

Province, household responsibilities (i.e., serving riage, being orphaned, poverty; Zambia Ministry food to elders, looking after children, looking after

of Education, 2003). Unfortunately, family obliga-

a sick person, selling goods, preparing meals) have

tions are expected to increase with the recent global

been found to predict mathematic achievement for

economic crisis and climate change. In addition,

children for whom schooling is either not available

families, especially in rural sub-Saharan Africa,

or not a preferred activity because these activities

keep their eligible children out of school due to

provide some limited mathematics exposure (Reich

distance between home and school, the perception

et al., 2013a). Moreover, differences in views of

that children were too young, and because of home

development have been found between teachers responsibilities, which are seen as more immediate (formal education) and parents (informal learn-needs (Central Statistical Office Zambia & ORC

ing) in rural Africa, thus emphasizing the current

Macro, 2003; P. Jensen & Nielsen, 1997).

divide between these two learning environments

Factors influencing student attendance in rural

(Serpell & Jere-Folotiya, 2008).

Africa are globally understood but persist in areas

Further highlighting the differences between

in which schooling does not result in economic

the traditional culture prominent in rural Zambia

boosts. While working in rural Southern Province,

and the new Westernized schooling being put into

Zambia, we observed that not attending school can

place, Serpell (1993) described the position of be related to individuals (e.g., illness), the family teachers as bicultural—the teachers have had the

(e.g., work obligations), and the region (e.g., flood-

childhood experience of the local culture but are

ing rivers). Citations in the literature match our

trained to teach in the Zambian school system.

experiences. Nearly 20% of children living in rural

They understand “that cognitive alacrity requires

Zambia live more than 5 km from school, which

interpersonal, social responsibility as a necessary

makes attending school challenging (Lungwangwa

complement for the development of a wise intel-

& Kelly, 1999; Mumba, 2002). Of the other factors

ligence” even though they have been trained in

cited, some are related to family circumstances,

differing instructional methods (Serpell, 1993, but others are related to either the school directly p. 109). In a 1983 study, a small number of teach-or opinions of school (e.g., inadequate facilities,

ers were asked about topics relevant to the inter-

negative attitude about the value of formal edu-

section of their two cultures (Serpell, 1993). The

cation; Mumba, 2002). Not only do families lack

mixed pattern of responses illustrates the clash-

the funds to send children to school, but poten-

ing of these two cultures and inconsistent beliefs

tial revenue is lost when children attend school

in which should be supported. Specifically, when

instead of working, and children often must do

asked about seasonally low attendance due to additional market or domestic work. Children who farming responsibilities, more positive statements

work more complete fewer years of education, and

for missing lessons were provided than negative

home responsibilities have a detrimental impact on

ones; however, when asked about older primary

school attendance when children work more than

school students and behavior associated with start-

8 hours a week (Edmonds, 2007; Psacharopoulos,

ing their own families, at least for female teach-

1997; Ray, 2003; Zabaleta, 2011).

ers, the expressed viewpoint was to wait to finish

Overall, the impact of sending children to

schooling. Teachers, as parents themselves and school is often substantial and can affect parents’

222

Cult ur a l M a nifestat ion of intelliGenCe in for M a l a nd infor M a l l e a r ninG

and caretakers’ willingness to do so. Interestingly,

Arab countries have teacher shortages, a problem

we have observed that children attending school

that seems to have had a greater impact on female

reported that they had a greater number of home

students than on male students. However, for both

responsibilities than the children who were not

genders, this shortage results in more children in

currently attending school (Reich et al., 2013a).

each class along with a decrease in the quality of

This suggested that parents are more likely to education. More specifically, a 2010 report (United assign home responsibilities to the children they

Nations & League of Arab States, 2010) discussed

perceive to be more competent (Guberman, educational variability across the Arab region of 1996). Our work in sub-Saharan Africa has con-the world. Like Saudi Arabia, many Arab countries

tributed to knowledge of the relationships among

will meet goals for enrollment and literacy rates,

Western markers of success in formal schooling

but a few, such as Morocco and Yemen, have a

(Grigorenko, Reich, & Jukes, 2013; Reich et al.,

longer road ahead of them, and others, such as the

2013b), but less is known about the indicators of

Occupied Palestinian Territory, have actually expe-

success in the informal learning environments rienced recent decreases in the target indicators.

for these same communities, most notably the

In Arab countries such as Kuwait, Jordan,

ones used by parents to select children for formal

Oman, Yemen, and the West Bank and Gaza there

schooling or household responsibilities. Moreover,

are considerable variations in the patterns of school

given that parents do not send all of their children

enrollments, and these are attributable to rural–

to school, it is essential to know what other means

urban locations, family background variables,

parents use to transmit or ensure the acquisition of

and interactions between income gaps and gender

the essential knowledge and skills. An example is

gaps (Al-Qudsi, 2003). As in Zambia, in the Arab

traditional knowledge that is transmitted through

region, many families might send their children to

experiences outside of the school setting that can

school initially but later discontinue school atten-

be of immediate greater value to individuals, their

dance because occupation restricts students’ access

families, and communities than the knowledge to education, which is partly due to a persisting gained in formal schooling.

lack of incentives (e.g., meal programs, lowering

the costs associated with schooling) for parents

Formal and Informal Learning

from low-income households to send their chil-

Environments in Saudi Arabia

dren to school, paired with a perceived low rate of

Similar to Zambia, Saudi Arabia is affected by

return to education (United Nations & League of

globalization and the increasing importance of a

Arab States, 2007). This is especially true of com-

knowledge economy to compete in international

munities with high percentages of people living in

labor markets (World Bank, 2008). The call for

poverty because children can earn money or help

education for all and the associated predominance

around the home in place of attending an educa-

of Western forms of schooling is visible in Saudi

tional program. Some countries within the Arab

Arabia’s successful improvements in reaching the

region face political conflicts, and children’s secu-

target indicators set for achieving universal primary

rity and safety are a concern. These conflicts do not

education (Ministry of Economy and Planning,

involve education but certainly impact access to it.

2011). Moreover, Saudi Arabia has made strides

However, compared to Zambia, Saudi

toward improving enrollment at other levels of

Arabia is a country that has vast resources to

education, including building more kindergartens

spend on education. Although public expen-

and identifying children who need additional edu-

diture per student by primary and secondary

cational resources for special needs. Unfortunately,

level of education in Saudi Arabia was highest

not all of the countries in the Arab region of the

among all Middle East and Northern African

world have had the same level of success as Saudi

countries in 2002 (World Bank, 2008), Saudi

Arabia (United Nations & League of Arab States,

Arabia students’ approximate average test score

2007). According to a 2007 report, the Arab region

(332 compared to an international average of

has faced challenges with respect to achieving uni-

467) in mathematics in the 2003 TIMSS study

versal primary education. There are not enough

was lowest among all Middle East and Northern

classrooms or schools, which, especially for many

African countries (Mullis, Martin, Gonzalez,

lower middle-income countries, is difficult to & Chrostowski, 2004). This picture remained resolve because of funding constraints and prob-fairly stable in the 2011 TIMSS results (Mullis

lems with school management. Moreover, many

et al., 2012). During this period (2002–2011),

hein, r eiCh, Gr iGor enko

223

the major educational debate in Saudi Arabia

religious and moral laws of Islam and reflect a long

centered around the impact of religious educa-

tradition of religious learning (Al-Sadan, 2000).

tion on child development, a discourse that cul-

Therefore, the Saudi educational system supports

minated in a fierce debate and media attention

the concept of the family as the key social unit,

in the aftermath of September 11, 2001. The

stresses the importance of family ties, and, as a

implications of the tragic terrorist attacks on

result, educational progress consolidates family life

the United States have clearly triggered a reas-

instead of weakening it (Al-Hariri, 1987).

sessment of the historically pragmatic and stra-

Even though Arab formal schooling has a long

tegic relationship between Saudi Arabia and the

tradition (Herrera & Torres, 2006), there is only

United States (Pollack, 2002). For instance, the

a sparse amount of information available from

changes and strains in the relationship between

Arab countries in the Middle East, and available

the two countries have leveraged the debate and

empirical studies often do not focus specifically on

educational discourse about the Arab system

different learning environments and their effects

of education in general and the role of Saudi

on cognitive abilities (Cole, 2005; Heyneman,

textbooks in inciting violence against the West

1997; Wagner & Spratt, 1987). Other information

through its curriculum in particular (Center for

published in English focuses on a country-level

Religious Freedom, 2008; 2011; Lahmar, 2011;

description of educational practices and quality

The Economist, 2012).

(e.g., Wiseman, Sadaawi, & Alromi, 2008), with

This debate contains a surprisingly low level of

less emphasis regarding the links between educa-

evidence regarding the impact of Saudi’s formal

tion and cognitive outcomes.

educational curriculum. Available information,

Despite the current critique of Saudi Arabia’s

however, comes from sources such as the 2004 Arab

strong reliance on memorization and reproduction

Human Development Report (United Nations of factual knowledge as traditional teaching meth-Development Programme & Regional Bureau ods and the current debate about the quality of edu-for Arab States, 2005), which described formal cation, a recent report stated an increase of 3.55 IQ

education (e.g., curricular, teaching method, and

points (as measured by Raven’s Standard Progressive

evaluation practices) in Arab states as not permit-

Matrices) per decade between 1977 and 2010

ting active, exploratory learning but rather focus-

(Batterjee, Khaleefa, Ali, & Lynn, 2013). In a recent

ing on testing memorization and recall of facts and

overview, Moore (2012) illustrated routine learning

describes the societal role of education as the repro-

activities in Quranic schooling and concluded that

duction of control in Arab societies. Four years later,

children may develop concepts and skills that could

a 2008 World Bank report (World Bank, 2008)

support their literacy learning in secular schools.

described frontal teaching as a dominant feature in

Together, these strands of literature indicate that

classrooms and group work, creative thinking, and

the impacts of religious education are much more

proactive learning as still being rare in the main

complex and beyond the current simplification of

classroom activities. Qualitative deficits regarding

the detrimental effects of Quranic schooling on

the education system in Saudi Arabia also resonated

cognitive skills. Thus, when enriched appropriately

in a recent 2011 UNESCO report (UNESCO, by teaching methods known to be supportive for 2011), which stated a significant mismatch between

successful adaption to life demands, the structure

skills produced and those required by the labor

and content provided by Quranic schooling could

market and higher education in Arab States.

serve as a linking factor between different learning

Religious education is the welding spot of for-

environments, one that could have a positive effect

mal and informal education in Saudi Arabia. on early cognitive development in children. Given Remarkably, although the Quran provides a the scarcity of available information, future cul-common foundation for educational practices in

tural research in Arab-speaking countries has yet to

schools and families, the interplay between for-

systematically investigate the ways in which school

mal and informal learning contexts are often dis-

experiences of children are linked to their informal

regarded in this debate. In Arab countries, child

education and how both environments affect the

development and the family context are strongly

development of cognitive skills in children.

entangled with Islamic rules and morals. Because,

in theory, the Saudi constitution is the Quran, the

Conclusion and Future Directions

nation’s educational policies and formal education

The examples from Zambia and Saudi Arabia

practices derive largely from these statements of

have shown that we might be losing sight of the

224

Cult ur a l M a nifestat ion of intelliGenCe in for M a l a nd infor M a l l e a r ninG

variety of cognitive skills that are required for

that cataloging and describing such settings will

successful adaptation to the demands of the soci-

help us understand better what different cultures

eties in which children grow up worldwide when

that rely heavily on informal learning settings value

we define the quality of education solely in terms

as intelligence and intelligent behavior.

of the acquisition of knowledge and skills, as, for

example, reflected in comparative international Acknowledgments

studies. Balancing the call for universal primary

The preparation of this article was supported

education for boys and girls with the tremendous

by funds from the Ministry of Higher Education

variation in what intelligence means and how it

of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and by USA NIH

manifests itself across the cultural diversity of R01 TW008274. The chapter does not necessar-societies worldwide is one of the most important

ily represent the views of the funders as grant-

tasks of intelligence research in the coming decade.

ees are encouraged to express their professional

Moreover, more research on the understanding,

judgment.

conceptualization, and attitudes toward cognition

and cognitive development is needed. Within each

Notes

country, culture, and community there are lay-

1 In the context of this chapter, we use the term “Western”

ers of viewpoints that intersect and deviate from

in a broad sense to describe research that originated from

one another. While the retired head teacher at a

the traditional perspective on curriculum-based education

in formal settings. Most of the literature we refer to origi-

community meeting believes that capabilities are

nated from or is about research conducted in the United

God-given, the government in which he lives dem-

States, but we are not exclusively limiting our review to this

onstrated its alternative viewpoint in its decision to

literature.

work toward the MDGs.

2 Bala Bbala means “read the word” in Chitonga.

These viewpoints coexist in many cultures 3 Factors such as migration are not captured by the census reports and thus, although enrollment above 100% is not

around the world even though they seem at

possible, it is the reported rate.

odds with one another, just as traditional and

Western-style medicines seem to be. To an out-

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229

C H A P T E R

15 Moral Reasoning: Developmental

Emergence and Life Course Pathways

Among Cultures

Lene Arnett Jensen

Abstract

Our capacity for moral reasoning is in many ways what makes us distinctly human. We are born with shared moral sensibilities. As we develop from childhood into adulthood, our moral reasoning branches off in diverse directions shaped by culture. This chapter reviews developmental and cultural research on moral reasoning, which is understood to intersect with emotions. Moral reasoning is described as an intra- and interpsychological phenomenon that is important in moral judgments and actions. The chapter situates current research in the historical context of early scholarship. Then, there is a review of the foci and findings of four contemporary theories: the Cognitive-Developmental, Domain, Identity, and Cultural-Developmental approaches. This is fol owed by a section on two recurrent research topics: care and prosociality, and social contexts and processes of moral reasoning. The conclusion addresses the necessity of future research across the entire life course, and implications of globalization on moral development.

Key Words: moral reasoning, moral development, moral emotions, moral behavior, moral identity, culture, globalization, contexts, processes, life course

Morality is fundamental to the human condi-

We cannot live happily without a conscience, nor

tion. From early on, children make distinctions

can we live happily with it.

between right and wrong (Bloom, 2013), and

Also writing in the early 1930s, Piaget (1932/1965)

the people and institutions around them convey

held a more sanguine view. Based on his interviews

myriad moral messages in direct and indirect

with Swiss children and observations of their games,

ways (Miller, Fung, Lin, Chen, & Boldt, 2012;

Piaget argued that the young child’s internalization

Li, 2011, 2012). From early on, too, develop-

of the moral rules conveyed by parents and other

mental scientists have addressed morality. Freud

authorities is followed by increasing autonomy from

(1930/1961), for example, argued that every those rules in late childhood or early adolescence.

child by the age of 5 has developed a moral con-

In Piaget’s view, this constitutes a window of oppor-

science that is both a comfort and a curse. The

tunity rather than a moment before mayhem—as

conscience, an internal representative of societal

Freud might have predicted. Piaget’s argument was

norms in Freud’s view, allows the child to become

that through egalitarian peer interactions, adoles-

a contributing member of society. But a person’s

cents negotiate and remake some of the moral rules

conscience is also a lifelong obstacle to satisfac-

of society. In so doing, they not only voluntarily take

tion of the ever-pressing instinctual desires for

ownership of the new rules, but society also evolves

sex and aggression—desires that if heedlessly in an increasingly democratic direction. To Piaget, expressed would make coexistence impossible. To

then, the entry into adolescence was a time for moral

Freud, then, moral development was a Catch 22.

renewal at both the individual and collective levels.

230

Not in all societies, however. According to Piaget, it

about two decades ago when I went to interview

could not occur in what he described as “primitive”

a middle-aged, fundamentalist Baptist American

cultures where adolescents conform to their elders

woman as part of a research project on the moral

without question.

reasoning of adults from religiously conservative

Freud and Piaget asked the kinds of questions

and liberal communities in the United States and

about moral reasoning and development that India (Jensen, 1997 a, 1997 b, 1998 a, 1998 b). I could researchers have continued to address: is morality

tell from the moment that I pulled into her drive-

the equivalent of societal norms, or is morality a set

way that she held strong convictions. Her parked

of concepts that go beyond society? Is morality sep-

car was plastered with bumper stickers, including

arate from or compatible with individual interests

“Life is short. Pray hard. Read the Book!” Once

and desires? How do moral conceptions develop in

inside the front door, there were religious items

the course of childhood and adolescence? Who has

all over—crosses on the wall, a Bible on the cof-

notable influence on moral development: parents,

fee table, plenty of sofa pillows with scripture in

peers, or other contexts? To what extent does moral

needle point. After some lemonade and friendly

development differ between cultures?

small talk, I started my recording device, but I had

Freud and Piaget differed on their answers to

barely gotten halfway through the questions for

just about all of these questions. In one notable

the first moral issue when she suddenly gripped my

respect, however, they were similar. Neither saw

arm and implored me to kneel down on the floor

reason to focus on people’s religious beliefs as part

with her and ask Jesus to come into my heart. She

of morality. To Freud (1927/2010), religion was an

was passionate, beseeching. I desperately cast about

“illusion”—to invoke the title of his famous book

in my mind for a graceful reply to a plea that I had

on the topic. In his view, religious beliefs consti-

never encountered (see also Jensen, in press a).

tute mere regressions to the infant’s “oceanic” sense

Perhaps an American researcher would have had

of being one with the world (Freud, 1930/1961).

more familiarity with the situation, but being a

Piaget held that any reference to religion and the

fairly recent immigrant from Denmark I had none.

supernatural masks the structure of genuine moral

Religion is largely, if not entirely, absent from indi-

reasoning. Consequently, he left all such references

vidual and collective considerations in Denmark

by his samples of Geneva children and adolescents

(Vainio, in press; Zuckerman, 2008). For example,

uncoded (Edwards, 1981). The avoidance of the

unlike in the United States, meetings in city hall do

role of religion in moral reasoning has character-

not start with a prayer. There is no pledge of alle-

ized research up until fairly recently, including the

giance invoking divinity. Nor does the monetary

absence of coding schemes that encompass reli-

unit avow a “trust in God.” On worldwide surveys

gious and spiritual concepts.

assessing the extent of religious and spiritual belief

The past few decades of research on moral rea-

and behavior, Denmark repeatedly comes out rock

soning, however, have seen calls for the inclusion

bottom (Gallup, 2013).

of highly diverse kinds of moral reasoning. This

But here I was face-to-face with a most sincere

includes religious and spiritual reasons, and many

religious plea—or “witness” as she would have

other previously unexamined concepts (Colby called it. I finally gave her hand a gentle squeeze

& Damon, 1992; Dien, 1982; Gilligan, 1982; and said that now was not the right time. The Miller, 1989; Shweder, 1990). In this respect, experience was entirely outside my research pro-moral development research is akin to other areas

tocol, but it was a singularly revealing moment in

of psychology that also have changed from focus-

my work because I understood that whereas I had

ing on uniformity to covering multiplicity. Instead

come to the woman’s house in search of knowl-

of a focus on one kind of self, one kind of intel-

edge about human psychology, she had opened her

ligence, and one kind of creativity, for example,

door to try to save my soul. Moreover, this purpose

researchers now describe multiple selves (Markus

was of supreme moral importance to her because

& Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1995), intelligences

to become “saved,” in this religiously conserva-

(Gardner, 1993; Sternberg, 1985), and creativities

tive Christian worldview, is not only the path to

(Csikszentmihalyi, 1988; Lubart, 1999). Many better moral understanding and behavior in this moral development researchers also have moved to

life, but also to salvation in the next. I took from

address multiple kinds of moral reasoning.

this encounter that morality suffuses intra- and

One of my own most vivid moments of recog-

interpersonal psychology. Our moral concepts are

nizing multiplicity in moral psychology occurred

highly diverse, with some concepts being widely

a r net t Jensen

231

shared and others less so. While morality is framed

addressing cultural issues have long observed, cul-

by collective worldviews, it also spurs individual

tural communities include heterogeneity among

action—as in the case of this woman, even if she

groups and individuals (Gramsci, 1971; Salzman,

was the only one among many religiously conserva-

1981). Variation also exists between cultural com-

tive participants to try to convert me.

munities, including on their degree of heterogeneity,

intergroup contest, and change over time (Strauss,

Organization and Scope

1992; Weisner, Bradley, & Kilbride, 1997; Whiting

In the following, the focus is on the questions

& Edwards, 1988). An important aspect of differ-

that Freud and Piaget asked about moral reasoning

ence both within and between cultures pertains to

almost a century ago, as well as on new questions

access to power (Jensen, Chapter 1, this volume).

that have come about—often as a consequence

Third, the present focus is foremost on research

of researchers conducting research outside of the

addressing moral reasoning and concepts. Moral

American and European middle-class and of the

reasoning is described here as an intra- and inter-

world having changed quite dramatically in the

psychological phenomenon that is important in

space of a century. Because theory more than any-

individual and collective moral judgments and

thing else shapes research, I first review the key foci

actions (Jensen, 1997 a; Pizarro & Bloom, 2003).

and findings of four contemporary theories: the

In other words, as I describe later, moral reasoning

Cognitive-Developmental, Domain, Identity, and

takes place not only in the mind of an individual,

Cultural-Developmental approaches. This review

but also in dyadic and group contexts.

includes attention to findings for diverse cultural

Moral reasoning is also described as intersect-

groups. Subsequently, I present a discussion of ing with emotions in human development, rather recurrent and emerging research issues. Specifically,

than being sharply differentiated (e.g., Eisenberg,

the section on key recurrent issues addresses care

Spinrad, & Sadovsky, 2006; Krettenauer, Malti, &

and prosociality, and contexts and processes of

Sokol, 2008; Smetana & Killen, 2008; Tangney,

moral reasoning. The section on emerging issues

Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007). Scholars have occa-

focuses on two topics: the necessity of addressing

sionally put forth the strong hypothesis that emo-

moral reasoning across the entire life course and

tions are what determine moral actions, with

implications of globalization on moral develop-

reasoning being a separate epiphenomenon (Haidt,

ment. Throughout, I include research quotations

2001; Kagan, 1987). However, most research indi-

from children, adolescents, and adults from diverse

cates that reasoning and emotions intersect and

cultural communities in an attempt to render their

that the nature of the intersection depends on fac-

moral psychology in an authentic and vivid way.

tors such as the type of moral issue, development,

Before turning to theories, a few brief notes

and culture. With respect to type of issue, Monin,

on definitions and scope. First, development is Pizarro, and Beer (2007) have noted that shocking addressed broadly and descriptively in terms of psy-violations (such as sibling incest) pull more for emo-

chological change that occurs in human beings as

tional reactions, whereas complex dilemmas (such

they age. It may involve increase or decrease, it may

as paying taxes) pull more for reasoning. In a recent

be quantitative or qualitative, and it may be grad-

edited volume, Latzko and Malti (2010) concluded

ual or stagelike (Zelazo, 2013). Apart from aiming

that moral cognition intersects with moral emo-

to provide descriptions of people’s moral psychol-

tions in different ways depending on development.

ogy, moral development researchers often have For example, longitudinal research has found that aspired also to provide moral prescriptions. In the

moral emotions become better aligned with moral

conclusion, I return to the link between descriptive

decisions in the course of adolescence (see also

and prescriptive purposes in moral development

Krettenauer, Colasante, Buchmann, & Malti,

research.

2014; Malti, Keller, & Buchmann, 2012). Culture,

Second, culture is defined as symbolic, behav-

too, matters in the sense that both moral reasoning

ioral, and institutional inheritances that are shared

and emotions are shaped through socialization. For

and co-constructed by members of a community

example, moral reasoning that emphasizes auton-

(Goodnow, 2010; Heine, 2012; Shweder et al., omy, community, and divinity is correlated with 2006). Culture is not synonymous with country

emotions of anger, contempt, and disgust, respec-

or ethnicity, for example, but rather describes com-

tively (Rozin, Lowery, Imada, & Haidt, 1999).

munities whose members share key beliefs, values,

Our capacity for moral reasoning is in many

behaviors, routines, and institutions. As scholars

ways what makes us distinctly human (Tomasello,

232

Mor a l r e a soninG

Carpenter, Call, Behne, & Moll, 2005). Undoubt-

1906, 1906–1911; Dewey, 1930; Kant, 1785/1949),

edly, humans rationalize their behaviors in a post

Kohlberg wanted to find out if moral reasoning

hoc manner from time to time, but that is not all

develops in a predictable sequence. To help answer

that we do. As findings in this chapter will indicate,

this question, he interviewed children and ado-

we also put reasoning to intra- and interpersonal

lescents about “hypothetical dilemmas,” the most

uses in shaping moral behaviors at both the indi-

famous of which pit the value of life against the

vidual and collective levels. Also, moral reasoning

value of property or the value of one person’s life

becomes an internalized mechanism that underlies

against the value of several people’s lives. In the

habitual behaviors. Moral reasoning also comes to

best known of these dilemmas, Heinz, who lives

the fore in a deliberative manner when we re-evalu-

in a German village, has a dying wife who might

ate long-established behaviors and when we reflect

be cured by a particular medicine. Heinz, however,

on new situations.

cannot afford it, and the town pharmacist will not

Before proceeding, I would like to note that

lower his high price or extend credit. As a research

my aim is to provide a broadly inclusive account

participant, one has to decide whether Heinz

of key theoretical and research issues on moral rea-

should steal the drug and, even more importantly,

soning and development and an account of their

why or why not.

respective contributions to the collective scientific

Drawing on participants’ responses to the

enterprise. With that goal in mind, I shared this

dilemmas, as well as on his readings of Western

chapter with scholars who take an array of research

rationalist moral philosophy, Kohlberg concluded

approaches to moral psychology. No author, of

that moral reasoning occurs in a sequence of three

course, is free of a vantage point. As the originator

levels. Each level includes two stages, for a total

of the cultural-developmental approach to moral

of six. Figure 15.1 provides a visual representation

psychology, I think it important to bridge the uni-

of the theory. According to Kohlberg, every child

versalistic perspective of developmental psychology

starts out at the Pre-Conventional Level, reasoning

with the pluralistic perspective of cultural psychol-

strictly in terms of ego-centered considerations—

ogy (Jensen, 2011). Nonetheless, I have benefitted

reminiscent of an uncivilized Freudian child. The

tremendously from the feedback of my colleagues

child initially focuses on avoidance of punishment

and have included their suggestions.

and obtainment of rewards (Stage 1) and then on

satisfaction of self-interests (Stage 2). In one of

Four Contemporary Theories

Kohlberg’s studies, for example, a boy in Stage 2

A Cognitive-Developmental Approach

argued that Heinz “should steal because he needs

Starting in the late 1950s, Kohlberg (e.g., his wife to cook for him” (Kohlberg, 1981, p. 115).

1958, 1964, 1969, 1981, 1984) formulated a

Next follows the Conventional Level and a

cognitive-developmental approach to moral rea-

shift to group-centered considerations. Here, the

soning that in myriad ways has influenced much

focus is on adhering to the norms of family and

of the subsequent research on morality. Inspired by

other groups to which one belongs (Stage 3) and

Piaget (1932/1965) among others (Baldwin, 1895,

maintaining social order (Stage 4). The third

Stage 6

Stage 5

Postconventional level

Stage 4

Stage 3

Conventional level

Stage 2

Stage 1

Preconventional level

Fig. 15.1 Kohlberg’s cognitive-developmental sequence.

a r net t Jensen

233

Post-Conventional Level goes beyond both the self

Extensive research across cultures has also

and one’s society—reminiscent of the Piagetian

found that children, adolescents, and adults

adolescent’s perspective. Here, the emphasis is on

think in terms of numerous moral concepts that

democratic procedure and social utility (Stage 5) or

Kohlberg’s cognitive-developmental approach

universal principles pertaining to justice and indi-

does not take into consideration. Kohlberg was no

vidual rights (Stage 6). Kohlberg partly derived the

keener on including concepts pertaining to religion

last stage from his interviews with philosophers.

and spirituality as part of morality than Freud and

For example, one philosopher spoke in terms of

Piaget were (e.g., Colby & Damon, 1992; Jensen,

Stage 6 when reasoning that stealing the drug “was

1995, 1997 a, 1997 b, 1998 a, 1998 b; Richards, 1991;

wrong legally, but right morally.” He elaborated in

Richards & Davison, 1992; Shweder, Mahapatra, &

a lengthy interview where, among other things, he

Miller, 1990; Shweder & Much, 1986; Vasudev &

argued that “all property has only relative value and

Hummel, 1987; Walker, Pitts, Hennig, & Matsuba,

only persons can have unconditional value. The

1995). Walker, who has contributed extensive

decision [is] a principled one. [It] must be made

research from the cognitive-developmental vantage

from a disinterested point of view that … is con-

point, has critiqued this omission. He observed

sistent with the decision of any rational agent in a

that the cognitive-developmental manual includes

similar situation” (Kohlberg, 1981, p. 163).

708 “criterion judgments” for scoring moral rea-

To Kohlberg, it was not only that his six stages

soning but is “bereft” of notions of religiosity, spiri-

describe what moral development is like. Kohlberg

tuality, or divinity (Walker et al., 1995, p. 384).

made the far more audacious claim that his stages

Furthermore, many researchers have concluded

describe what moral development ought to be like.

that concepts pertaining to community, collectiv-

If more people can be educated to reach Stage 6,

ity, and interdependence also are not well accounted

according to Kohlberg, we will be more moral, and

for by the cognitive-developmental approach (e.g.,

we can join together to create communities that

Dien, 1982; Edwards, 1981, 1982, 1986, 1997;

are more just. Like Piaget, Kohlberg thought that

Ma, 1988; Snarey, 1985; Tappan, 1997; Tietjen &

interactions and discussions with peers advance

Walker, 1985; Walker & Moran, 1991). Yet mem-

moral development. The desire to go from moral

bers of many cultures place a premium on such

psychology to moral philosophy, “from is to ought”

concepts. For example, research with Chinese chil-

to use Kohlberg’s well-known words (1981), cer-

dren has shown that by age 4, they are well aware of

tainly did not originate with Kohlberg. But it is an

notions pertaining to shame, loss of face, social dis-

aspiration that has continued to both inspire and

cretion, and role-based duties (Fung, 1999; Miller,

discomfit moral development research.

Wiley, Fung, & Liang, 1997). The development of a

Extensive research has found that the first three

conscience is well under way at an early age in these

of the cognitive-developmental stages are com-

children—as Freud would have predicted. This

mon across diverse cultures, whereas the others

conscience, however, seems in step with Confucian

are not. Across cultures, younger children often

ideals of social hierarchy and harmony, rather than

use the concepts from Stages 1 and 2, and, in the

the ideals of justice and individual rights at the end

course of adolescence, the concepts from Stage 3

of Kohlberg’s cognitive-developmental sequence.

become common (e.g., Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, &

In sum, children across many cultures

Lieberman, 1983; Kohlberg, 1984; Snarey, 1985;

develop along the path of the first half of the

Walker, 1989). Stages 4 and 5, however, are less

cognitive-developmental stage sequence. From

common, and Stage 6 is so rare that it was removed

early on, however, they also take other paths with

from the cognitive-developmental scoring man-

other end goals. A small proportion of middle-class,

ual by the early 1980s (Colby & Kohlberg, 1987;

Western, and Westernized urban adolescents and

Kohlberg, 1986). In Snarey’s (1985) comprehen-

adults also reason in terms of some of the concepts

sive review of 44 cross-cultural studies using the

in the second half of Kohlberg’s sequence, but

cognitive-developmental approach, 66% of studies

those also are not the only concepts in their moral

found no reasoning at Stages 4 or 5. Even in the

repertoire. Accordingly, some theorists have aimed

34% of studies where these two stages did occur,

to revise the top half of the Kohlbergian sequence

they were rare. Reasoning in terms of Stages 4 and

with the aim of maintaining a stagelike structure

5 was mostly characteristic of a subset of Western

with different end-goal concepts (Gibbs, 1979,

or Westernized middle- and upper-middle-class 2014; Gibbs, Basinger, Grime, & Snarey, 2007; adolescents and adults residing in urban areas.

Ma, 1988; Rest, Narvaez, Bebeau, & Thoma, 1999;

234

Mor a l r e a soninG

Snarey & Keljo, 1991). Alternative models by Gibbs

of issues, would they make distinctions between

and by Rest and colleagues have generated a lot of

moral and nonmoral issues? Also, would their rea-

research, including of an applied nature. As we will

soning in response to the issues vary? To address

see later, however, most researchers addressing a

these research questions, Turiel and his colleagues

broader swath of moral concepts have not utilized

have often presented children and adolescents with

Kohlbergian or post-Kohlbergian theory.

vignettes. For example, in one vignette, a child

As a final note in regards to Kohlberg’s pushes a peer off a swing, and in another, a child cognitive-developmental approach, it is interest-calls a grandfather by his first name.

ing to ponder that Snarey’s review of cross-cultural

Turiel and his colleagues have concluded that

studies was published in 1985. The world has three domains of knowledge can be differentiated, changed significantly since then. By 2008—for the

even if occasional overlap occurs (e.g., Nucci, 1981;

first time in human history—more people were liv-

Nucci & Turiel, 1993; Smetana, 1983; Turiel, 1983;

ing in urban areas than in rural ones (Population

Turiel et al., 1987). One of these domains is moral.

Reference Bureau, 2008). Most of the urbaniza-

The other two, termed “conventional” and “per-

tion has occurred in developing countries. These

sonal,” are not. Domain researchers have recently

migrants are certainly not all middle class, and,

renamed the latter two domains “societal” and

although exposed to ideas from the West, they

“psychological” (Killen & Smetana, in press), but

also are not all Westernized. Nonetheless, a ques-

here the original terms will be used since nearly all

tion worth asking is whether some of the kinds

research cited has used them. According to Turiel

of Stage 4 and 5 concepts that were found among

and his colleagues, the three domains differ on cri-

Western and Westernized adolescents and adults

teria, reasoning, and issues. With respect to crite-

in Snarey’s review might have spread. With urban-

ria, conventional and personal rules—unlike moral

ization and globalization, it would not be unrea-

ones—apply only to one’s group or oneself, respec-

sonable to expect that more people have moral

tively. Also, conventional and personal rules—

perspectives that include society as a whole and

unlike moral ones—are alterable. With respect

individuals as unfamiliar and independent enti-

to reasoning, moral rules are justified in terms of

ties. If these kinds of moral concepts are becoming

references to justice, fairness, and harm to other

somewhat more common, they would not attest to

individuals. Conventional reasoning, in contrast,

a cognitive-developmental stage structure. Instead,

focuses on communal and religious norms, inter-

they would suggest the importance of particular

ests, and authorities. Personal reasoning focuses

cultural and contextual milieus in moral devel-

on the welfare of the self. Based on these criteria

opment. It also seems plausible that other moral

and modes of reasoning, according to domain

concepts—local and/or hybrid ones—might form

theorists, examples of moral issues include stealing

part of people’s moral repertoires in non-Western

and aggressive acts (such as pushing someone off a

globalizing parts of the world.

swing). Conventional issues involve a wide variety

of acts, such as those pertaining to forms of address

The Domain Approach

(such as calling a grandfather by his first name),

In the latter half of the 1970s, Turiel and his col-

attire (such as wearing a head scarf), sexual cus-

leagues proposed taking a step back from Kohlberg’s

toms (such as premarital sex), and familial arrange-

question of how moral reasoning develops to the

ments (such as divorce). Personal issues include

question of what is moral in the first place (e.g.,

one’s choice of friends and recreational activities.

Nucci & Turiel, 1978; Turiel, 1975). Turiel and

Figure 15.2 depicts the domain approach.

his colleagues wanted to find out whether children

The implication of Turiel’s conclusion is a notable

differentiate moral from nonmoral issues. Based

narrowing of the moral domain. Morality, from this

on a similar tradition of Western rationalist phi-

perspective, is solely that which goes beyond both

losophy that Kohlberg drew on (Duncan & Fiske,

self and society, akin only to the highest levels of

1977; Dworkin, 1978; Gewirth, 1978; Rawls, development in Piaget’s and Kohlberg’s approaches.

1971; Searle, 1969), they argued that in order for

Within this perspective, too, there is a lim-

a rule to be moral, key criteria are that it applies to

ited focus on the development of this differen-

everyone and that it cannot be altered (e.g., Turiel,

tiation. The argument is that the features of the

1983; Turiel, Killen, & Helwig, 1987). If children

three domains are inherent and that a young child

were to be asked whether these criteria of univer-

through independent observation and exposure

sality and inalterability apply to different kinds

to diverse behaviors will conclude that harm to

a r net t Jensen

235

“moral” criteria of universality and inalterability

to these matters, but they reason in terms of what

the domain approach deems nonmoral concepts

Moral

such as role-based duty, social order, and spiritual-

ity (Bersoff & Miller, 1993; Edwards, 1987; Haidt,

Koller, & Dias, 1993; Miller & Bersoff, 1992,

1994; Miller, Bersoff, & Harwood, 1990; Miller &

Conventional

Personal

Luthar, 1989; Nisan, 1987; Shweder et al., 1990;

Vasquez, Keltner, Ebenbach, & Banaszynski, 2001;

Zimba, 1994).

Research also indicates that a large number of

people will judge an issue to be moral but do not

universalize their judgment. In other words, the

universality criterion is not universal, or at least it is

Fig. 15.2 Domain approach.

not necessarily the only or foremost criterion (Blasi,

1987, 1990). Based on a review of scholarship

another individual or discrepant treatment of two

across history and cultures, Wilson (1993) con-

similar individuals, for example, are prima facie of

cluded that “universalism is not natural, localism

moral consequence. Meanwhile, the child will also

is” (p. 197). Studies with religiously conservative

conclude that eating with one’s hands, running

groups, for example, have documented their hierar-

around naked, or feeling happy about listening to

chical worldview (e.g., Ammerman, 1987; Jensen,

music are not of moral consequence.

1997 a, 2006; Vainio, in press). In this view, God

Research findings across cultures have shown

is above humans. Among humans, differences exist

that children make a distinction between the moral

in some respects between various groups, including

and nonmoral as defined by the domain approach,

believers and nonbelievers. Based on such a world-

for a very particular set of issues. In many parts

view, a conservative Christian can maintain that

of the world, children—even as young as 3 years

one may require more morally out of a Christian

of age—differentiate “moral” vignettes in which

than a non-Christian (e.g., sexual abstinence prior

an innocent child is pushed, hit, or robbed from

to marriage, modesty in dress, tithing). An ortho-

“conventional” vignettes, in which children eat dox Jew can hold that moral expectations for Jews food with their fingers or fail to follow the rules

are different from those for non-Jews (e.g., keeping

of a game. By and large, children respond to these

kosher, circumcision).

vignettes in terms of the criteria and reasons that

Furthermore, research where participants dis-

the domain approach predicts (e.g., Ardila-Rey cuss their own moral experiences also suggests

& Killen, 2001; Hollos, Leis, & Turiel, 1986; a more complex picture. Such research is illumi-Killen & Sueyoshi, 1995; Kim & Turiel, 1996;

nating because it provides emic rather than etic

Nucci, Camino, & Sapiro, 1996; Nucci, Turiel, &

information about morality; that is, how research

Encarnacion-Gawrych, 1983; Song, Smetana, &

participants rather than theorists define and delin-

Kim, 1987; Yau & Smetana, 2003). In other words,

eate morality. Research with Canadian adults, for

contrary to Kohlberg’s theory, even very young

example, has shown that they discuss a wide variety

children are capable of referring to fairness and

of reasons to justify their moral actions, including

avoidance of harm to other individuals in response

their own psychological well-being—a reason that

to some moral issues.

the domain approach presumably would deem per-

In many other instances, however, the pre-

sonal rather than moral (Walker, 2013; Walker et

dicted correspondence across issues, criteria, and

al., 1995). Research with moral exemplars from the

reasoning does not hold. This has been found, for

United States has found that they vary considerably

example, for matters pertaining to showing respect

on the concepts they invoke to account for their

(such as honoring a deathbed promise), helping

remarkable moral contributions and behaviors.

others in need (such as taking an ailing elderly par-

Common concepts pertained to justice, charity,

ent into one’s household), sexuality (such as coed

harmony, and religious faith (Colby & Damon,

bathing), and avoiding disgusting behaviors (such

1992). Only the first of these concepts is moral,

as eating one’s dead pet dog). In many parts of

according to domain theory. In short, accounts

the world, children, adolescents, and adults apply

from people’s real moral lives—whether ordinary

236

Mor a l r e a soninG

or extraordinary—of their moral motivesblend

Based on their interviews with 23 exemplars,

considerations from the three domains.

Colby and Damon concluded that reaching a

Taken together, these findings suggest that moral judgment is necessary but insufficient in children in many parts of the world recognize

forming a moral identity. There is a need for a dia-

that not all issues are of the same hue. Children

lectical process whereby one’s reasoning and judg-

and adults from diverse cultures, however, appear

ments support one’s moral behaviors, which, in

to regard a wide variety of issues and reasons as

turn, render future reasoning both more habitual

moral that are not included within the moral pal-

and refined. Describing this dialectic between

ette of the domain approach. In recent years, some

reasoning and behavior, Colby and Damon wrote

research on domain theory has compared judg-

that “the optimal condition for moral development

ments of vignettes in which the circumstances

is when habitual morality is supported by one’s

(what domain researchers term “contexts”) sur-

reflective self” (p. 309). In regards to moral rea-

rounding a judgment vary (e.g., Gasser, Malti,

soning, Colby and Damon found that the majority

& Buholzer, 2014; Killen & Stangor, 2001). This

of exemplars reasoned at the Conventional Level

research often compares “straightforward” sce-

of Kohlberg’s cognitive-developmental sequence,

narios (e.g., exclusion based on group membership

with only four exemplars scored at Stage 5. They

in general) to “multifaceted” ones (e.g., exclusion

did not take this finding to mean that moral rea-

based on group membership under varying cir-

soning does not impact moral behavior, but rather

cumstances). Children’s and adolescents’ responses

that the nuances of people’s reasoning and the full

to the multifaceted scenarios tend to encompass

scope of their exemplars’ moral habits were not

diverse reasons, such as fairness and group func-

fully captured within cognitive-developmental the-

tioning. Domain theorists, however, still only ory. Extending their work, Damon and Colby (in classify the former as a moral reason (Killen &

press) have recently conducted archival case studies

Smetana, in press). Thus, in their recent chapter

of moral and political leaders in the 20th century,

summarizing large amounts of research based on

including Jane Addams, Dag Hammarskjold, and

the domain approach, Killen and Smetana (in

Nelson Mandela. Damon and Colby argue that

press) primarily discuss moral reasoning in terms

these leaders drew and reflected on their social and

of justice, fairness, and harm to other individuals.

cultural contexts in developing their moral ideals

The handbook chapter on morality scarcely cites

and identities and that they also contributed to cul-

decades’ worth of emic and cultural psychology

tural transformations.

research, but there is frequent mention of “com-

Recent scholarship on moral identity has

plexity” and “contextual variables.” Exactly how

addressed a number of issues (Lapsley & Narvaez,

much this attention to complexity and context will

2004; Narvaez & Lapsley, 2009), many of which

lead domain theorists toward consideration of the

are still subject to debate (Hardy & Carlo, 2005,

full spectrum of cultural and emic findings and a

2011). For example, researchers have argued that

softening of the rather sharp lines differentiating

whereas a dialectic between reasoning and behav-

their three domains remains to be seen.

ior is necessary to form a moral identity, it is

also necessary that morality per se is regarded as

Moral Identity Theory

central to one’s sense of self (Blasi, 1993, 2004).

The examination of the lives of moral exem-

Another issue is the extent to which someone

plars from the United States by Colby and Damon

with a moral identity is focused on self-interest.

(1992) was published in the early 1990s and Researchers generally agree that having a moral became a key impetus for theory on moral identity.

identity entails a commitment to causes larger

Blasi, too, had called for a focus on moral identity

than the self (Narvaez & Lapsley, 2009), but

by this time (e.g., 1984). Colby and Damon’s proj-

Walker and colleagues have highlighted that

ect was a purposeful attempt to open up to new

moral identity development is more likely to

research in a number of ways. They focused on real

be successful if self-interest lines up with or at

rather than hypothetical or vignette-based moral

least does not run counter to these larger causes

issues and decisions. They focused on moral good-

(Frimer & Walker, 2009; Walker, 2013).

ness rather than avoidance or actual commitment

Given Erikson’s long-standing prominence in

of transgressions. They also wanted to add moral

theory on identity development in general and

behavior to the predominant research focus on

given his focus on adolescence as the key time

moral reasoning.

for identity formation (Erikson, 1950), it is not

a r net t Jensen

237

surprising that developmental scholars addressing

cultures. Thus, King and colleagues encourage col-

moral identity also have homed in on adolescence

laboration between researchers and local leaders in

(Hardy, Walker, Olsen, Woodbury, & Hickman,

order to better contextualize findings and ensure

2013). They have observed that it is an important

that generalizations rest on valid theoretical and

time in life for the acquisition of a sense of respon-

methodological approaches.

sibility (Nunner-Winkler, 2007), the emergence of

In sum, theory and research on moral identity is

substantial consideration for others (Carlo, 2006;

burgeoning. Additional future attention to culture

Youniss, McLellan, & Yates, 1997), consistently

in this area could open up fruitful research direc-

feeling positive emotions when making moral tions. Given cultural variation in the ways that rather than selfish decisions (Malti et al., 2012),

the life course is partitioned and the key purposes

and some measure of moral expertise (Narvaez &

assigned to each phase, one might expect an inter-

Lapsley, 2005). Damon and his colleagues have

action of development and culture in moral iden-

recently argued for a research focus on the devel-

tity. Probably the oldest known conception of the

opment of purpose in adolescence—a kind of life course is in the Dharmashastras, the sacred law coherent moral commitment that would seem to

books of the Hindu religion. Although first written

be a developmental prerequisite to a fully formed

about 3,000 years ago, this concept continues to

moral identity (Damon, 2008; Damon, Menon, &

hold sway in the everyday lives of Indians (Kakar,

Bronk, 2003).

1998). For instance, the third stage of vanaprastha

Focusing not only on the individual personality

in the Hindu Indian life course begins in middle

characteristics of adolescents, Hart and colleagues

adulthood and literally means “forest bound.” It

(Hart, 2005; Hart, Atkins, & Ford, 1998; Hart &

entails moral ideals of gradual disengagement from

Matsuba 2009) have developed a model of moral

social responsibilities and material attachments in

identity development that also emphasizes broad

order to focus on contemplative spiritual pursuits.

social factors. For example, Hart and Matsuba According to Saraswathi, Mistry, and Dutta (2011), (2009) found that volunteering in adolescence is

the ideals of this stage find behavioral expression

dependent on an interaction between poverty and

among Indian adults who, on reaching 60 years

the proportion of children to adults within a com-

of age, either pass on their property to their chil-

munity. In American communities with low rates

dren or let them know of their will, and also in the

of poverty, there is more youth volunteering as the

“throngs” of older adults who worship at temples

ratio of children to adults goes up. In communities

during early morning and late evening prayers.

with high rates of poverty, however, there is more

This example indicates how indigenous notions of

youth volunteering as this ratio goes down. Their

developmental moral ideals raise useful research

argument, in short, is that moral engagement and

questions for future scholarship on moral identity.

development of moral identity depend not only on

These include the extent to which moral identity is:

characteristics of the individual, but also on social

(a) based in personality or social roles, (b) reshaped

contexts.

and redefined at different points across the entire

Much of the research on moral identity and

life course, and (c) inclusive or exclusive of various

exemplars has been conducted in the United material and immaterial self-interests.

States. Hardy and Carlo (2011) have called for

research on the role of culture, including among

The Cultural-Developmental Approach

diverse groups within the United States. In this

The intersection between development

regard, a recent chapter by King, Mueller, and

and culture is explicitly addressed by the

Furrow (2013) on the cultural issues involved in

cultural-developmental approach. This fairly new

research with exemplars is illuminating (see also

theory focuses on how life course developmental

King, Clardy, & Ramos, 2014). Their points would

trajectories for diverse kinds of moral reasoning

seem to apply equally to research on moral identity

vary across cultures (Jensen, 2008, 2011, 2012,

because exemplars represent the pinnacle of iden-

in press b). The cultural-developmental approach

tity development. Two of the key points are that

introduces the concept of a “template.” The tem-

there is bound to be cultural variation on criteria

plate charts trajectories across the life course for

for having attained moral identity and exemplar-

three kinds of moral reasoning: the Ethics of

ity, and that methods commonly used in this line

Autonomy, Community, and Divinity—a tripar-

of research, such as one-on-one interviews, are not

tite distinction originally proposed by Shweder

equivalent in their familiarity and meaning across

and his colleagues (Jensen, 1995; Shweder, 1990;

238

Mor a l r e a soninG

Shweder, Much, Mahapatra, & Park, 1997). The

1993; Hickman, in press; Jensen, 1995, 1997 a,

trajectories are proposed as a template in the sense

1997 b, 1998 b, 2008, Rozin et al., 1999; Vainio, in

that their emergence in childhood, and slopes of

press; Vasquez et al., 2001).

development from childhood through adulthood,

The cultural-developmental template for the

depend on the prevalence of the three Ethics

Ethics of Autonomy, Community, and Divinity

within a culture and the hierarchy among them.

was based on findings for the three ethics. It

Briefly, the Ethic of Autonomy involves a focus

was also based on a large set of valuable find-

on persons as individuals. Moral reasons within

ings from different research traditions, includ-

this ethic include the interests, well-being, and

ing cognitive-developmental and domain theories

rights of individuals (self or other), and fairness

(e.g., Piaget, 1932/1965; Kohlberg, 1984; Turiel,

between individuals. The Ethic of Community 1983), cultural psychology and anthropology per-focuses on persons as members of social groups,

spectives on morality (e.g., Shweder et al., 1990;

with attendant reasons such as duty to others and

Trommsdorff & Chen, 2012; Whiting & Edwards,

concern with the customs, interests, and welfare

1988), and research on the origins and development

of groups. The Ethic of Divinity focuses on per-

of prosocial emotions and norms (e.g., Thompson,

sons as spiritual or religious entities, and reasons

2012; Warneken & Tomasello, 2006). Findings

encompass divine and natural law, sacred lessons,

were synthesized with an eye to what reliably and

and spiritual purity.

validly had been replicated across age and cultural

Research on the three ethics has involved inter-

groups (see Jensen, in press b).

views about hypothetical vignettes, issues of general

Figure 15.3A shows the template of trajectories

discussion in the society of study (such as suicide in

for each ethic from childhood into adulthood.

the case of terminal illness), and participants’ own

The argument is that Ethic of Autonomy reason-

moral experiences. These have been analyzed with

ing emerges early in childhood across cultures. The

the standard coding manual for the three ethics

degree to which persons use this ethic stays rela-

(Jensen, 2004). Each reason is coded into one of

tively stable across adolescence and into adulthood,

the three Ethics of Autonomy, Community, and

although there may be some decline in adulthood

Divinity, allowing for an assessment of the degree

in cultures where there is a strong push for collec-

to which a person uses each. Each reason is also

tivity or submission to divinity. Furthermore, the

coded into one of numerous subcategories. The

argument is that the specific types of Autonomy

manual differentiates from 13 to 16 subcatego-

reasons that persons use are likely to change with

ries for each ethic, such as “Self’s Psychological

age. For example, findings indicate that children

Well-Being” and “Rights” for Autonomy, “Duty

more than adults invoke self-interest, whereas

to Others” and “Social Order or Harmony Goals”

adults surpass children on concern for the welfare

for Community, and “Scriptural Authority” and

of other individuals.

“God-Given Conscience” for Divinity. Apart

According to the cultural-developmental

from facilitating careful and comprehensive cod-

approach, the Ethic of Community rises across the

ing of all of a person’s moral reasons, the use of

life course, both in degree of usage and diversity

subcategories allows for an assessment of the spe-

of types of reasons. For example, findings have

cific type of moral concept used within an ethic.

consistently indicated that younger children in

Research has also surveyed people on their use of

the three ethics by means of three different ques-

tionnaires. The questionnaires vary on the extent to

Childhood

Adolescence

Adulthood

which they pertain to personal or impersonal moral

Autonomy

experiences, and specific or general moral issues

(Guerra & Giner-Sorolla, 2010; Jensen, in press c;

Jensen & Padilla-Walker, in press; Padilla-Walker

& Jensen, 2014).

Community

Findings from both interviews and question-

naires have shown the presence and reliable differ-

entiation of the three ethics among notably diverse

Divinity

age and cultural groups (Arnett, Ramos, & Jensen,

2001; Guerra & Giner-Sorolla, 2010; Guerra, Fig. 15.3A The cultural-developmental template of moral Giner-Sorolla, & Vasiljevic, 2013; Haidt et al., reasoning.

a r net t Jensen

239

diverse cultures invoke Community reasons, such

as family interests and customs (Kohlberg, 1984;

Use of Ethic

Miller et al., 1990; Olson & Spelke, 2008; Shweder

Autonomy

et al., 1990; Thompson, 2012). Moral reasoning

High

Community

related to the family is likely to rise in the course

of adolescence and adulthood as a person’s aware-

ness of and experiences with diverse types of fam-

ily considerations increase, such as duty to family

in addition to family interests and customs (Miller

Low

Divinity

et al., 1990). By late childhood and adolescence,

Age

Childhood

Adolescence Adulthood

Community reasons that pertain to social groups

other than the family are added (Carlo, 2006;

Fig. 15.3B Hypothesized expression of template among reli-

Whiting & Edwards, 1988), including concern for

gious liberals.

friends (Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 2006) and

peers and authority figures in places such as school

conservative adults in the United States reason

and work (Schlegel, 2011). Cross-sectional and lon-

substantially in terms of the Ethics of Divinity

gitudinal findings have shown that by late adoles-

and Community, but de-emphasize the Ethic of

cence or adulthood even more Community reasons

Autonomy. Religiously liberal adults, in com-

are invoked, such as a focus on societal organiza-

parison, emphasize the Ethics of Autonomy and

tion (Eisenberg, Carlo, Murphy, & Van Court,

Community, but not Divinity (e.g., Jensen, 2008;

1995; Eisenberg et al., 2002; Nisan, 1987; Walker,

McAdams et al., 2008). These findings on the

1989; Zimba, 1994).

different hierarchies of ethics translate into dif-

Turning to the Ethic of Divinity, the cultural-

ferent expectations for developmental trajecto-

developmental proposal is that its use will often

ries of moral reasoning within the two religious

be low among children but will rise in adolescence

cultures (Jensen, 2008, 2011). Within religiously

and become similar to adult use (Jensen, 2008).

liberal groups, as illustrated in Figure 15.3B, the

This potential infusion of divinity reasoning expectation is that children, adolescents, and in adolescence may especially characterize reli-adults frequently will use the Ethic of Autonomy.

gious cultures that emphasize scriptural author-

Community reasons will be rarer among children

ity or that conceptualize supernatural entities as

but will then become quite common among ado-

largely distinct from humans, such as possessing

lescents and adults. Divinity will be used infre-

omniscient and omnipotent abilities. The reason

quently at all ages, and, if it emerges, this will

is that these culturally articulated religious con-

only occur in the course of adolescence. Figure

cepts are of such an abstract nature that they may

15.3C shows predictions for religiously conserva-

be readily translated into moral reasoning only

tive groups. The expectation is that these children,

by adolescents whose cognitive skills allow for adolescents, and adults will use Autonomy infre-more abstraction than those of younger children

quently. There may be some decrease over the life

(Adelson, 1971; Keating, 1990; Kohlberg, 1976;

course because of the strong emphasis on renounc-

Piaget, 1972; Trommsdorff, 2012). In cultures,

ing self-interest among religious conservatives.

however, where scriptural accounts of supernatural

entities are less salient or where people regard such

entities as less distinct from humans, it is possible

that Divinity concepts are more accessible to and

Use of Ethic

hence used more by children in their moral reason-

Divinity

High

ing (Saraswathi, 2005).

Community

The developmental trajectories in Figure 15.3A,

as mentioned, have been presented as dynamic.

The cultural-developmental approach empha-

Autonomy

sizes that development and culture co-modulate

Low

and that there is a need to know not only about

Age

Childhood

Adolescence Adulthood

ontogeny, but also about culture in order to make

reasonably specific predictions about development.

Fig. 15.3C Hypothesized expression of template among reli-

For example, research has found that religiously

gious conservatives.

240

Mor a l r e a soninG

With respect to Community, the expectation is

emerging adults, Padilla-Walker and Nelson (in

that its prevalence will rise steadily from child-

press) have found evidence for considerable atten-

hood to reach a high level in adulthood. The Ethic

tion to the Ethic of Autonomy, even as the Ethic of

of Divinity will be low among children but will

Divinity was generally rated as significantly more

then rise markedly in adolescence and remain high

important.

throughout adulthood.

The Ethic of Community, as predicted by the

A recent series of publications has provided

cultural-developmental approach, has been found

support for the cultural-developmental approach

to be higher among adults than among children

while also pointing to future research topics. The

and adolescents. This was the case in recent research

Ethic of Autonomy has indeed been found to be

with Indian participants (Kapadia & Bhangaokar,

lower among adults than children and adolescents

in press) and among both religiously liberal and

in India where there is an emphasis on familism

conservative participants in the United States

and communalism (Kapadia & Bhangaokar, (Jensen, in press a). There is clearly a need, however, in press) and among religiously conservative for more research. The findings are cross-sectional.

American communities where submission to They are also limited to three cultural groups, even divinity is paramount (Hickman & DiBianca if these are notably diverse.

Fasoli, in press; Jensen, in press a; Jensen &

With respect to the Ethic of Divinity, the thesis

McKenzie, 2014). With respect to Autonomy rea-

that an infusion of divinity reasoning takes place

soning, recent research also indicated a decline

in adolescence in religious cultures that empha-

from childhood into adulthood among religiously

size scriptural authority and abstract conceptions

liberal Americans, rather than the predicted steady

of the supernatural found support in a compari-

trajectory (Jensen, in press a). This is rather strik-

son of American evangelical children, adolescents,

ing because most major developmental theories

and adults (Jensen in press a; Jensen & McKenzie,

of moral development, from Piaget to Kohlberg

2014). Hickman and DiBianca Fasoli (in press),

to Turiel, have positioned Autonomy reasoning at

too, observed low use of the Ethic of Divinity

the endpoint of moral development. After all these

among American evangelical children but high use

years, it seems that room remains for more exami-

among their parents, and they surmise that adoles-

nation of the actual extent of adult use of the Ethic

cence must be when the shift occurs.

of Autonomy—even in cultures where Autonomy

Turning to a different religious tradition,

is prevalent.

Pandya and Bhangaokar (in press) have exam-

The Ethic of Autonomy does appear be partic-

ined the cultural-developmental proposal that the

ularly high among people in their late teens and

use of Divinity in moral reasoning may emerge

20s who live in cultures where there is a period

at a fairly young age within cultures such as

of emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000, 2004, this

India where religion suffuses everyday life. They

volume). The primacy of this ethic was observed by

found that Divinity reasoning in Indian children

Guerra and Giner-Sorolla (in press) in four of the

is common and just as common as Autonomy

five different cultures they examined. Emerging

reasoning. In interviews, children responded to

adults reasoned more in terms of Autonomy vignettes, including one in which the choice was than the other two kinds of ethics in Brazil, to help an injured kitten or proceed to play soc-Israel, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom.

cer in an important school tournament. Speaking

The interesting, if not entirely surprising, excep-

in terms of the Ethic of Divinity, an 8-year-old

tion was Japan, where Autonomy was tied with

girl reasoned that: “God has given life to the kit-

Community. Hickman and DiBianca Fasoli (in

ten, so her life is precious and we must save her.

press) also found that among Hmong immigrants

Like all animals and plants, God exists in the

to the United States, emerging adults emphasized

kitten too, and so, it is our duty to save her or

the Ethic of Autonomy, whereas their parents did

at least do what we can to help her feel better.”

not. As they poignantly explain, “they are dealing

The early developmental prominence of the Ethic

with the competing demands of Hmong moral

of Divinity among Indian children supports the

models handed to them by their parents and cultural-developmental proposal. Unexpectedly, relatives versus those that are more prevalent in

however, Pandya and Bhangaokar also found that

American society (such as their non-Hmong peers)

third-graders used Divinity significantly more

and more typical of American emerging adults.”

than sixth-graders. Furthermore, Kapadia and

Finally, even among American Latter Day Saint

Bhangaokar (in press) who studied adolescents

a r net t Jensen

241

and adults from the very same city and context

Key Recurrent Topics

in India found low use of the Ethic of Divinity,

Care, Beneficence, and Prosocial Morality

as compared to the Ethics of Autonomy and

In the late 1970s and 1980s, Gilligan (1977,

Community. These findings would seem to call

1979, 1982) came to the conclusion that there are

for replication, preferably with comparable stimu-

two kinds of moral orientations. She based this

lus materials across age groups of children, ado-

on interviews with American children and adults

lescents, and adults. As Pandya and Bhangaokar

about hypothetical moral issues and on interviews

write, there is a “lacuna in contemporary moral

with women who were contemplating having an

psychology” of research on divinity considerations

abortion. One is a “justice” orientation, focused

(see also Trommsdorff, 2012). It is a lacuna, that

on how to negotiate among competing individual

at a minimum, goes back to Freud and Piaget.

interests and rights in an impartial manner. This

Attention to the role of religion in morality has

orientation, according to Gilligan, is characteristic

been on the rise (e.g., De Waal, 2013; Markus &

of a male gender identity. The other orientation,

Conner, 2013), and the inclusion of the Ethic of

however, pertains to “care” and is more charac-

Divinity in the cultural-developmental approach

teristic of a female identity. Here, the concern is

provides a theoretical starting point for additional

with bringing into harmony one’s own needs with

research.

the needs of those with whom one has relation-

In sum, the cultural-developmental approach

ships. Reflecting on Kohlberg’s Heinz dilemma, an

provides a new conceptual approach to moral psy-

11-year-old girl voiced this orientation: “If he stole

chology, along with research tools for surveying

the drug, he might save his wife then, but if he

and coding moral reasoning. Research findings did, he might have to go to jail, and then his wife support a co-modulation of ontogeny and culture

might get sicker again, and he couldn’t get more of

in the development of moral reasoning. Research

the drug and it might not be good. So they should

also suggests that even if babies are moral (Bloom,

really just talk it out and find some other way to

2013), they are instantly immersed in different cul-

make the money” (Gilligan, 1982, p. 28). Gilligan

tural environments, and, as they grow into adult-

argued that care had not received adequate atten-

hood, they become increasingly culturally diverse

tion in moral development research.

in their moralities.

It is noteworthy that Gilligan’s call to listen to

There is a need for longitudinal and sequential

different moral voices occurred in the context of

research on the cultural-developmental trajectories

her broader critique that there had been a lengthy

to better understand the complementary roles of

history of downgrading girls and women in psy-

ontogenetic development and culture. It would also

chological theory. She noted, for example, that

be useful for future work to further examine inter-

Freud thought that girls developed a less indepen-

sections among the three ethics in development and

dent and impartial conscience than boys and that

behavior (for one such study, see Padilla-Walker &

Piaget deemed girls less committed to negotiating

Nelson, in press), as well as the processes whereby

complex moral rules. Across cultures, research on

each of the three ethics are either promoted or sup-

gender differences has more often than not found

pressed in the course of development (see descrip-

that children, adolescents, and adults—whether

tion below of study by DiBianca Fasoli, 2013).

female or male—speak of both care and fairness

Future research could also fruitfully address con-

(e.g., Shimizu, 2001; Walker, 1984), although there

nections between the cultural-developmental may be other kinds of gender differences in regards approach and identity theory. For example, one

to morality (e.g., Krettenauer et al., 2014; Malti

might expect that a person who has arrived at a cer-

et al., 2012). Gilligan’s differentiation of two orien-

tain constellation of ethics that is applied across an

tations in the late 1970s, however, spurred and fit

array of moral issues (i.e., a moral identity) would

with new lines of research on multiplicity in gen-

be particularly likely to experience fluctuation in

eral and caring in particular.

this constellation of ethics during periods of devel-

Research has shown the emergence of caring

opmental change (e.g., moving from one phase of

and prosocial behaviors in infancy and toddler-

the life course to another) and during periods of

hood (Vaish & Tomasello, 2014). This research

cultural change (e.g., within a culture as a whole

has primarily been conducted in Europe and the

or in the context of moving from one culture to

United States. Findings indicate that very young

another).

children show tendencies toward collaboration,

242

Mor a l r e a soninG

helping persons in need, sharing the rewards of

to others. As one student explained, “When I see

joint activities, and protesting when someone something broken, I try to fix it … [because] when engages in destruction, theft, or violation of group

we have guests visiting the school, I wouldn’t want

norms (Thompson, 2012; Vaish & Tomasello, 2014;

them to see the school property broke and think,

Warneken & Tomasello, 2006). In response to sit-

‘This school property looks great on the outside,

uations in which someone needs help, toddlers and

but not on the inside.’ ” (Shimizu, 2001, p. 468).

young children also express recognition of this need

Relatedly, Chinese have the concept of filial piety

in both their reasoning and emotional expressions

that entails moral obligations not only to indi-

of sympathy and empathy (Eisenberg, Lennon, vidual family members but also in regards to the

& Roth, 1983; Hoffman, 2000; Zahn-Waxler, welfare and reputation of the family as a whole Radke-Yarrow, Wagner, & Chapman, 1992). In a

(Dien, 1982; Hwang, 1999). Furthermore, within

recent review, Vaish and Tomasello (2014) argued

a variety of Asian cultures, such as the Hmong,

that early prosocial tendencies are universal and

moral reasoning about obligations to the family

based in the evolutionary human heritage of inter-

unit encompasses not only living members but also

dependence and group-mindedness. They also ancestors (Hickman & DiBianca Fasoli, in press).

conclude that “all of these tendencies are modi-

Padilla-Walker and Carlo (2014 a), in a recent

fied significantly by socialization and culture such

edited volume on prosociality, encouraged a mul-

that they might eventually look quite distinct tidimensional approach. This includes consider-across different groups and individuals” (p. 294).

ation of different “targets” of prosociality (such as

Trommsdorff (in press a, in press b), too, has a stranger, family member, and peer group), differ-argued that early prosocial tendencies find cultur-

ent “types” of behavior (such as helping, cooperat-

ally diverse expressions in development.

ing, and promotion of norms), and varying extents

Indeed, research has documented notable ways

of “cost to self” (ranging from self-regarding to

in which care and prosociality take distinctive entirely self-denying; Padilla-Walker & Carlo, cultural forms. Findings from India, for example,

2014 b). The motive to care about individuals and

have documented that children and adolescents

groups, then, seems to be universal. Why we care,

speak of care. Their reasoning, however, empha-

how we care, and in regards to whom, however,

sizes role-based duties (Bersoff & Miller, 1993;

varies with development and among cultures. The

Miller, 1989, 1994; Miller & Bersoff, 1992; Miller

vast majority of research on prosocial reasoning,

et al., 1990; Miller & Luthar, 1989). In a research

emotions, and behavior has been conducted with

program spanning more than two decades, Miller

children and adolescents (Padilla-Walker & Carlo,

and her colleagues have furthermore shown that,

2014 b). Research with adults of different ages would

in India, beneficence and care for others is consid-

help to clarify how seemingly universal early proso-

ered obligatory. The Indian concept of dharma, in

cial tendencies come to “look quite distinct across

particular, entails responsibility to care for friends

different groups and individuals,” to return to the

and family members. Duty is seen as inherent in

words of Vaish and Tomasello (2014). Presumably,

one’s social roles. This perspective, according to

this would tell us about culture as well as about the

Miller, is different from the starting assumptions

parameters of our evolutionary heritage.

of cognitive-developmental and domain theories

that regard care as discretionary (Miller & Bland,

Social Contexts and Processes

2014). It also departs somewhat from Gilligan’s

The field of moral psychology has seen a steady

argument that caring is important as long as it does

expansion of the social contexts of moral devel-

not override self-interest (Miller & Bland, 2014).

opment that scholars take into account. In fact,

Cultural research has also shown that care and

recent research increasingly focuses not only on

prosociality are extended not only to other indi-

the moral reasoning of the individual, but also

viduals, but also to communities as a whole, such

on how social contexts frame and drive moral

as family and school (Shimizu, 2000, 2001). In

reasoning and development. Around the turn

interviews, Shimizu (2001) found that Japanese

of the 20th century, Freud (1930/1961) empha-

adolescents argued, for example, that they had a

sized parents and family—a focus that con-

responsibility to repair broken school property tinues today (e.g., Grusec & Goodnow, 1994; because they were affiliated with the school and

Kochanska, Forman, Aksan, & Dunbar, 2005;

so that the school would look well-maintained Walker, Hennig, & Krettenauer, 2000). Given a r net t Jensen

243

the nature of Victorian middle-class child care,

of schooling (Li, 2011, 2012). In short, the develop-

Freud focused in particular on mothers—a focus

ment of particular kinds of moral reasons occurs in

that has been expanded as middle-class Western

synergy with multiple behavioral contexts to form

child care arrangements have changed and as

what essentially is a custom complex.

researchers have reported on cultures with highly

There is more to the story, however. Contexts

diverse family systems (e.g., Edwards, Ren, &

do not always convey the same moral messages.

Brown, this volume; Harkness, Mavridis, Liu, &

From a developmental perspective, it is notewor-

Super, this volume; Morelli, this volume; Shwalb

thy that, generally, there is a rise with age in the

& Shwalb, this volume).

number of social contexts that a person is part of

In the course of the early part of the 20th cen-

(Whiting & Edwards, 1988)—although perhaps

tury—as mass education in Europe and the United

in old age there is a tapering off. From a cultural

States became common and compulsory—Piaget

perspective, it is noteworthy that with modernity

(1932/1965) emphasized peers. This focus not only

and globalization there also is a rise in the number

continues but is burgeoning. Undoubtedly, this is

of contexts to which a person is exposed. Family

because mass education now has worldwide reach.

is undoubtedly salient everywhere, although fam-

Also, with modernity and globalization, adoles-

ily composition and who is considered a family

cents and emerging adults have become increas-

member varies widely. But media, for example, is

ingly agentic and autonomous vis-à-vis adults a context that has grown in significance in daily (Giddens, 1990), and, as such, they have more

life at remarkable speed during the past decades,

scope for individual moral identity formation and

and, while media such as TV and the Internet have

the promotion of civic change. In many ways, this

spread globally, they are also still more prominent

is reflected in research on the values of youth cul-

in urban than rural areas (Rubenstein, 2014) and

tures, peer and friendship groups, and youth civic

used more hours of the day by children in devel-

organizations (e.g., Flanagan, Lin, Luisi-Mills, oped than developing countries (Jensen & Arnett, Sambo, & Hu, this volume; French, this volume;

in preparation). As the number of contexts that

Hammack & Toolis, this volume; Larson, Jensen,

a person is involved with increases with age and

Kang, Griffith, & Rompala, 2012; Youniss & modernity, there will be exposure to more diver-Smollar, 1985; Youniss & Yates 1997).

gent moral messages, as well as to greater selec-

Half a century ago, anthropologists (Whiting &

tion on the part of the individual to interact with

Child, 1953) described the relation between cul-

contexts and messages that resonate most (Jensen,

tural beliefs and practices as a “custom complex”

2003, 2011; Jensen & Arnett, 2012; Jensen, Arnett,

consisting of “customary practice and of the beliefs,

& McKenzie, 2011).

values, sanctions, rules, motives and satisfactions

A recent study of adolescent–parent dyads in rural

associated with it” (quoted in Shweder et al., 2006,

and urban Thailand illustrates how these dynamics

p. 872). This idea usefully captures the way that

among development, context, and cultural change

individual moral reasoning occurs in contexts impact moral reasoning (McKenzie, 2014). In the of common behaviors within family, friendship

rural area, examined by the researcher, adolescents

groups, school, and so forth. Research documents

and parents spent a lot of time together in family

the development of custom complexes in diverse

and village contexts. In discussing moral issues that

cultures. Masses of research in the United States,

they had experienced, the rural dyads were simi-

for example, document how the development of

lar in their use of the three Ethics of Autonomy,

moral reasoning and emotions that is based on

Community, and Divinity. All rural participants

sensitivity to the feelings of others, fairness, and

especially emphasized Community consideration.

reciprocal cooperation occurs in the contexts of

In the urban area, there were more contexts, includ-

authoritative and sociable parenting and egalitarian

ing media and commercial venues, and adolescents

peer and school cultures (see Killen & Smetana, in

and parents spent less time together. Compared

press; Whiting & Edwards, 1988). A substantial

to the rural dyads, the urban ones reasoned more

research record among Chinese shows that moral

in terms of the Ethic of Autonomy and less in

reasoning and emotions focused on role-based terms of the Ethic of Community. Globalization reciprocity, improving the self, and social har-appears to have opened up a gap between the two

mony occur in the contexts of a training style of

Thai communities in contexts and moral reason-

parenting (Chao & Tseng, 2002), prosocial peer

ing, even if they are a mere 25 miles apart. There

groups (Chen, 2011), and mentor–mentee models

was also a gap among the urban dyads, with

244

Mor a l r e a soninG

adolescents speaking more of Autonomy and less

that a year before joining SisterHood she had been

of Community than their parents. Whereas urban

engaged in antisocial activities: “getting into fights

parents used Autonomy and Community reason-

and getting into gangs … I really didn’t care

ing roughly equally, urban adolescents’ moral rea-

about people. I had no remorse.” But she said that

soning was dominated by the Ethic of Autonomy.

SisterHood, “surely did help me, because … this

Thus, although urban adolescents and their parents

year, I think about people’s feelings more, and how

both live in a globalizing cultural community, their

I would feel if that was me” (Larson et al., 2012).

level of exposure and developmental openness to

As Larson et al. (2012) point out, traditional societ-

experiences with globalization differed, as reflected

ies have long organized adolescent rites of passage

in their moral reasoning.

with the aim of passing on responsibility for moral

Turning to processes of moral development, value systems to youth, and, although overseen by Shweder and Much (1986) argued some time ago

adult community members, it is notable that youth

that everyday social communication is a significant

typically participate in these rites as members of a

constitutive factor in the development of moral

peer group (see also Schlegel & Barry, this volume).

reasoning. As described earlier, moral psychol-

Traditional rites of passage do not really allow for

ogy has come a long way in focusing on people’s

much diversity of moral codes, unlike the kinds of

everyday moral experiences rather than pursuing

urban American youth groups studied by Larson.

an exclusive focus on vignettes and hypothetical

Both, however, indicate how moral reasoning and

issues generated by researchers. What is still lack-

values are developed through interactions—com-

ing to large extent in research, however, is atten-

municative and behavioral—in social groups, such

tion to the social communicative process of moral

as among peers.

reasoning. The vast majority of research still asks

To give one final example of the importance

individuals to generate moral reasons in inter-

of moral reasoning as more than an internal pro-

views or to select among reasons on questionnaires.

cess, a recent study asked American children,

Some recent research, however, has analyzed rea-

adolescents, and adults from religiously liberal

soning as an interpersonal or group phenomenon.

and conservative communities to reason about

DiBianca Fasoli (2013; Hickman & DiBianca public moral issues, in which they rendered Fasoli, in press), for example, conducted a micro-judgments for people in general, and about pri-

linguistic analysis of conversations between young

vate moral experiences, in which they evaluated

children and parents from a religiously conserva-

their own behavior (Jensen, in press a; Jensen &

tive American congregation. The aims were to McKenzie, 2014). One striking finding was that, compare the moral reasoning of the two age groups

contrary to the widespread idea that these two

and delve into the ways that parents and children

groups on opposite sides of the so-called culture

respond to one another. As it turned out, parents

wars (Hunter, 1991) simply speak different moral

regularly sought to reroute their children’s reason-

languages (Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009),

ing from a focus on Ethic of Autonomy to Ethic

it turned out that they calibrate their morality

of Divinity considerations. These findings speak

depending on the context. For example, con-

not only to the co-modulation of moral develop-

servative adolescents and adults frequently used

ment and culture, but also to a particular com-

Ethic of Divinity reasoning, but more so for pub-

municative process within the family whereby that

lic than private issues. Among liberals, Divinity

co-modulation takes place.

was mainly invoked by adults and only in con-

Focusing on group processes, Larson and his

templation of private issues. The religious conser-

colleagues have examined how cognition, includ-

vatives and liberals, then, have come to diverge

ing moral considerations, develops over time as

with age on what they think should be the moral

adolescents take regular part in community orga-

lingua franca of society.

nizations (Larson, 2000, 2007; Larson & Angus,

Taken together, the findings from the three

2011; Larson et al., 2004; Larson & Hansen, research programs suggest that the development 2005). Through qualitative analyses of longitudi-of moral reasoning in humans involves intra- and

nal data, they have found that adolescents, through

interpersonal dialogical processes. Morality, in

joint conversations and participation, increased on

part, is a process in which we have internal dia-

collective perspective-taking, empathy for others,

logues using some distinct private moral reasons

and recognition of diverse moral codes. To give an

for weighing our behaviors. Morality is also a social

example, Jackie, an American 14-year-old, reported

process in which we dialogue, debate, and argue

a r net t Jensen

245

with others. We do this person-to-person, such as

truly is time that the field moves beyond the kind of

between a child and a parent. We also do this at the

fixation on young children that also characterized

level of groups, such as among peers and within the

Freud’s work almost a century ago.

public sphere.

A fuller understanding that moral development

Globalization

involves intra- and interpersonal reasoning will

As should also be clear from the present review,

require more research. Furthermore, it is worth

today’s children and adolescents growing up in

keeping in mind that the field of moral develop-

urban areas all over the world typically are exposed

ment has reams of publications in which individu-

to moral messages from many sources: parents,

als essentially reason about public issues. In this

peers, after-school counselors, extracurricular

light, it is perhaps not so surprising that predictions

activity coaches, television, magazines, websites,

about their individual behaviors from their reason-

and so forth. Adults, too, are exposed to myriad

ing have been hard to establish. If we want to know

local and global contexts. What moral messages

about individual moral behavior, we might do bet-

do these sources convey? To what extent do the

ter by focusing on private moral reasoning and on

messages reinforce or work against one another?

the actual moral dialogue between individuals in

These are important questions for future research.

everyday social contexts, such as in their families

Meanwhile, in a number of areas of the world,

and civic groups.

especially rural and poor ones, the social con-

texts are different. Children’s daily access to mass

Future Directions

media is much less pronounced. Adolescents, espe-

Before concluding, I wish to highlight what

cially girls, are far less likely to attend secondary

I take to be two promising and important future

educational institutions. Adults spend little time

research directions. One calls for a focus on the

involved in the global economy. Children, adoles-

entire life course, and the other pertains to new

cents, and adults in rural communities spend more

questions arising in the face of globalization.

time in the contexts of family and small commu-

nities. What are the implications for their moral

From Origins to Old Age

development?

Recent theory on moral development and psy-

Certainly, globalization does involve a massive

chology has been characterized by a search for cog-

and powerful movement of Western images, people,

nitions and emotions that constitute foundations

and ideas—including moral ones—to the rest of

of moral behavior. This search has often focused

the world. But the flow also runs in the other direc-

on biological foundations through evolutionary tion. As scholars have pointed out, globalization and neuroscience research and on early develop-may be met with a variety of individual and group

mental foundations through research with infants

responses, from resistance to new ideas, to whole-

and young children (for reviews, see Bloom, 2013;

hearted assimilation of the new ideas, to integration

Thompson, 2012). Babies do indeed show a vari-

or hybridization of multiple kinds of ideas (Giddens,

ety of moral sensibilities (Bloom, 2013; Vaish &

1990; Hermans, this volume; Jensen & Arnett,

Tomasello, 2014), but they are not particularly 2012). A focus specifically on how these processes diverse in their morality. As should be clear from the

come into play in regards to moral ideas is timely.

present review of findings, however, adults from dif-

ferent cultures are diverse. There is universality and

Conclusion

also increasing multiplicity with development. This

As mentioned at the outset, moral development

implies that it is insufficient to reach conclusions

researchers have often aspired to provide moral pre-

about moral development on the basis of research

scriptions. Piaget (1932/1965) held that autonomy

with children, let alone young ones. Research is better than heteronomy. Kohlberg (1981) boldly across the full life course is necessary. We need to

asserted that his stage sequence was simultaneously

ask to what extent do early moral reasons remain,

descriptive and prescriptive of moral development.

change, or disappear? And to what extent do new

It seems no mere coincidence that he published

moral reasons emerge later in life? Recently, Bloom

The Philosophy of Moral Development (1981)

(2013) wittily observed that “there’s some truth to

before The Psychology of Moral Development (1984).

the claim that lot of developmental psychology is

But therein also lies the problematic issuethat let-

the study of the interested and alert baby” (p. 25). It

ting one strict philosophical definition of morality

246

Mor a l r e a soninG

determine psychological research is bound to leave

Ardila-Rey, A., & Killen, M. (2001). Middle class Colombian

out the emic and diverse features of people’s moral

children’s evaluations of personal, moral, and

lives. Of course, the other side of the matter is

socio-conventional interactions in the classroom.

International Journal of Behavioral Development, 25,

that detailed, descriptive, explanatory, and predic-

246–255.

tive accounts of these emic and diverse features do

Arnett, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of develop-

not, in and of themselves, lead to unambiguous

ment from the late teens through the twenties. American

policy. As should be fairly clear from the present

Psychologist, 55, 469–480.

review, theories and research vary on how clearly

Arnett, J. J. (2004). Emerging adulthood: The winding road

from the late teens through the twenties. New York: Oxford

and explicitly they are aimed at prescription and

University Press.

policy. Moving from description to prescription, in

Arnett, J. J. (this volume). The cultural psychology of emerging

fact, requires what I—with a nod to my Danish

adulthood. In L. A. Jensen (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of

compatriot Søren Kierkegaard—would call a “leap

human development and culture: An interdisciplinary perspec-

of philosophy.” As we conduct research on moral

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Arnett, J. J., Ramos, K. D., & Jensen, L. A. (2001). Ideological

reasoning and development in a global world, we

views in emerging adulthood: Balancing autonomy and

need to give increasingly careful consideration to

community. Journal of Adult Development, 8, 69–79.

the extent to which we are making such a leap—

Baldwin, J. M. (1895). Mental development in the child and the

implicitly or explicitly. We would probably also do

race. New York: Macmillan.

well—and here I am leaping—to appreciate that

Baldwin, J. M. (1906). Social and ethical interpretations in men-

tal development. New York: Macmillan.

even as theories of moral reasoning and develop-

Baldwin, J. M. (1906–1911). Thoughts and things, or genetic logic

ment differ, they may still make contributions to

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the collective scientific enterprise.

Bersoff, D. M., & Miller, J. G. (1993). Culture, context, and

The research questions that Freud and Piaget

the development of moral accountability judgments.

raised about morality almost a century ago in

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Blasi, A. (1984). Moral identity: Its role in moral functioning. In

regards to its definition, development, and context

W. Kurtines & J. Gewirth (Eds.), Morality, moral behavior,

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Or, the negative side effects of philosophy’s influence on

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Acknowledgments

New York: Crown.

I am grateful to Jeffrey Arnett, Anne Colby, Sam

Carlo, G. (2006). Care-based and altruistically-based morality.

In M. Killen & J. Smetana (Eds.), Handbook of moral devel-

Hardy, Allison DiBianca Fasoli, Kyle Matsuba,

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Joan Miller, and Laura Padilla-Walker for their

Chao, R., & Tseng, V. (2002). Parenting of Asians. In M. H.

helpful and incisive feedback on this chapter.

Bornstein (Ed), Handbook of parenting (pp. 59–93).

Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

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254

Mor a l r e a soninG

C H A P T E R

16 The Interaction Between Culture

and the Development of Creativity

Catalina Mourgues, Baptiste Barbot, Mei Tan, and Elena L. Grigorenko

Abstract

There is no creativity without culture because creativity is a phenomenon that results in products and ideas that are valued differently within different cultural contexts, to be appreciated, embraced, cultivated, or rejected. For decades, studies have outlined contrasting conceptions of creativity across cultures or emphasized the role of the cultural context in the development, expression, and assessment of creativity. In this chapter, the authors discuss the development of creativity in light of cross-cultural, bicultural, and multicultural studies after presenting a general overview of creativity as a field of investigation in psychology, including a general definition and related “cultural variations”

of its conception. The authors also consider how cultures’ increasing proximity to each other and globalization may ultimately impact creativity as a field and as a tangible psychological phenomenon.

Key Words: creativity, cross-cultural creativity, bicultural creativity, multicultural creativity, development of creativity, creativity and education

It would be difficult these days to find anyone

multicultural contexts. What emerges from these

who would dispute that creativity is important

bodies of literatures is that conceptions, mani-

and has value—to both individuals and to society.

festations, and evaluations of creativity necessar-

Creativity is frequently cited as a key ingredient to

ily change over time and across cultures, but also

economic development and global progress that

within cultures.

may make the difference between success and fail-

In this chapter, we consider the development

ure in facing many of life’s challenges (e.g., Cheng,

of creativity throughout the life span, but espe-

2010; Dubina, Carayannis, & Campbell, 2012;

cially in school-aged children, in light of recent

Grigorenko & Tan, 2009). The need to encourage

cultural studies of creativity. First, we present a

it and nurture its growth as a part of general educa-

current overview of creativity as a field of investiga-

tion has become an imperative in many Western

tion in psychology, including a general definition

and Eastern cultures, yet this has not proved an

of creativity and related “cultural variations” in

easy task to fulfill. As the world shrinks through

its conception, the main aspects of creativity gen-

increased global communication and human erally studied, and related approaches to its mea-mobility, contrasting conceptions of creativity surement. Second, we discuss the most influential across cultures have emerged, along with bicultural

cultural factors for the development of creativity

and multicultural perspectives on the concept. For

in children, as identified in both “monocultural”

decades, studies have emphasized the role of cul-

(i.e., within a single culture) and cross-cultural (i.e.,

tural context in the development, expression, and

comparative) studies. Third, we discuss the effects

assessment of creativity, and the field is increasingly

of the interactions among multiple cultural con-

enriched with studies of creativity in bicultural and

texts for the development of creativity, especially

255

within bicultural (within two coexisting or inter-

to environments that are increasingly culturally

acting cultures) and multicultural contexts, explor-

complex.

ing how they have been found to particularly foster

Although the scientific study of creativity began

creativity. Finally, we consider how these merging

with a focus on the lives of creative “geniuses”

cultures may ultimately impact creativity as a field

(e.g., Newton, Bach, Picasso), researchers became

and as a tangible psychological phenomenon.

aware that in acknowledging only eminent or “his-

torical” creativity, many other everyday examples

Creativity: Its Nature and Assessment

of creativity were being ignored (Beghetto &

Because creativity can be studied from Kaufman, 2007; Csikszentmihalyi, 1996; Stein, many angles, expressed in many domains, and 1953). Later conceived as a psychological abil-understood at many different levels (Kozbelt, ity normally distributed (Guilford, 1950), vari-Beghetto, & Runco, 2010), it has been associated

ous qualitatively distinct levels of creativity were

with a wide range of definitions, conceptions, theo-

conceived to extend conceptions of creativity into

ries, and manifestations. The all-encompassing the realm of ordinary individuals, including the commonly accepted view, then, is that it is a phe-child. The Four C model of creativity provides the

nomenon resulting from the actions of a particular

framework for these levels (Beghetto & Kaufman,

group or person, at a particular time, in a particular

2007; Kaufman & Beghetto, 2009). The concept

environment, with a particular outcome or product

of genius-level, “Big-C” creativity, which describes

that is both original/new and useful/valuable (e.g.,

eminent, society-changing creativity (cf. Simonton,

Amabile, 1996; Kaufman, Plucker, & Baer, 2008;

1999; e.g., the creation of the incandescent light

Sternberg & Lubart, 1995).

bulb; Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony) was extended

How creativity is valued within a culture var-

to create a concept of everyday or “little-c” creativ-

ies greatly, and although the outcomes of creativity

ity (e.g., a child writes an imaginative story; a chef

are generally positively connoted in Western cul-

creates a new dish), which many of us engage in

tures (e.g., leading to beneficial advances in many

day to day. The latter was then extended to con-

domains of art and science)—viewed as “a central

ceive “mini-c” creativity, to describe the personally

source of meaning in our lives” (Csikszentmihalyi,

novel and meaningful interpretations that children

1996, p. 1) and essential to proper human devel-

in particular make as they seek to understand their

opment (Runco & Cayirdag, 2013)—the “dark

experiences and the events going on around them

side” of creativity has been increasingly recognized

(e.g., a child realizes that sometimes people cry

(Cropley, Cropley, Kaufman, & Runco, 2010). when they are happy, not only when they are sad, This darker perspective suggests that creativity out-or has an insight about the relationship between

comes are not necessarily “useful or valuable” but

addition and subtraction). The fourth level, “Pro-c,”

may also be malevolent as a function of the values

represents the developmental and effortful level

and decisions that are ancillary to actual creative

beyond little-c that has not yet attained Big-C sta-

work (Runco, 2010). For instance, in an experi-

tus. Anyone who attains professional-level exper-

mental situation in which people are required to

tise in any creative area is likely to have attained

resolve ethical dilemmas (such that maximized Pro-c status, the level at which professional team-self-interest and the desire to maintain a positive

work may occur (Beghetto & Kaufman, 2007;

view of oneself are maintained), dishonest behav-

Kaufman & Beghetto, 2009).

ior can result from better performance in divergent

Most of the research on creativity to date

thinking: that is, cheating may be discovered as

focuses on four basic categories of creativity

a creative choice, and individuals may undertake

study, often referred to as the “four P’s”: pro-

this option, arguing that others in the same cir-

cess, product, person (or personality), and place

cumstances would do the same (Gino & Ariely,

(or press), see Kozbelt (2010) and Rhodes (1961).

2012). Clearly, how creativity is regarded (e.g., Process describes the sequence of actions (and positively, negatively, even suspiciously) within the

thinking processes) that are engaged when an

norms and values of a sociocultural environment

individual is acting creatively, from the inception

will influence the nature and evaluation of creative

of an idea to its fruition in a creative outcome or

work. It may also moderate the changes we might

product. Products are the discernible outcomes of

see in children’s creativity development. Exploring

creative activity. They may be theories, systems,

these interactions is highly relevant as children

ideas, or things. In the realm of Big-C creativity,

and the general population become more exposed

they are generally large-scale, well-recognized,

256

t he inter aC t ion Bet w een Cu lt ur e a nd t he dev eloPMent of Cr e at i v it y

and have enduring effects on a given field, society,

styles of thinking, personality, motivation, and

or culture, such as Shakespeare’s corpus of plays.

environment. These resources come together pro-

Little-c products may include small-scale artistic

ductively when a creative person chooses to invest

creations by students or weekend artists or a novel

them in the pursuit of a new or out-of-favor idea

solution to an everyday problem. Mini-c, as con-

that has potential (buying low), persists in spite of

ceived by Beghetto and Kaufman (2007), results

initial resistance, and then gains eventual accep-

in internal, interpretive, or transformative events

tance (selling high). Csikszentmihalyi’s systems

that are closely connected with learning, such

view, in contrast to Amabile’s, conceives of the

as the generation of personal knowledge, intel-

social system as the dominant attributor of creativ-

lectual connections, or insights, yet these are not

ity. Within the system, a creative individual inter-

generally considered “products.” Creative persons

acts in a domain and a field, and these both change

refer to the set of individual abilities and traits

as society changes. What is judged to be creative,

that contribute to creative achievements (person-

then, is determined by the gatekeepers of the field,

ality traits, motivations, cognitive skills, habits,

that is, the members of a society.

and attitudes). Creative individuals may be iden-

Thus, the different componential models of cre-

tified within their domain of expertise—paint-

ativity emphasize the different degrees to which a

ers, architects, writers, mathematicians—and are

number of individual and environmental resources

often studied via the measurement of traits that

(cognitive, personality/conative, motivational and

may predict creative behavior, such as openness

emotional, material conditions, culture) interact

to new experience, the ability to cope with con-

during the creative process. According to these

flict and tension, or a sense of humor (Kozbelt et

approaches, individual differences in creativity

al., 2010; Rhodes, 1961). Finally, place or press

result from differences in people’s endowments

(for “pressure”; Rhodes, 1961) refers to the rela-

of these key factors (Lubart, 1999 b; Sternberg &

tionship of the creative person to her environ-

Lubart, 1995). Therefore, these models allow us to

ment. Consider the circumstances leading to understand little-c creativity as well as the rarity the invention of the first basket or wagon, or the

of Big-C creativity, given the low probability that

simple desire to make one’s room more pleasant.

all of the key factors combine “optimally” for any

Hence, context is a crucial aspect of creativity,

given individual.

which emphasizes the physical and sociocultural

However, most creativity studies generally

sources of creative production and the essential

focus on a limited set of factors involved in cre-

nature of creative products as a response to envi-

ative potential, in particular the cognitive factors.

ronmental forces (Amabile, 1996; Barbot, Tan,

Indeed, there are currently hundreds of tests and

& Grigorenko, 2013; Csikszentmihalyi, 1988; other measurement instruments that have been Lubart, 1990).

developed to measure specific aspects of creativ-

Componential models attempt to capture ity (Barbot, Besancon, & Lubart, 2011; Plucker the complexity of creativity by mapping out the

& Makel, 2010), but the most commonly used are

interactions of the abilities, traits, dispositions, tests of divergent thinking (e.g., Guilford, 1967), processes, and contexts (i.e., the four P’s) that a central ability for creativity. In divergent think-contribute to creative behavior (Lubart, 1999 a)

ing tests, cognitive processes are used to produce

rather than conceptualizing creativity as an uni-

many ideas or answers to a single stimulus or

tary construct. These models include Amabile’s problem. These tests usually emphasize the quan-three-component model (Amabile, 1983; 1996),

tity of ideas generated in answer to the problem

Sternberg and Lubart’s investment/confluence (the generative component, fluency, being indica-approach (Sternberg, 2006; Sternberg & Lubart,

tive of greater potential for creativity), as well as

1991), and Csikszentmihalyi’s systems approach

their quality (in particular, their originality—that

(Csikszentmihalyi, 1988). In Amabile’s model, is, the relative infrequency of the response in the the three necessary components for creativity are

tested population—and elaboration, the degree of

domain-relevant skills, the mental processes rel-

details added to the “base” idea). Of this tradition,

evant to creativity, and motivation. This view situ-

the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking (TTCT;

ates the source of creativity within the individual.

Torrance, 1974) is commonly used with both chil-

According to the investment approach (Sternberg

dren and adults in cross-cultural studies because it

& Lubart, 1991), six distinct but related resources

has been translated into 35 languages (Kim, 2006;

must be available: intellectual abilities, knowledge,

Millar, 2002).

MourGues, Ba r Bot, ta n, Gr iGor enko

257

Different researchers have drawn attention to is not important. Rather, the dynamic, social con-the lack of ecological validity and the limited use-

struction of creativity is reflected in the judges col-

fulness of these measures in cross-cultural contexts

lectively. Considering that, within a culture, the

(Plucker & Makel, 2010). Indeed, the use of spe-

concept of creativity is shared, assessment by judges

cific tests suppose that a particular conception of

can provide a reliable and consensual assessment of

creativity is held by the cultures being compared,

an individual’s level of creativity (Baer, Kaufman,

and it is possible that the individual is assessed for

& Gentile, 2004).

skills not situated in their daily life, thus detract-

However, notably, it has been proposed that the

ing from the ecological validity of the evaluation

CAT may not resolve all of the cross-cultural dif-

(Russ & Fiorelli, 2010). For example, the use ferences that exist between cultures (Chen et al., of divergent thinking tests as a basis for cultural

2002). Thus, Chen and colleagues incorporated

comparison supposes a conception of creativity into their study design a “derived etic approach”

that relies on “productivity,” the making of many

(Berry, 1989), in which a shared concept is devel-

ideas, which may be more appropriate in cultural

oped by the two cultures. In an iterative process,

contexts that value this particular aspect of creativ-

the participants of different cultures critically

ity. Indeed, several authors (Amabile, 1983; 1996;

examine their own conceptions and build equiva-

Niu & Sternberg, 2002; Westwood & Low, 2003)

lent concepts and variables (Berry, 2013). When

offer examples of how the novelty (originality) and

the “universal” concept is jointly constructed, it

usefulness (appropriateness) of creative ideas might

is then possible to assess products in both cultures

be modulated by culture. For example, Hempel

using a common concept of creativity, thus allow-

and Sue-Chan (2010) present a study showing that

ing their comparison within the same framework

Israelis tend to emphasize the originality of ideas,

of reference. However, as consensus is reached, the

whereas Singaporeans focus more on providing specificity and particularity of each culture’s con-details for their ideas. Hence, divergent thinking

ception of creativity are necessarily modified. In

tests provide useful estimates of creative poten-

their study, Chen and colleagues (2002) explored

tial but are not equivalent to creative potential—

whether European-Americans and Chinese dif-

divergent thinking being merely one very specific

fered in their creation and evaluation of drawings

component of it (Runco, 1993; 2008); these tests

of geometric shapes. The drawings were judged by

are therefore estimates of creative potential greatly

Chinese and European-American judges using the

colored by culture because every culture does not

derived etic approach and the CAT. Results showed

emphasize this ability in the same ways or to the

high consensus between the European-American

same extent.

and Chinese judges and great similarity in the cre-

Instead of focusing on limited aspects of the

ativity of drawings generated by the two groups,

creative person (such as divergent thinking), which

showing that a derived etic approach could be

may indirectly impose a cultural bias on the general

used to build a common construct across cultures

conception of creativity, product-based assessments

and produce a valid measure of creativity. This

are another common way to measure creative approach becomes increasingly useful as we con-potential, and these virtually call upon the entire

sider the cultural differences that have been found

set of factors involved in creativity (e.g., cogni-

to exist among cultures and these cultures’ increas-

tive, motivational, emotional). In these techniques,

ing proximity to each other in globalized societies.

judges are asked to make subjective evaluations of

creative products that are generated by individuals

Cultural Variations in the

in standardized conditions to make them compara-

Conception of Creativity

ble. This approach permits the use of various tasks

Culture may be defined as a set of shared tradi-

to assess creativity products in many domains, tions, having presumably a shared national expe-such as stories, collages, poems, and other artifacts

rience and history, and a common set of beliefs,

(Baer & McKool, 2009; Kaufman, Baer, Cole, &

values, and preferences for behavior (Lubart, 1990;

Sexton, 2008; Niu & Sternberg, 2001). Amabile’s

1999 b). Although explicit theories and definitions

Consensual Assessment Technique (CAT; 1983) is

of creativity have generally converged across cul-

one such method. In this approach, no emphasis

tures on the essential characteristics of novelty and

is placed on a particular component of creativity

usefulness (some form of applicability) and that cre-

(products are assessed as a whole), and the specific

ativity is measurable and can be developed to some

conception of creativity being used by the judges

degree (Lubart, 2010), comparative cross-cultural

258

t he inter aC t ion Bet w een Cu lt ur e a nd t he dev eloPMent of Cr e at i v it y

research on creativity has yielded key differences

may be the social values of a culture. It has been

among cultures. These differences are most notable

found that cultures that emphasize the value of the

in each culture’s implicit or informal and explicit

group or collective over the individual will find more

conceptions about the process or purpose of cre-

socially oriented productions to be more appropri-

ativity, the types of productions that may be con-

ate or useful. For example, contributing to society

sidered creative, and the characteristics generally

or fulfilling one’s role in life are important aspects

associated with creative individuals. These implicit

of creativity in China (Lubart & Sternberg, 1998),

beliefs play a strong role in who is considered cre-

where the individual creator’s identity or agency

ative, what is considered creative, and the best

are seen as secondary, and usefulness to society is

method for the assessment of creativity.

held to be primary, even over originality. Further,

Comparisons between Eastern and Western in a comparison of Israeli and Chinese organi-cultures (Asia and North America, generally) have

zations, it was observed that the Chinese social

dominated cross-cultural creativity studies, and context tended to be more constraining because these have illustrated qualitative differences in the

peers or managers were likely to expect conform-

conception of creativity and their possible sources.

ing or uncertainty-avoiding behavior (Hempel &

For example, Lubart and colleagues (Lubart, Sue-Chan, 2010). Finally, creative products that 1999 b; Lubart & Sternberg, 1998) compared are commonly found in one culture may be rare in Eastern and Western implicit conceptions of cre-another, thus enhancing their originality. Hence,

ativity in anthropological, literary, and philosophi-

Yoruba-style figures will probably be found to be

cal sources and found these conceptions to be quite

more original outside of the Yoruba culture.

distinct. Both East and West appear to consider

Cultural conceptions of creativity include both

novelty and cultural appropriateness as important

explicit and implicit beliefs that individuals may

aspects of creativity, yet the former emphasizes

hold about the defining characteristics of creative

creative processes and practices that are spiritually

persons and who may be expected to be creative.

oriented and embedded in a cultural tradition. The

Implicit beliefs indicate how nonexperts conceive

latter appears more centered on productions that

creativity (Runco, 1999; Sternberg, 1985). Runco

generally emerge from individuals who break from

and Johnson (2002) define implicit theories as con-

tradition or stand apart from the collective (Lubart,

stellations of thoughts and ideas about a particular

1999 b; Lubart & Sternberg, 1998). Another way in

construct that are held and applied by individuals,

which conceptions of creativity have been found to

and these contribute to the development of explicit

differ is in notions of what is useful or appropriate.

theories by professionals (Pizzingrilli & Antonietti,

Although novelty was found to be equally impor-

2010). Studies surveying people’s opinions on cre-

tant to the recognition of creativity across three

ativity in the United States, Great Britain, Brazil,

cultures, when considering equally creative prod-

Argentina, Cuba, China, Korea, Singapore, India,

ucts, Chinese assigned greater desirability to novel

and Romania, among other countries, have found

products, whereas Japanese and American evalu-

a core set of creative traits in common (Erez &

ators found functional items to be more desirable

Nouri, 2010). These include basic cognitive skills,

(Paletz & Peng, 2008).

such as the ability to connect seemingly dispa-

These differing conceptions necessarily influence

rate ideas, formulate questions, and imagination;

the kinds of products that may be considered cre-

aspects of personality that lead to action, such as

ative. In different cultures, creativity may be exer-

independence, self-confidence, and the willingness

cised within particular constraints. For example,

to take risks; and motivational attributes such as

Yoruba figure carvings maintain a certain style in

energy, ambition, and enthusiasm (see Kaufman

the fashioning of the ear and the face, yet variation

& Sternberg, 2006). Differences have also been

(i.e., originality) may be expressed in what is held

found in people’s conceptions of what contributes

in the figure’s hand, in the associated ritual items

to creativity. In some cultures, “sense of humor,”

and costumes, and in the arrangement of the fig-

“aesthetics,” and “aesthetic sense” are cited as char-

ures in relation to each other. In Bali, sculptures of

acteristics of creative people in the United States,

gods or ritual dances are not permitted much varia-

but not in some Asian cultures; likewise “inspires

tion, but carvings of kitchen gods, certain theatrical

people,” “makes a contribution to the progress of

and musical performances, and woven containers

society,” and “is appreciated by others” are cited

may display much more variety and originality by Hong Kong Chinese, but not North Americans (Mumford, 2003). A different kind of constraint

(Lubart, 2010; Rudowicz, 2003).

MourGues, Ba r Bot, ta n, Gr iGor enko

259

Press and Creativity Development

negatively to creativity (Eisenman & Cherry, 1970;

Across Cultures

Fearon, Copeland, & Saxon, 2013). Children who

Over the past few decades, there has been an

can express themselves both emotionally and intel-

increasing interest in the development of cre-

lectually in multiple ways—through imaginative

ativity, both in within- and between-culture play, fulfilling curiosity, investment in a domain (cross-cultural) studies. Less an exercise in “rank-of interest—seem to develop with higher capacities

ing” countries’ performance, these studies have for creativity (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996; Runco & been more exploratory with respect to the nature

Cayirdag, 2013; Subotnik, Olszewski-Kubilius, &

of creativity and how it may manifest itself and

Arnold, 2003). All aspects of family structure that

develop differently in different cultures (Lubart,

support this context appear to be important to

1999 b; 2010). As we consider the most influential

creativity development. For instance, Gaynor and

aspects of context (or press) on the development of

Runco (1992) reported that firstborn children are

creativity, studies from cultures that have put cre-

overrepresented in musicians, and they tend to

ativity near the top of their educational agenda are

obtain higher scores in divergent thinking. Yet it

particularly informative. Many of them emphasize

was also reported that children with more siblings

the general environmental conditions that initially

may benefit creatively from sibling interactions and

foster the development of creativity in children up

that they also tend to obtain higher scores in verbal

to adulthood and even into old age (e.g., Albert &

divergent thinking. Additionally, parental attitudes

Runco, 1999; Amabile, 1989; Csikszentmihalyi,

and beliefs concerning child rearing may influence

1996; Lubart & Sternberg, 1998; Runco & the amount of independence and autonomy that a Cayirdag, 2013; Russ & Fiorelli, 2010).

child is allowed to exercise, and these may make

Specifically, there are particular environmen-

room for original thinking and freedom from con-

tal conditions that may support the development

ventional ways and norms. In fact, parent beliefs

of certain processes and personality traits that are

about creativity are generally less influential to cre-

central to creativity, including cognitive processes

ativity development than their general beliefs and

such as divergent and convergent thinking, the

attitudes concerning children’s independence and

processes involved in imagination and pretend need for respect and freedom (Runco & Cayirdag, play, and traits such as willingness to take risks and

2013). It has also been found that parents’ levels

openness; many of these can be observed and mea-

of creativity tend to be higher than their children’s

sured in children (Russ & Fiorelli, 2010). Yet no

and also are predictive of their children’s levels of

one expects creativity in children to be the same as

creativity (Fearon et al., 2013).

creativity in adults, and, in early childhood, cre-

The second microenvironment of importance

ativity will often be expressed at the level of mini-c

is the school environment. Davies and colleagues

(Kudryavtsev, 2011). Whatever its earliest forms,

(2013) reported in a review of 210 articles, pre-

according to developmental theories of creativity,

dominantly from European countries, the key

creativity may develop from potential to achieve-

characteristics of environments and conditions that

ment given the right circumstances (i.e., person–

are most effective in promoting creative skills in

environment interactions; Kozbelt et al., 2010). The

children in a school context. They include physi-

question is, what are the conditions that may fos-

cal environment, availability of resources/materi-

ter the development of these processes and traits?

als, use of the outdoor environment, pedagogical

In these formative stages, environments proximal

environment, use of other environments beyond

to the individual—such as family, home environ-

the school, play-based learning, effective and flex-

ment, and the classroom—are essential to the ible use of time, and relationships between teachers development of creativity, having the potential to

and learners. With respect to the teacher-learner

encourage or stifle it.

relationship, which is among the most important

First, family structure and background—the characteristics of the classroom, high expecta-social and home environment—represent one tions, mutual respect, the modeling of creative important microenvironment for creativity (as attitudes, flexibility, and dialogue are among the opposed to the macroenvironment of national most important features (Davies et al., 2013). Two culture). The literature suggests that probably the

general aspects seem most influential: the struc-

most important aspect of this environment is the

ture, atmosphere and operation of the classroom,

provision of certain kinds of freedom. Hence, and the attitude of the teacher toward creativity.

authoritarian styles of parenting have been related

In the structured environment of the classroom,

260

t he inter aC t ion Bet w een Cu lt ur e a nd t he dev eloPMent of Cr e at i v it y

assessment, limitation of choices, pressure to con-

imaginative, self-determination, and intentional-

form, competition, and rote learning can dura-

ity), in which adults place a high value on enabling

bly compromise creativity development in school

children’s agency, yielded encouraging results in

(Beghetto, 2005; Kudryavtsev, 2011). Much of the

preschool-aged children of 5 years and younger

school environment’s influence on creativity comes

(Craft, McConnon, & Matthews, 2012).

from the implicit expectations that are embedded

It must be noted, however, that the United

both in classroom procedures and teachers. As an

States and the United Kingdom have reported

illustration, Wallach and Kogan (1965, as cited in

teachers’ difficulty with integrating creativity into

Runco & Cayirdag, 2013) found that the same cre-

the traditional classroom routines. Via question-

ative activity proposed in different classroom con-

naire and qualitative observations of the learning

texts evoked very different responses. When given a

community, Eckhoff (2011) found that preservice

divergent thinking task in a test-like environment,

teachers valued creative thinking but were unsure

only children who routinely did well on traditional

about how to support it in early childhood class-

academic tests scored highly. When the same rooms, viewing such classrooms as restrictive exercises were presented as a game that would not

teaching environments dominated by top–down

be graded, many who usually did not do well on

curricula. Similarly, Burnard and White (2008)

traditional academic tests were able to perform at

in the United Kingdom recognized the challenge

very high levels. Therefore, students’ expectations

to teachers in teaching creativity while meeting

of their own performance within certain contexts

demanding requirements for academic perfor-

may affect creative outcomes. Similarly, teachers’

mance. A Finnish study also reflected difficulty

implicit views may lead to expectations of behavior

in implementing creativity learning activities; it

or performance that lead to erroneous judgments

was found that although primary school teachers

(Rosenthal, 1991). For example, teachers may found play enjoyable and possible to integrate into expect “ideal” or well-behaved students to also be

the activities of the classroom, the implementation

creative and may then judge them to be so, whether

of “process play” (Morgan & Kennewell, 2006) in

they are or not. In addition, it has been found that

which play-oriented (low-risk), child-led learning is

teachers’ implicit views of creative children’s attri-

engaged, was found least often (Hyvönen, 2011).

butes may cause them to treat these children either

These exemplify how some European countries

positively or negatively (e.g., Runco & Johnson,

have been working to develop their own methods

1993; Scott, 1999; Westby & Dawson, 1995).

and strategies to address the fostering of creativity

Thus, both home and school environments can

within the school context.

affect the development of creativity profoundly by

Asian studies also report an increasing impera-

encouraging it or discouraging it, either implic-

tive to nurture children’s creativity in the classroom,

itly or explicitly. Explicit methods to encourage

with ongoing struggles to do so. A comparative

the development of creativity in the classroom study of Asian cultures—Chinese, Taiwanese, have mostly taken place in the Western world.

and Hong Kong—showed that teachers believed

For example, alternative pedagogies in France in the importance of teaching creativity, yet their (Montessori and Freinet) resulted in higher cre-attitudes and beliefs about the implementation of

ative performance in students compared to those

creativity learning in the classroom were gener-

exposed to traditional school pedagogy (Besançon

ally negative (Chien & Hui, 2010). Teachers either

& Lubart, 2008; Besançon, Lubart, & Barbot,

believed that the school context resisted this kind

2013). In the United States, interventions to of teaching (Taiwan), that teaching creativity was foster creativity have often taken the form of not the purview of the school but of the home training for specific thinking processes such as

(China), or that no changes in the curriculum were

divergent thinking (Lubart & Guignard, 2004)

needed or could be made (Hong Kong). The ten-

and short-term interventions, resulting in mixed

sions caused by the conflict between positive asso-

outcomes (Russ, 2003). More successful interven-

ciations with creativity and negative experiences

tions have involved efforts to improve children’s

with its practice in schools is unpacked further in

play skills, such as dramatic play, imaginative play,

a Hong Kong study that found multiple levels of

and affective play (Moore & Russ, 2008). In the

conflict between teaching creativity and the school

United Kingdom, Craft and colleagues’ implemen-

context, on the individual, system, and cultural

tations of Possibility Thinking (question-posing,

levels; these seemed to stem from basic discrepan-

play, immersion, innovation, risk-taking, being cies between traditional beliefs about culture and MourGues, Ba r Bot, ta n, Gr iGor enko

261

education and new ideas promoting creative learn-

fourth, and fifth graders, he confirmed this pat-

ing (Cheng, 2010).

tern of results longitudinally (Torrance, 1967) and

Regarding teachers’ implicit views of creativ-

proposed that this pattern might be the result of

ity, in a survey of the literature on teachers’ per-

the behavior changes required by formal schooling;

ceptions of creativity in the classroom (Skiba, Tan,

that is, adaptation, compromise, and the accep-

Sternberg, & Grigorenko, 2010), findings from tance of social authority. Several other Western, the United States generally revealed some distance

within-culture studies have examined creativ-

between teachers’ expressed support of creativity

ity development in various ways and in different

and acceptance of creative behavior in the class-

populations using different measures and different

room. In cross-cultural studies, differences with

research designs and have produced similar results.

India were found, with the United States’ teachers

Studies of creativity development in children

favoring attitude- and intellectual-related defini-

in other countries show similar variations; that

tions of creativity over their Indian counterparts

is, general upward growth with dips or slumps in

(Runco & Johnson, 2002). In Chinese and Korean

creativity at various age points along the way (e.g.,

studies, teachers have been found to view creative

Camp, 1994; Charles & Runco, 2001; Claxton,

traits as socially undesirable (Chan & Chan, 1999;

Pannells, & Rhoads, 2005; Smolucha & Smolucha,

Seo, Lee, & Kim, 2005). Hence, although cultural

1985). Several of these studies, in agreement with

differences have been found, teachers’ contradic-

Torrance, cite characteristics of the school envi-

tory views about the characteristics of creative chil-

ronment as the likely source of these fluctuations

dren seem fairly consistent across cultures.

in creativity development (Lau & Cheung, 2010;

Whether resulting from similar environmental

Smith & Carlsson, 1983; Urban, 1991). A 3-year

factors (such as teachers’ discrepancies between cross-sequential (simultaneously cross-sectional implicit view of creativity and beliefs about culture

and longitudinal over four time points) study of

and education) or not, developmental trajectories of

primary school children’s divergent thinking using

creativity in childhood show similar patterns across

adapted culture-free nonverbal divergent thinking

cultures. In general, most developmental (longitu-

tests traced creativity development in two groups

dinal and cross-sectional) studies have shown a

of children, one in Luxembourg and the other in

clear increase of creativity from childhood to ado-

Germany (Krampen, 2012). At the first measure-

lescence, yet the development of creativity appears

ment occasion, children were in grades K–3; by

to follow nonlinear paths. The majority of these

the third measurement occasion, children spanned

studies have proposed that the major determinant

grades K–6. Luxembourg is a multilingual nation

of creativity is the variety of ideas that are gener-

with three official languages (French, German,

ated in a problem-solving context within the ide-

and Letzeburgisch); also, approximately 40% of

ation phase of the creative process (Zeng, Proctor,

its population has a migration background with a

& Salvendy, 2011). Divergent thinking tests gen-

different primary language (generally Portuguese,

erally represent closed-problem and open-solution

Italian, or English). The German sample was

situations more related with problem recognition

monolingual with only a 5% migration back-

and expressive problem solving than with creativ-

ground. Therefore, the only difference in the imple-

ity per se (Zeng et al., 2011). However, despite the

mentation of the two parallel administrations was

fact that this is not a comprehensive measure of

that tests were administered in the language of the

creativity, divergent thinking tasks have been used

child’s choice in Luxembourg, but monolingually

in several studies, and many conceptions of creativ-

in Germany. Despite these cultural differences,

ity development have been based on this kind of

results revealed that all cohorts in both groups

measure.

showed similar patterns of growth in divergent

One of the best known of such studies was

thinking over time, with two distinct slumps—one

undertaken by Torrance, who collected data using

shortly after school entry, between first and sec-

his TTCT (Torrance, 1962) from approximately

ond grades, and the other between fifth and sixth

350 Minnesotan K–12 students over a 5-year grades in Luxembourg, and third and fourth grades period (1959–1964). Cross-sectionally, he identi-in Germany (Krampen, 2012). The authors inter-

fied a notable downturn in creative performance

pret these results as strong support for Torrance’s

in fourth graders, which he coined “the fourth

proposal of systematic irregularities or slumps in

grade slump” (Torrance, 1962; 1967). Presenting

children’s creativity development. Similarly to

data from a randomly selected set of 100 third,

Torrance, they explain the first slump as a response

262

t he inter aC t ion Bet w een Cu lt ur e a nd t he dev eloPMent of Cr e at i v it y

to the rising demands of education for children’s

creativity. The process of cultural adaptation—

social conformity, acceptance of authority, and or acculturation—can be defined as a change in convergent over divergent thinking. The second

attitudes, beliefs, norms, values, and behaviors to

slumps in both countries correspond to place-

be more consistent with those of a local, foreign

ment strategies that take place in the fourth grade

culture (Berry, 1989; 1997; Furnham & Bochner,

in Germany and the sixth grade in Luxembourg,

1986; Ward, 1996). The processes of cultural adap-

which cause a great deal of stress for students,

tation could develop in different ways and through

teachers, and parents alike. Given the notable cul-

various attitudes. Berry (1989) classified these atti-

tural heterogeneity of Luxembourg’s population

tudes into four groups: assimilation, integration,

and the relative homogeneity of Germany’s, one

separation, and marginalization. Individuals who

might have expected more contrasting results. In

adopt an integration perspective are more inclined

sum, studies are more or less consistent in identi-

to develop a bicultural identity; that is, an iden-

fying specific slumps during childhood that may

tity characterized by identification with the values

reflect the demands of schooling but also how these

and beliefs of both cultures, the culture of origin

demands interact with the cognitive development

and the hosting culture (Berry & Sam, 1997).

of children.

These individuals tend to develop higher creativ-

Yet, recent bicultural and multicultural studies

ity outcomes. For example, bicultural individuals

provide some insight into how such varied cultural

are particularly sensitive to cultural cues, espe-

contexts might affect creativity.

cially if they identify with the cultures represented

(Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martinez, 2000).

Biculturalism and Creativity

In a study by Tadmor, Tetlock, and Peng (2009),

Bicultural experiences occur when two cul-

expatriate experiences produced more complex

tural identities coexist in an individual. A set of

thinking when the expatriates identified with both

research has suggested that the experience of living

their home and host cultures. Therefore, a success-

or working in other cultures can stimulate creative

ful acculturation process allows the expansion of

abilities (Leung & Chiu, 2010; Leung, Maddux,

cultural restrictions on what is considered creative,

Galinsky, & Chiu, 2008 b; Maddux, Leung, Chiu,

which ultimately could affect positively psychologi-

& Galinsky, 2009). For example, correlational cal outcomes such as creativity (Leung, Maddux, studies have shown that in different creativity tasks,

Galinsky, & Chiu, 2008 a).

individuals who are living abroad show better per-

In contrast, individuals may experience cultural

formance than do those who are not living abroad

changes as “culture shock” and feel overwhelmed

(Hempel & Sue-Chan, 2010). Supporting these

by seemingly insurmountable cultural differences

results, Fee and Gray (2012) hypothesized that liv-

(Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2001). In this case,

ing abroad triggered different cognitive processes

individuals handle the stress of culture shock by

necessary for adaptation to the new culture. In the

clinging to the beliefs, values, and behaviors of

process of adaptation, the individuals internalized a

their own culture; thus, as a result of exposure

series of cognitive adjustments as a means of coping

to a foreign culture, they may become more rigid

in the new environment. Fee and Gray developed

(Chao, Chen, Roisman, & Hong, 2007; Leung

the expatriate creativity hypothesis (expatriates are

et al., 2008 a).

defined as people who spend a period of time living

Studies show that creative performance in bicul-

and working in a foreign country). They assessed

tural contexts is influenced by different factors.

the creative thinking skills of a sample of expatri-

For example, Mok and Morris (2010) show that

ates and a control group of non-expatriates over

the degree of bicultural identity integration (BII;

the first 12 months of expatriation. During this

Benet-Martinez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002) has an

time, the expatriates showed significant increases

effect on creative performance. A group of Asian

in creative thinking abilities and cognitive flexibil-

Americans with high BII obtained higher original-

ity. Maddox and Galinsky (2009) showed that the

ity scores in divergent thinking tasks when com-

time lived abroad is related to better performance

pared with Asian Americans with low BII. Leung

in creativity in the figural domain and in making

and Chiu (2010) found that even brief exposure to

creative associations between ideas compared to

multicultural information could improve creativ-

individuals who had not lived abroad.

ity. Students who were shown information about

However, not all of the individuals who were

Chinese culture, American culture, and both

living or working abroad appeared to increase their

together showed better performance in creativity

MourGues, Ba r Bot, ta n, Gr iGor enko

263

tasks. But, more interestingly, those students who

measure of Evaluation of Potential Creativity

were exposed simultaneously to both Chinese and

(EPoC; Lubart, Besancon, & Barbot, 2011).

American cultures obtained the highest scores. Compared with Hong Kong-Chinese children, the Hence, the authors suggest that the cognitive jux-bicultural Paris-Chinese children had significantly

taposition of seemingly non-overlapping ideas from

higher scores in the graphic measures of creativity

two cultures activates a creative mindset and pro-

in EPoC but significantly lower scores in fluency

duces creative outcomes.

and flexibility in both verbal and figural tasks.

Perceived cultural distance—subjective com-

The authors suggest that these results are related

parisons between cultures—is another factor that

to the different bicultural experiences of the chil-

affects creative outcomes. Experimental studies dren. The Chinese children in France go to French have shown that the manipulation of the perceived

school, whereas the French children in Hong Kong

cultural distance has an effect on creative perfor-

attend a French-language school. Thus, the differ-

mance (Cheng & Leung, 2012). That is, the mind-

ences between the bicultural and monocultural

set that people adopt to compare cultures could

groups of children could be related to both the cre-

affect their performance on creativity tasks. Cheng

ativity domains developed previously by their own

and Leung (2012) found that individuals who cultures and the new requirements of their guest are exposed to dual-cultural information that has

cultures.

higher levels of perceived cultural distance show

Correspondingly, bilingualism could be under-

better performance in creative insight tasks when

stood as a natural consequence of BII development

they are personally predisposed to or experimen-

(Simonton, 2008). Different studies have argued

tally manipulated to adopt a difference (vs. simi-

that bilingualism is associated with better perfor-

larity) mindset. In contrast, in the same situation

mance on creativity tasks (Kharkhurin, 2008).

with lower levels of perceived cultural distance, the

The initial meta-analysis by Ricciardelli (1992)

mindset adopted by the individual did not have

showed that most studies reflect a positive relation-

an effect on his creativity performance. Thus, this

ship between bilingualism and different measures

study showed the importance of the interactions

of divergent thinking. For example, Kharkhurin

between perceptions about cultures and individual

(2007) found that Russian-English bilingual col-

attitude. Both factors may be potentially important

lege students outperformed their English mono-

in explaining why not all bicultural experiences

lingual counterparts on fluency, flexibility, and

similarly increase creativity skills.

elaboration in divergent thinking. However, simi-

Concerning children in bicultural situations,

lar to cross-cultural studies, the results for bilingual

illustratively, Lau and colleagues (2013) studied

studies vary according to the mother tongue and

bicultural effects in children using a four-group

the kind of second language acquired. For instance,

design, which differs from the normal two-group

Kharkhurin (2008) revealed that Russian-English

design in experimental studies of bicultural effects.

bilingual college students showed a better per-

The comparison of French children living in Paris

formance than their English monolingual coun-

and Chinese children living in Hong Kong seems

terparts on fluency, flexibility, and elaboration in

particularly relevant because Paris has been viewed

divergent thinking. In another study, Kharkhurin

as the European crossroads for ideas and scien-

(2009) found that Farsi-English bilingual students

tific knowledge (Mouchiroud & Lubart, 2006) showed greater originality compared with their and Hong Kong as the meeting point of Eastern

Farsi monolingual counterparts but showed no

and Western cultures (Lau, Hui, & Ng, 2004).

advantages in generative capacity.

The authors found some interesting mixed bicul-

Together, these findings suggest that the effect

tural effects favoring verbal divergent responses

of bilingual development on creativity differs across

for French children and graphic integrative cultures and that the influence of bilingualism on responses for Chinese children. Compared with

cognitive and creative abilities should be consid-

the Paris-French children, the bicultural Hong ered within the sociocultural context. In addition, Kong-French children had significantly higher different findings may be due to proficiency in the scores in figural fluency, figural flexibility, and second language or the degree of bicultural iden-figural uniqueness of Wallach-Kogan Creativity tity integration. Chen, Benet-Martínez, and Harris Test (WKCT; Wallach & Kogan, 1965) requiring

Bond (2008) argue that bicultural identity is not

only verbal divergent responses but significantly

only a phenomenon that occurs in individuals as

lower scores in the graphic divergent-exploratory

a result of immigration, but also is a phenomenon

264

t he inter aC t ion Bet w een Cu lt ur e a nd t he dev eloPMent of Cr e at i v it y

present in majority groups who come into contact

processes that are also involved in the creative

with other cultures, leading to multicultural and

work. In other words, the team could be more pro-

multilingual societies (e.g., Hong-Kong, Quebec,

ductive with respect to generating new ideas but

or Catalonia).

could struggle to make decisions about and engage

with a specific idea. In sum, whereas cross-cultural

The Multicultural Context and

comparisons of creativity development in mono-

the Development of Creativity

cultural contexts reflect many similarities among

An idea that has firmly taken root is that mul-

cultures (as well as some differences), it seems that

ticultural contexts and multicultural experiences

the richer inquiries and environments for creativity

increase knowledge about the world and in this way

may be found in multicultural contexts. When one

increase the creativity of individuals. In fact, many

country borrows things from another (concepts,

current practices in educational and organizational

products, practices) without a sense of dual iden-

settings are based on the assumption that multi-

tity, as in some bicultural situations, the exchange

cultural experiences foster creativity (Leung et al.,

may not foster creative outcomes. In these cases, it

2008 a). However, how creativity may be improved

is likely that those elements that are shared across

in these contexts has only recently been explored.

cultures (although recognized as foreign) are prone

Leung, Maddux, Galinsky, and Chiu (2008 a)

to blending. Therefore, creativity is not enhanced.

showed that multicultural experiences increase

On a smaller scale, many schools in the United

creative performance and the use of some States have multicultural groups. Considering the creativity-supporting cognitive processes. The studies reported in this chapter, we might expect bulk of studies concerning multicultural contexts

this condition to make children more creative.

and creativity are those related to working teams

However, we found no information to support this

in industry and other business or commercial set-

empirically. Multicultural studies in children have

tings (Stahl, Maznevski, Voigt, & Jonsen, 2010).

instead focused on the management of cultural

The general idea is that improvement in creative

differences in the classroom and the difficulties of

products is related to a culturally heterogeneous

multilingualism (Cvikić, 2012; Patiño-Santos &

team composition in which each member brings to

Rubinstein, 2012). This may be closely related with

the team new ideas, different perspectives, and sev-

the fact that schooling and the goals of teachers,

eral strategies for problem solving (Leung & Chiu,

as observed earlier, may not be supportive of the

2010). In other words, a multicultural context development of creativity. The study of creativity may enhance the knowledge and skills of a team

development in multicultural groups—how to turn

(Benet-Martínez & Haritatos, 2005; Tadmor &

diversity into innovation, in the classroom and out-

Tetlock, 2006). Complementarily, a study by side of it—may be the next step in nurturing cre-Tadmor and colleagues (2012) explored whether

ativity worldwide.

the performance in creativity in a brainstorm-

ing session improved compared with individual

Conclusion: Accomplishments,

performance when multicultural experiences and

Limitations, and Future Inspirations

individual creativity were controlled. Their result

In this chapter, we explored different aspects of

showed that dyads performed best on a creative

how creativity is conceptualized, how it is devel-

task when both dyad partners had high levels of

oped, and the cultural factors that have influenced

multicultural experience even when individual cre-

the perception, development, and assessment of

ativity levels were controlled. These results suggest

creativity. Over the years, a great deal has been

that multicultural experiences are important pre-

learned about how children become creative

dictors of team creativity.

within various cultures throughout the world.

However, a meta-analysis by Stahl and col-

Studies focused on understanding the role of mul-

leagues (2010) suggested that the relationship ticultural contexts in the development of creativ-between creativity and multiculturalism is not ity have shown more clearly how different cultural direct. The size of the groups, the type of task, and

elements and factors can shape the development

team tenure, among other variables, may affect

of creativity. For example, cross-cultural studies

the overall creativity and productivity of a team.

have shown how implicit and explicit conceptions

Multicultural teams may be more creative because

of creativity manifest themselves in different cre-

multiculturalism in a team improves divergent pro-

ativity profiles across cultures; some cultures are

cesses, but it also could decrease the convergent

more oriented to promote novel ideas whereas

MourGues, Ba r Bot, ta n, Gr iGor enko

265

others are more centered on the usefulness of the

Yet how will these creative products or ideas—

ideas (Lubart, 1999 b; Sternberg & Lubart, 1995).

whatever they are—be judged? In her comparison

Implicit and explicit conceptions of creativity also

of Eastern and Western conceptions of creativity,

play an important role at the school and family

Rudowicz (2003) noted that in explicit views of

level because they may promote or suppress the

creativity newness seemed valued by the West but

exploration of new environments or learning strat-

not the East, which held adaptation to be more esti-

egies, which are related to the fostering of creativ-

mable, and that the logical approach was practiced

ity (Runco & Cayirdag, 2013; Smith & Carlsson,

more by the West versus the intuitive approach of

1983). At the same time, general patterns found

the East. When these views merge, how will nov-

in other studies have indicated interesting indi-

elty be weighed? Or usefulness? In a context of

vidual differences in the development of creativity.

multiculturalism, what will be considered original?

Some of these differences are related to how indi-

The “derived etic approach” (Berry, 1989), in

viduals internalize the culture (develop precon-

which a shared concept is developed by two cul-

ceptions) and the kinds of experiences to which

tures, now seems prescient because such agree-

they are exposed within their particular cultures.

ments may soon need to be made within a country

Bicultural studies have provided an important or within what may be seen as a new culture. Will source for understanding how individual and divergent thinking still be relevant? What will the contextual variables interact to produce new and

East’s moral conception of creativity contribute to

innovative ideas. Further studies in this field are

the West’s? These are merely examples because cur-

conceiving more experimental designs to address

rent trends predict contributions from all corners of

these interactions (Maddux, Adam, & Galinsky,

the earth. In trends followed by Kim (2011), cre-

2010; Saad, Damian, Benet-Martinez, Moons, &

ativity would appear to be decreasing since 1990,

Robins, 2012).

even as IQ scores have risen. In addition, it has

Yet one of the many remaining challenges in the

been observed that creativity appears to diminish

field is to develop assessment tools and other strate-

in immigrants after two generations (Simonton,

gies to evaluate the multiple aspects of creativity

1999). Yet, according to the research presented ear-

and simultaneously compare their performance lier concerning creativity in these contexts, future across cultures while appropriately taking into multicultural societies have the potential to be more consideration different cultures’ conceptions of creative than ever. The question is, will they be?

creativity. With proper strategies, we may be able

to discern either the creative differences between

Acknowledgments

cultures or what they share in common creatively

This work would not have been possible with-

but not yet the two together. A second, intriguing,

out the generous support of Karen Jensen Neff

and imminent challenge we face is that, although

and Charles Neff, who have always believed in the

several studies have shown the effect of a multicul-

importance of developing and recognizing chil-

tural context on creativity, we do not know how

dren’s creativity. We would also like to thank the

and by what mechanisms their interactions may

Spencer Foundation for its contribution.

change over time. Each day seems to bring these

questions closer to home.

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C H A P T E R

17 Parental Ethnotheories and the

Development of Family Relationships

in Early and Middle Childhood

Sara Harkness, Caroline Johnston Mavridis, Jia Ji Liu, and Charles M. Super

Abstract

This chapter reviews research on the cultural organization of early and middle childhood, with particular reference to how parents’ cultural beliefs (parental ethnotheories) influence practices that define relationships within the family. The authors first consider the cultural construction of developmental agendas for early and middle childhood—the shared expectations that parents hold regarding what children should be able to learn and do at specific points in their development, then review several theoretical frameworks for the study of parents’ ideas, practices, and their effects on children’s activities and routines of daily life. An alternative approach is used, based on documenting, comparing, and analyzing research on particular samples of families within geographical y defined culture areas and also considering the roles of fathers, siblings, and grandparents. The review also examines how children’s temperamental differences are differential y perceived and responded to across cultures. Avenues for future research are also suggested.

Key Words: early childhood, middle childhood, parenting practices, parental ethnotheories, culture, temperament, Asia, Africa, Europe, United States

In the early 1970s, Sara Harkness and Charles

interrupted by the cries of little Chepkemoi, who

Super spent 3 years living in Kokwet, a small, rural

was just waking up from a nap in her room on the

community of Kipsigis families in western Kenya,

other side of the house.

doing research on child development and fam-

“I’ll just wait to finish this section of the les-

ily life. Sara became a “new mother” there, and as

son before getting her out of bed,” Sara thought,

Kokwet consisted of just 54 households, everyone

not wanting to interrupt the teacher and perhaps

knew about the “European” family and took an

thinking that picking up fussing babies too quickly

interest in their latest member “Chepkemoi,” the

might “spoil” them. Her Kipsigis mentors, how-

baby’s Kipsigis name indicating that she had been

ever, knew better—and also saw that the new

born at night, in far-away Nairobi.

mother needed guidance from more experienced

It was not long after their return to Kokwet

parents.

with the new baby that Sara was back to studying

“Pick up the baby, Sara,” they advised; it was

the Kipsigis language under the tutelage of Arap

clear that she had already kept the baby waiting in

Maritim, a neighbor whose education gave him

distress longer than proper. Sara hastened to pick

some authority as a teacher, and our senior research

the baby up, and the lesson continued without fur-

assistant Lila Grace. On a cool afternoon as they

ther interruption as Sara nursed her baby.

sat in the living room of what had once been a

On a later occasion, Sara and Lila Grace arrived

British settler’s home—now on loan by the com-

at the homestead of the Mitei family and encoun-

munity to the researchers—the Kipsigis lesson was

tered the following scene, as we have described

271

elsewhere (Harkness & Super, 1996). Mrs. Mitei,

the ways that parents’ cultural beliefs, or parental

whom we were to interview on this occasion, was

ethnotheories, are instantiated in practices that in

busy chopping wood outside her hut, wielding a

turn define relationships within the family. We first

large ax with practiced dexterity as she split a log

consider the cultural construction of developmen-

into pieces small enough for the cooking fire inside.

tal agendas for early and middle childhood—the

As usual, several of her seven children could be

shared expectations that parents hold regarding

seen nearby doing other chores, playing, or sitting

what children should be able to learn and do at spe-

together. Our attention was immediately drawn to

cific points in their development. We then review

one child, however. Two-year-old Kibet was sitting

several theoretical frameworks for the study of par-

by himself on a tree stump, wailing lustily and kick-

ents’ ideas and practices and their effects on chil-

ing his feet against the stump; his face was screwed

dren’s activities and routines of daily life, including

into a picture of anger and misery even though few

an ethnographically derived set of distinctions

tears were in evidence. The scene was striking in

based on cultural regions. Most of the published

the contrast between the agitation of the little boy

literature concerns mothers and children, but we

and the calm lack of concern of his mother.

also consider children’s relationships with fathers,

“What’s the matter with Kibet?” Lila asked after

siblings, and grandparents. Our review also consid-

the customary greeting. Mrs. Mitei’s answer was

ers how individual differences in children’s temper-

succinct but expressive: “Kasinyin” (literally, “his

ament are differentially perceived and responded to

work”). The child was “doing his thing,” as we

across cultures. In conclusion, we reflect on what

might have put it—there was nothing really wrong

has been learned about culture and family rela-

with him so no further attention was required, and

tions, and we suggest avenues for future research.

he would soon enough get over it on his own.

Although quite different in their apparent regard

Developmental Expectations: Setting

for a child’s emotional state, both of these scenar-

the Agenda for Parenting

ios reflect well-practiced cultural scripts in which

Although universal stages of childhood are rec-

the parents we observed could either tell us what

ognized across different cultures, parents’ expecta-

should be done or simply demonstrate it. The cus-

tions of the particular skills or competencies that

toms of care that these scripts illustrate are, in turn,

children should have mastered at these stages vary

instantiations of parental ethnotheories about the

dramatically. Recognition of such culturally con-

nature and needs of babies and toddlers; together,

stituted “developmental timetables” was an early

they represent two of the three components of the

discovery of cross-cultural research (Ninio, 1979)

Developmental Niches of children in this particu-

that proved generative of a continuing tradition.

lar community. (The third component, settings of

As Edwards, Gandini, and Giovaninni (1996)

daily life, creates the context for the other two: see

explain, developmental timetables are important

Harkness & Super, 2012; Super & Harkness, 1986,

for children’s actual development because they lead

2002). The two scenarios also illustrate the devel-

to early mastery of culturally valued competencies

opmental specificity of children’s culturally orga-

(see also Edwards, Ren, & Brown, this volume).

nized niches—a point that we take for granted in

A great deal of research on developmental time-

our own cultures while sometimes finding it sur-

tables has used a questionnaire created by a team

prising in others. Like development itself, however,

of US and Japanese researchers (the Developmental

the niches of children as they progress from one

Expectations Questionnaire [DEQ]; Hess,

culturally recognized stage to the next build on

Kashiwagi, Azuma, Price, & Dickson, 1980). The

each other, elaborating internally consistent themes

DEQ was developed to measure adults’ expecta-

over time (Super & Harkness, 1999). One of our

tions of child behavior in seven domains: Emotional

tasks as students of development across cultures is

maturity, Compliance, Politeness, Independence,

to understand the logic of this locally understood

School-related skills, Social skills, and Verbal

consistency and how it plays out (or fails to play out,

assertiveness. Looking back at the content of the

in some instances) in the relationships that parents

DEQ, it is not surprising to find that the instru-

construct with their children, as well as in the rela-

ment itself reflects both its historical and cultural

tionships that children build with each other.

context. A few items (notably “Makes phone calls

In this chapter, we review research on the cul-

without help,” “Can tell time to a quarter-hour,”

tural organization of children’s lives in early and

and “Looks things up in picture encyclopedia”)

middle childhood, with particular reference to reflect skills that are no longer needed in quite the 272

Pa r enta l et hnot heor ies a nd t he dev eloPMent of fa Mily r el at ionshiPs

same form, given the digital revolution of recent

to complete chores (of whatever sort) of increas-

decades. Some items seem (at least to us) particu-

ing complexity was considered part of a culturally

larly “American” (e.g. “Spends own money care-

constituted developmental agenda, whereas for the

fully,” “Stands up for own rights with others”)

Lebanese-Australian mothers it was not.

whereas others seem more “Japanese” (e.g. “Gives

Studies such as these support the proposition that

up reading or TV to help mother,” “Gets own way

“developmental timetables” are themselves cultural

by persuading friends”). The items, to be rated in

constructions expressing widely held beliefs about

relation to “children in general,” are to be assigned

the nature of children’s development and parents’

to one of three age groups (younger than 4 years,

roles in helping their children succeed. Within the

4–6 years, and 6 years or older), thus capturing the

framework of the DEQ, the trend toward earlier

transition from early to middle childhood.

expectations by parents in the United States was

Using a slightly adapted version of the DEQ,

strongly confirmed by Edwards and colleagues’

Goodnow, Cashmore, Cotton, and Knight (1996) comparative study of middle-class parents (1984) compared the developmental timetables and preschool teachers in a New England town of Lebanese-born mothers residing in Australia and an Italian city, with the US parents expressing with Anglo-Australian mothers, and they also the very earliest expectations—especially for social reanalyzed Hess et al.’s earlier data on US and

and verbal development—of any study to date. The

Japanese mothers. They found that both the authors did not find expected differences in the Anglo-Australian mothers and the US mothers opposite direction for certain social skills that they had earlier expectations than did the Lebanese had observed to be strongly socialized in the Italian and Japanese mothers, particularly with regard to

context—a finding that may have been related to

social skills with peers and verbal assertiveness.

the extremely early expectations of the US parents

Relatedly, the Anglo-Australian mothers, who or to the possibility that the questionnaire itself was had earlier expectations for school-related skills,

not able to capture such qualitative differences. For

more frequently reported teaching their children

whatever reason, it appears that US, Australian,

such skills before their children entered school.

and perhaps other British-diaspora middle-class

Although these mothers were somewhat more edu-

cultural groups have relatively early developmen-

cated on average than their Lebanese counterparts

tal expectations for children’s skills in expressing

(neither group was highly educated), mothers’ years

themselves verbally and being assertive and outgo-

of schooling were not significantly related to dif-

ing with peers.

ferences in their developmental expectations; the

Group differences in expectations have also

authors concluded that the differences they saw

been found in studies carried out in low- or middle-

were essentially cultural.

income countries when more educated, often urban

Further research by Goodnow and her associates

mothers are compared to their less educated coun-

(Goodnow, 1996) provides additional insight into

terparts in rural areas, as in Williams, Soetjiningsih,

cultural differences between the Anglo-Australian

and Williams’s (2000) report on developmen-

and Lebanese-born mothers by focusing specifically

tal timetables in Bali. They propose that some

on developmental expectations related to household

low-income countries may be characterized as

chores. The Anglo-Australian mothers expected having “dualistic economies and social systems,”

their 5-year-old children so do “some regular job,”

in which the more educated, affluent, and urban

although the jobs the mothers mentioned—for communities may have come to represent different example, putting pajamas under the pillow, mak-cultures with regard to beliefs and practices con-

ing their bed by pulling up the duvet—were, as the

cerning children’s development. Even within the

authors put it (p. 319), in the nature of “self-care.”

same community, however—as illustrated by von

In contrast, the Lebanese-Australian mothers der Lippe’s (1999) study of mothers’ in low-income thought it “laughable” that one would expect any

areas of Cairo, Egypt—more educated mothers

regular chores of children this age because they

(especially those working outside the home) may

were considered “still babies.” Notably, however,

have earlier developmental expectations for their

these “babies” were expected to help look after or

children and more positive verbal interactions with

entertain a younger sibling—a responsibility that,

them. The author emphasized, however, that in

as the authors pointed out, few Anglo-Australian

general, all the Cairene mothers valued a control-

mothers would assign to a 5-year-old child. For the

ling, restricting, and protective style of childrearing

Anglo-Australian mothers, thus, the child’s ability

and “even the educated working mothers favoured

h a r k ness, Johnston M av r idis, Ji l iu, suPer

273

passivity, compliance, and morality, suggesting Parents emphasized the importance of early motor that change toward a more sociable child-rearing

development as a practical matter: from the age

style is slow even in the face of intense and perhaps

of 2 years on, children should begin to care for

unrealistic hopes that education could change the

themselves and help their parents—dressing and

fate of their children” (p. 723). Strikingly, the home

undressing themselves, taking care of their own

environments of these children seemed to offer lit-

belongings, helping parents with small errands,

tle stimulation through either traditional activities

participating in domestic chores, and making small

that might be more readily found in rural house-

purchases at the local stores. Some parents even

holds or through activities typical of more edu-

described training their children so that by 4 years

cated, child-centered urban families: the Cairene

of age, the child could herd cows alone, riding on

children were not allowed to play outside, and there

a horse!

was little room for indoor play or need for their

The relationship between developmental expec-

help with household tasks.

tations and parents’ broader perceptions of their

A comparable instrument to the DEQ for assess-

children is demonstrated in a study in Kokwet (the

ing parents’ developmental expectations in tradi-

rural Kipsigis community in this chapter’s open-

tional societies has not yet been proposed, but some

ing vignette), compared to a middle-class sample

studies suggest fruitful directions. For example,

in the town of Duxbury, Massachusetts, then a

Akinaware, Wilson-Oyelaran, Ladipo, Pierce, &

quiet distant suburb of Boston. The task of doing

Zeitlin (no date), cited in Harkness, Super, Barry,

an errand, which figures prominently in research

Zeitlin, & Long, 2009) carried out a survey of

in sub-Saharan African studies (Zeitlin, 1996), was

child care and development of young children generally perceived in Kokwet as a sign not only of in five different community samples in Nigeria,

maturity, but also a good indicator of the child’s

including rural and urban Yoruba communities, as

personality. Mothers of children aged 3–10 years

well as other ethnic groups (e.g., Fulani, Efut, Efik,

old were asked whether each of their children in

Kwa, and Terawa). Mothers in each sample were

that age range was old enough to be entrusted

interviewed about the child’s health and behavior,

with a local errand and also whether the child was

maternal socialization practices, and aspirations old enough for the mother to know “what kind for the child’s development. In these communities,

of child” he or she was. For the Kokwet mothers,

the researchers found, mothers expected that by

judgments of whether the child was old enough to

3 years of age children should be able to exercise

go to a local shop to make a small purchase (a walk

control over their bodily functions, communicate

of 5–20 minutes from home) and whether the child

clearly, and feed themselves. By about 5 years,

was old enough for the mother to know its person-

children were considered capable of dressing them-

ality, increased in parallel from age 3 to 9 years,

selves, running errands, and greeting elders. Such

with about two-thirds of the mothers of 6-year-olds

children should be able to interact outside the fam-

expressing positive judgments of both. In contrast,

ily in a social and helpful manner. The increased

70% of the New England mothers thought they

physical development of the 5-year-old, which could judge their child’s personality at age 3, and awarded the child greater mobility, also dictated

this proportion rose to 100% for the 6-year-olds.

additional responsibilities: a child who was able

The New England age trend in mothers’ judgments

to run down the street to play with friends would

of whether the child was old enough to make a small

also be capable of fetching water, buying bread, and

purchase independently in one store at a local shop-

delivering messages. By 7 or 8 years, the child was

ping mall while the mother was at a different store

deemed fully a member of society. Seven-year-olds

(an adaptation of the Kokwet measure), however,

were expected to obey and respect their elders, care

generally paralleled the Kokwet age trend but never

for themselves and younger siblings, and assist in

reached 100%, even for children aged 9. Evidently,

the home and in the workplace. By around 8 years,

the Kokwet and Duxbury mothers were using dif-

children were expected to be able to think for

ferent kinds of criteria for judging their child’s

themselves.

personality. For the Kokwet mothers, a child’s per-

As one might imagine, these traditional expec-

sonality could not really be judged until the child

tations were tied to specific practices intended to

was old enough to carry out errands responsibly: at

help a child accomplish these goals. Walking, for

that point, some children distinguished themselves

example, was encouraged by standing up facing

by carrying out the errand as instructed, without

the baby and backing up as the baby approached.

getting distracted along the way. For the Duxbury

274

Pa r enta l et hnot heor ies a nd t he dev eloPMent of fa Mily r el at ionshiPs

mothers, in contrast, the child’s personality could

storage of food. At one end of the distribution were

be known much earlier because other aspects of

hunting and gathering societies, where daily efforts

behavior such as verbal communication were seen

at foraging, fishing, or hunting provided food for

as more relevant.

immediate consumption. At the other end were

Culturally based developmental timetables carry

societies based on pastoralism or agriculture, where

strong mandates for children’s acquisition of a vari-

animals must be faithfully tended and crops must

ety of skills at particular ages, with implications

be planted, tended, stored, and used planfully until

for parents, teachers, and policy makers. As Zigler

the next harvest. The authors argued that, in soci-

(2006, p. xi) stated in relation to the challenge of

eties with high food accumulation, there would

early childhood education in the United States,

be a need to train children to be responsible, con-

“Too many children were arriving at Head Start

servative, and willing to defer to seniors to ensure

already seriously behind what one would expect of

survival of the group. Societies characterized by

a 3-year-old.” He did not explain exactly what one

low food accumulation, on the other hand, would

should expect of 3-year-olds in the United States at

encourage the development of initiative and imagi-

the present time—perhaps that seemed self-evident

nation in finding food for the day. The results

for the audience he was writing to. Concerns such

confirmed expectations: societies high in food

as these about whether children are “ready” for

accumulation tended to have stronger “socializa-

school or even preschool inevitably translate to

tion pressures” toward children’s obedience and

concerns about whether parents are doing their job

responsibility, whereas low-accumulation societies

well. For our present purposes, thus, the culturally

encouraged achievement, self-reliance, and inde-

based developmental timetables that parents hold

pendence in children. The association between sub-

for their young children are important because

sistence type and socialization practices was found

they set the agenda toward desired cultural goals

to be so consistent that the authors concluded that

along a prescribed and generally shared timeline.

“a knowledge of the economy alone would enable

This agenda, in turn, determines the substance of

one to predict with considerable accuracy whether

daily roles and family relationships that the child

a society’s socialization pressures were primarily

experiences.

toward compliance or assertion” (p. 59).

Barry, Child, and Bacon’s study has assumed

Cultural Variability: The Search

the status of a classic in anthropology: on the

for General Principles

basis of their work, social anthropologists do

Researchers who study cultural variability in

indeed predict (with considerable accuracy) the

parenting and children’s development are almost

type of parenting styles that will be encountered

inevitably drawn to a larger question: is there any

in small-scale non-Western, traditional societies.

predictable order in this variation, or is each cul-

Other cross-cultural research has shown that father

tural group a unique entity that bears no com-

involvement is also related to subsistence types,

parison with others? Although some scholars have

with higher involvement in societies characterized

argued for the latter perspective, there is a long tra-

as having a “lack of material accumulation, such

dition within both anthropology and psychology of

as land, cattle, or money” (Hewlett, 2004, p. 186).

efforts to find the key determinants of variability—

Harkness and Super’s field research in a “high

and thus to be able to group cultures together into

food-accumulation society,” the Kipsigis of Kenya,

larger categories. Several of these are particularly

illustrates the general pattern: children in Kokwet

relevant to the study of parent-child relationships.

were socialized to be responsible and obedient,

and they were expected to help with cow herding,

Subsistence Types and Parenting:

agricultural tasks, food preparation, and infant

A Cross-Cultural Analysis

care (Harkness & Super, 1991; Harkness & Super,

In 1959, cross-cultural psychologists Herbert

2012). The general association between economic

Barry, Irvin Child, and Margaret Bacon (1959) pub-

subsistence and child socialization is also reflected

lished an analysis of economic subsistence patterns

in changes documented among the !Kung people

and childrearing practices in a worldwide sample of

of the Kalahari desert in southern Africa, a tradi-

104 societies described in the ethnographic litera-

tional hunting-and-gathering society undergoing

ture as represented in the Human Relations Area

the transition to a sedentary agricultural lifestyle

Files. Societies were rated in terms of the degree

(Draper & Cashdan, 1988): whereas !Kung chil-

to which they depended on the accumulation and

dren living in their traditional habitat were granted

h a r k ness, Johnston M av r idis, Ji l iu, suPer

275

a longer period of infancy and were expected to do

themselves are also assigned by their cultures to

little work until well into adolescence, parents liv-

different settings with their own distinctive profiles

ing in sedentary agricultural settlements attempted

of personnel and activities. Fathers’ involvement in

to train their children to help out with the ongoing

the care of young children, for example, was found

work of the household. Interestingly, Barry, Child,

to vary dramatically across cultures, and this varia-

and Bacon’s cross-cultural finding on subsistence

tion appears to be mediated by the more general

types and childrearing is also borne out by a recent

division of labor between husband and wife, their

comparative study of parenting attitudes and degree of emotional intimacy or aloofness, and expectations among the circumpolar indigenous

associated living arrangements. In societies such

Sami (who traditionally relied on herding reindeer

as sub-Saharan groups where husband and wife

and hunting) and mainstream Norwegian mothers

customarily eat and sleep apart and have separate

and fathers (Javo, Ronning, & Heyerdahl, 2004).

spheres of responsibility, fathers’ involvement with

The authors report that the Sami parents were more

the care of infants was found to be minimal or even

permissive and their children were more indepen-

culturally proscribed; in societies characterized by

dent than their Norwegian peers.

high intimacy and sharing of work roles, on the

Notably, Barry, Child, and Bacon’s model of

other hand, fathers shared child care tasks with

subsistence types and socialization pressures did not

their wives (B. B. Whiting & Edwards, 1988).

require conscious thinking on the part of parents

The settings of mothers’ own lives were found

who were assumed to train their children—logi-

to contribute to three different behavioral “mater-

cally—for the kinds of tasks and roles that would

nal profiles” in field studies based on a world-

be needed in the future. Similarly, a theoretical

wide sample of communities (B. B. Whiting &

model proposed by John and Beatrice Whiting (B.

Edwards, 1988; B. B. Whiting & Whiting, 1975;

B. Whiting & Whiting, 1975; J. W. M. Whiting,

see also Edwards, Ren, & Brown, this volume).

1977) hypothesizes a direct relationship between

B. B. Whiting and Edwards (1988) found that

“maintenance systems” (social, economic, and mothers’ behavior with their children across this political structures) and parenting, without the worldwide array could be considered in terms of necessity of conscious parental reflection. As they

four main categories: nurturance, training, con-

put it, “It is not assumed that parents [choose par-

trol, and sociability. Cultural differences in the

enting styles] in any conscious way, though this

relative frequencies of these behaviors formed

might be the case in some instances, but rather that

the basis for suggesting three different styles of

different daily life routines dictated by different

mothers: the “training mother,” found in all the

sets of environmental and historical factors impel

sub-Saharan agricultural societies; the “control-

parents to interact with children in different ways,

ling mother,” found in other agricultural com-

to assign different tasks, and to reward and pun-

munities of the Philippines, Mexico, and north

ish different ways of behaving” (B. B. Whiting &

India; and the “sociable mother,” found only in

Whiting, 1975, p. 71).

the American community of Orchard Town,

where sociability was the second most frequent

Women’s Workload and Parenting:

type of behavior after control (unlike the other

Comparative Field Studies

samples, in which sociability was ranked third or

As further elaborated by Beatrice Whiting fourth). Each of these profiles was explained in (1980), the subsistence base of the culture shapes

terms of the ecology of mothers’ lives. Mothers

women’s workload, which then becomes the proxi-

in the sub-Saharan communities were generally

mal determinant of parenting style. This perspec-

farmers as well as housewives; their husbands

tive on the role of parents as socializing agents

were less involved in agriculture after plowing

represents a notable departure from psychological

and sowing the fields, and much of the hoeing,

literature focused on parent–child interaction: in

weeding, and picking was left to the women.

essence, B. Whiting proposed that parents have a

Under the direction of these “executive mothers,”

greater effect through their “assignment” of chil-

as they also have been described, children were

dren to different settings, insofar as these settings

essential workers in the home and fields, help-

determine the whole array of interactions that chil-

ing with everything from child care and cooking

dren experience. But children, according to this

to animal herding. The “controlling mothers,”

approach, are not the only ones whose behavior

in contrast, had less work beyond child care,

is shaped by their settings of daily life—parents

due to the fact that their husbands did more

276

Pa r enta l et hnot heor ies a nd t he dev eloPMent of fa Mily r el at ionshiPs

agricultural work and also participated more in

of communities and their respective psycholo-

domestic work; in addition, these women often

gies: one typified by the traditional village such

had other women who were coresident in the

as the Nso village in Cameroon that she and her

household—for example, sisters, sisters-in-law, colleagues have studied, the other represented by grandmothers, or mothers-in-law—who might middle-class communities in western Germany.

also be relied on for help with running the house-

Each type of community fosters a particular kind

hold and taking care of the children. The “socia-

of “self,” which is either interdependent or indepen-

ble mothers,” found only in the US middle-class

dent. Other intermediate societies show a mixture

sample, differed from all the others in having

of these two types of selves and their expressions in,

smaller, more isolated households with few other

among other things, parenting beliefs and practices

adults available in the immediate surroundings.

Keller, 2007; see also Keller, this volume).

Under these conditions, Whiting and Edwards

The dependent/interdependent contrast in com-

suggested, mothers turned to their children for

munities has also been conceptualized in terms

companionship.

of two distinctive “developmental pathways” by

Greenfield and her associates (Greenfield, 2009;

Dividing the World into Two: Contrasts

Greenfield, Keller, Fulgni, & Maynard, 2003).

of Parenting Across Cultures

As Raeff, Greenfield, and Quiroz (2000, p. 464)

The Whitings and their associates emphasized

describe the contrast: “In an independent develop-

the influence of the environment—including par-

mental pathway, social obligations are individually

ticularly mothers’ workload and the ecology of

negotiated; opportunities to select social relation-

their own daily lives—as proximal determinants

ships (personal choice) and to act freely in those

of mothers’ childrearing styles. More recently, the

relationships (individual rights) are maximized.”

work of Robert LeVine and others has brought

The contrast between postindustrial, mostly

attention to other dimensions of difference in the

Western societies that prioritize individual devel-

ecology of parenting across cultures (LeVine et al.,

opment and traditional agricultural societies

1994). In particular, LeVine points to the role of

characterized by more interdependent family rela-

population differences in child survival—both tionships extends to sibling relationships. Weisner’s actual and anticipated—as they influence the ways

pioneering cross-cultural studies have shown that

that parents attend to infants and young children.

in these latter societies, siblings are expected to

He suggests that “what parents want for their chil-

maintain close relationships involving not only

dren” can be conceptualized in terms of a univer-

emotional but also material support throughout

sal hierarchy of goals, ranging from ensuring basic

their lives (Weisner, 1989; Weisner & Gallimore,

survival to the acquisition of economic capabilities,

1977). Relatedly, Cicirelli (1994) contrasts sibling

and finally to the attainment of locally relevant

relationships in industrialized versus nonindustri-

cultural values. In traditional agrarian societ-

alized societies, noting that they tend to be discre-

ies with high infant mortality rates, such as have

tionary in the former but mandatory in the latter.

been prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa, he argues,

During early and middle childhood, older siblings

parents’ caregiving behavior is organized by the

in traditional societies are often not only caretakers

most basic goal of ensuring survival past infancy.

but also teachers of their younger brothers and sis-

In urbanized industrial societies with low infant

ters (Maynard, 2002; Rabain-Jamin, Maynard, &

mortality rates, on the other hand, LeVine suggests

Greenfield, 2003). In contrast to care by mothers

that parents’ goals are oriented around the child’s

or other adults, however, older siblings’ care and

acquisition of skills and cultural values. These dif-

teaching tends to be mixed with play (Farver &

ferent parental goals are expressed in differential

Wimbarti, 1995).

rates of “proximal” caregiving behavior (such as

Both Keller and Greenfield’s conceptualizations

holding the baby) versus “distal” behavior (talk-

can be seen as elaborations on (or responses to)

ing to the baby), with mothers in high-mortality

the individualism versus collectivism (I/C) frame-

societies providing more of the former type of care

work, which has been widely used in cross-cultural

(Richman, Miller, & LeVine, 1992).

comparative research on parenting and child

The “proximal-distal” dichotomy is also a core

development. As described by Triandis in an early

part of a theory of cultural differences in infant

formulation, “Individualists give priority to per-

care practices proposed by Heidi Keller (2007),

sonal goals over the goals of the collectives; collec-

who argues that there are two basic prototypes

tivists either make no distinctions between personal

h a r k ness, Johnston M av r idis, Ji l iu, suPer

277

and collective goals, or if they do make such dis-

Kağitçibaşi notes that this kind of family model is

tinctions, they subordinate their personal goals to

typical of many societies in transition from tradi-

the collective goals” (Triandis, 1989, p. 509).

tional to modern (see also Kağitçibaşi, this volume).

Although the apparent simplicity of the I/C

In summary, almost all of the models of parent-

contrast makes it an attractive organizing concept,

ing, family, and child development reviewed here

researchers have encountered problems in its appli-

draw connections between socioeconomic struc-

cation to a variety of cross-cultural comparisons.

tures and family relations, and they all propose a

In recent years, therefore, there has been increas-

very small number of types of parenting. The only

ing recognition that both autonomy and related-

exception is the I/C contrast, which was originally

ness are basic human needs that must be nurtured

proposed to explain global variation in corporate

to promote healthy development, beginning in the

management styles (Hofstede, 1980) and then

family (Kağitçibaşi, 2007; Tamis-LeMonda et al.,

adopted more widely as a way of conceptualizing

2007).

differences between Asian and Western (especially

US) personalities (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).

Social Change: Three Types of Families,

Barry, Child, and Bacon’s (1959) study examined

and One Empty Cell

socialization pressures in low vs. high “food accu-

Prominent in this theoretical argument is the

mulation” cultures, that is, between hunting and

work of Çiğdem Kağitçibaşi, a Turkish psycholo-

gathering societies on the one hand and agricultural

gist whose college and postgraduate training in

ones on the other. Although hunting and gather-

the United States contributed to her cross-cultural

ing groups figure prominently in the ethnographic

perspective on family relations and individual literature, they are almost nonexistent in today’s development. She suggests that the emphasis world—at least in the places that cross-cultural psy-on individualism/independence found in much chologists tend to do research. On the other hand, Western research and clinical literature is actually

traditional agricultural groups remain common

a cultural product that “reflects the individual-

around the world, and Barry, Child, and Bacon’s

istic ethos of the Western [especially US] world”

characterization of them is in close agreement with

(Kağitçibaşi, 2005, p. 405). In this mindset, she

more recent work that contrast them with post-

argues, independence in the sense of agency (free-

modern “Western” cultures. LeVine’s framework,

dom to make one’s own choices) tends to be con-

for example, contrasts traditional societies (e.g.,

fused with interpersonal distance. Recognizing the

African villages) where infant mortality rates are

difference between these two meanings of inde-

high and parents thus focus primarily on the physi-

pendence, she proposes a two-dimensional model

cal survival of their children to postmodern societ-

in which the first dimension, Agency, contrasts

ies, where parents usually assume that their children

autonomy to heteronomy (lack of self-direction),

will be healthy and therefore focus on developing

while the second, Interpersonal distance, contrasts

children’s individual capacities. Likewise, both

separation to relatedness. Kağitçibaşi applies this

Keller and Greenfield contrast “proximal” care-

conceptualization to cultural variability in fam-

taking styles focusing on care of the baby’s body,

ily relationships across cultures and over historical

typical of traditional agricultural societies, to “dis-

time, finding three cultural types of family mod-

tal” caretaking that involves more attention to the

els (the fourth would be dysfunctional families).

baby as an interactive and intelligent social partner,

The first is the family model of interdependence,

a parenting style found in educated, postmodern

stressing an obedience orientation in children; urban societies. Beatrice Whiting’s three “mater-this model is often found in traditional agricul-

nal profiles” also contrast mothers in traditional

tural societies. The second, the Independent family

agricultural societies to mothers in a middle-class

(found in the postindustrial West and especially in

US town but she further subdivides the traditional

the United States), features high agency and sepa-

societies into two types—the “training mothers”

ration as goals for children’s successful develop-

of sub-Saharan Africa, where children are needed

ment. The third model features psychological (but

to help out with the work of the household, and

not material) interdependence; instead, this model

the “dominant mothers” in India, Okinawa, the

combines encouragement of autonomy for the chil-

Philippines, and Mexico, where children are not

dren but in the context of continuing close family

expected to contribute so much. Last, Kağitçibaşi’s

relationships, resulting in the development of what

framework, with its added differentiation between

Kağitçibaşi calls the “autonomous relational self.”

two aspects of “independence,” again returns to a

278

Pa r enta l et hnot heor ies a nd t he dev eloPMent of fa Mily r el at ionshiPs

socioeconomic basis for explaining differences in

proximal physical and emotional care with a strong

families across cultures.

emphasis on moral and intellectual training. This

combination may seem paradoxical from a Western

Parent–Child Relationships

cultural perspective, and, in fact, it violates the pro-

Across Culture Areas

posed divide between “proximal” caretaking (typi-

Although these general frameworks have cal of traditional agricultural societies with high made important contributions to understanding

infant mortality rates) with the more “distal” style

cross-cultural differences in parenting, they may

(attributed to educated parents in the industrialized

fall short when attempting to describe the many

“West”). This Asian profile of maternal care has also

facets of parents’ relationships with their children.

been the focus of a debate in the literature regard-

An empirically based regional approach that groups

ing the applicability of Baumrind’s (1971) parenting

communities together according to observed simi-

classification, according to which Asian parents have

larities across a wide variety of domains—whether

been categorized as “authoritarian.” Chao (1994),

or not they can be neatly summarized in a single

among others, disputes the validity of Baumrind’s

descriptive term—is helpful for setting realis-

classification scheme, suggesting instead the Chinese

tic expectations of what one is likely to find in a

concept of “training.” She proposes that what looks

particular cultural place, much as anthropologist

like authoritarian behavior is better conceptualized

George Peter Murdock (1963) mapped constel-

as preparation for successful development in the

lations of cultural and linguistic traits around Asian cultural context. In particular, Chao argues the globe. As Whiting and Edwards (1988) note,

that the element of hostility inherent in Baumrind’s

mothers of young children everywhere must meet

US-based “authoritarian” parenting style is not pres-

several universal challenges of parenting, including

ent in the “training” style described by Chao, which

taking care of the child’s physical well-being, pro-

may be both nurturant and strict.

viding emotional support and protection from fear-

Elements of both these themes are evident in

ful experiences, and teaching manners and skills

research with Asian populations from infancy

appropriate for their age and place. The question

to middle childhood. Among the earliest work,

for cross-cultural researchers then becomes how to

Caudill and Weinstein (1969) documented a close-

conceptualize the differing ways that mothers—as

ness and intimacy between Japanese mothers and

well as fathers and other caretakers—meet these

their infants much greater than in their US sam-

challenges of childrearing and how they construct

ple. More recently, Harkness and her associates

relationships with children in the process.

reported that mothers in their middle-class Korean

The theoretical approaches to parenting and sample preferred having a great deal of physical culture that we have considered, although distinct

contact with their babies during both waking and

from each other in some ways, are consistent in

sleep (Harkness, Super, Moscardino, Rha, Blom,

identifying a small number of themes that tend

Huitrón, Johnston, Sutherland, Hyun, Axia, &

to occur together in various combinations across

Palacios, 2007). One mother described a sometimes

cultures. These universal themes are transformed

lengthy process of putting her 2-month-old baby

into culture-specific patterns by virtue of the down to sleep, in which the mother would make ways that they are combined, in addition to their

a slow transition from holding the baby upright,

embeddedness in the larger culture. The result is

to holding her horizontally, to very gently plac-

cultural models of parenting—or parental eth-

ing her in her crib or on a sleeping mat—only to

notheories—that are universally recognizable yet

start all over again if the baby woke up in the pro-

culturally unique. Although a review of all the

cess. Another mother provided a similar descrip-

major (let alone smaller) culture areas of the world

tion, adding that “When she goes to sleep, I always

is beyond the scope of this chapter, we apply this

sleep next to her—that way she can sleep well”

approach to three areas for which there is substan-

(Harkness et al., 2007, p. 29). Yet these same moth-

tial published evidence: Asia, sub-Saharan Africa,

ers were already promoting early learning in their

and Western industrialized societies.

young infants -- one reported playing audio tapes

for her baby in Korean and English, commenting

Asia: Proximal Care, Disciplined

“The earlier she starts the better” (Harkness, Super,

Moral and Academic Training

& Mavridis, 2011, p. 84).

The cultural model of parenting that emerges

The cultural emphasis on early academic learning

from many studies in East Asian societies combines

is shared widely across the East and Southeast Asian

h a r k ness, Johnston M av r idis, Ji l iu, suPer

279

region. In two related studies, Parmar, Harkness,

understand” and therefore calmly accept distress-

and Super (2004, 2008) found that immigrant par-

ing situations rather than protesting or trying to

ents from several Asian countries residing in the

change them. As the authors comment, “our quali-

United States were similar to each other in valu-

tative data suggested that mothers wanted their

ing and supporting early academic achievement children to understand that they should accept for their preschool children. In contrast to their

and adjust to the situation, because internalization

Euro-American counterparts, these Asian parents

of this important cultural value is a critical step

saw themselves as teachers for their children, and

toward the larger goal of becoming a socially inter-

they encouraged learning by purchasing educational

related person” (p. 854).

toys for the children, requesting homework assign-

The connections among early socialization for

ments from the preschool (or creating them), and

moral and academic learning and mothers’ expres-

engaging in academic teaching with the children.

sion of emotional closeness are demonstrated by a

The Euro-American parents also wished to teach

study of mothers’ beliefs in Hong Kong and the

their children, but saw themselves more as playmates

United States regarding parents’ roles in children’s

(although their “play” was often didactic).

learning (Ng, Pomerantz, & Lam, 2013). In con-

There is also a culturally distinctive empha-

trast to parents in the United States, the researchers

sis across much of East Asia on teaching chil-

found that the Hong Kong mothers thought that

dren to feel “shame” at an early age, as described

children’s learning reflects morality and that par-

by Fung’s longitudinal ethnographic research ents’ support of learning, in turn, is an expression among middle-class families with young children

of love. This triad of cultural beliefs can be seen as

in Taiwan (Fung, 1999). She found that this pro-

the foundation of an East Asian cultural model for

cess was already well under way (albeit in a playful

parenting young children.

manner) by the time the children were 2.5 years of

The great majority of research on parent-

age, with the intent of teaching children to distin-

ing in Asia has focused on mothers. In East Asia

guish right from wrong and to desire to improve

(China, Korea, and Japan), according to Shwalb,

themselves. Likewise, Miller, Wiley, Fung, and Nakazawa, Yamamoto, and Hyun (2004), fathers Liang’s (1997) comparative study of mothers’ have been largely absent from this research until personal storytelling in the presence of young more recently “because affective relationships children reports that Chinese mothers used story-between mothers and children are considered more

telling to teach moral and social standards, whereas

important than father–child relationships in these

Euro-American mothers used it to entertain and

cultures” (p. 147). This cultural model is described

affirm the good qualities of the child. Moral teach-

as based in Confucian tradition, which dictates

ing in this cultural context may also involve learn-

complementary roles for mothers and fathers, with

ing “situational-appropriate deceptive skills” in mothers as nurturers and fathers as authority fig-order to preserve social harmony, an important

ures. Interestingly, however, Confucian teaching

quality, as demonstrated by Wang, Bernas, and

also advised that fathers should be kind to their

Eberhard’s (2012) study of Chinese mothers and

children. As Li and Lamb write (2013, p. 18),

their 4-year-old children. In their study, naturalis-

“Parental strictness and kindness were not only

tic observations of the mother–child pairs at home

both emphasized, they were also viewed as com-

revealed many instances of direct teaching about

patible.” In this regard, then, fathers’ culturally

the importance of honesty; at the same time, how-

prescribed roles (and thus presumably their behav-

ever, the mothers modeled how to use deception in

ior) seem parallel (rather than complementary) to

social situations with others when it was helpful for

the Chinese maternal “training” style described by

avoiding conflicts.

Chao. Aside from the cultural proscription regard-

A similarity to the socialization of moral rules

ing emotional closeness between fathers and their

in East Asia, here regarding emotion display, is

children, Chinese fathers are expected to become

evident in Raval and Martini’s (2011) research on

more involved with their children as teachers when

middle-class mothers in Gujarat, India. Mothers

children reach school age (Li & Lamb, 2013).

of 6- to 8-year-old children reported that they

Although the Confucian tradition has been pow-

discouraged their children’s expressions of anger

erful in all three East Asian countries, Nakazawa

or sadness, but welcomed communication of and Shwalb (2013) suggest that the emphasis on physical pain. A common theme expressed by the

paternal strictness was never as strong in Japan,

mothers was the importance of “making the child

and, following World War II, the “kindness” part

280

Pa r enta l et hnot heor ies a nd t he dev eloPMent of fa Mily r el at ionshiPs

of the cultural model became the norm for Japanese

noted the importance of adapting caregiving prac-

fathers. In recent years, economic change has cre-

tices to the child’s temperament/personality ( gexing

ated yet another common family scenario in which

[Mandarin] or ko-seng [Tai-gi]).

fathers are absent for long days at work or even

Although grandparents’ ethnotheories are influ-

move elsewhere to support the family financially.

enced by the local culture, various factors (including

As in East Asia, India has been traditionally

generational differences, their own relationships,

patriarchal, and women’s rights were restricted—

and child characteristics) affect how their beliefs

a pattern that has more recently changed, at least

unfold and become practices. Goh and Kuczynski

in principle. Hindu teachings, although affirming

(2010), working in Xiamen, China, observed that

the authority of the father, also make ample room

the nature of the grandparent–grandchild rela-

for the mother as a central figure in the family,

tionship is often strained by tensions between

especially in relation to her sons. Chaudary (2013)

mothers-in-law and the young mothers. Using case

contrasts this family configuration with Western

studies of four families over the course of 6 months,

families: “If the Western family is centered around

the authors discovered discrepancies in disciplinary

the conjugal relations between husband and wife,

philosophies and methods between mothers and

there is no denying that the central unit of the

grandmothers. Young children sometimes exploited

Indian family is the mother and son” (p. 73). Indian

this to their advantage, while at other times they

fathers are thus expected to be more emotionally

acted as mediators between the two adults. In rural

distant from their children—a pattern similar to

India, Sharma, Shapru, and Mahajan (2009) found

East Asian fathers but with its own cultural flavor.

that mothers and grandmothers who differed in lev-

Nevertheless, according to Chaudhary, studies in

els of education also differed in their ideas about

recent years show a trend toward increased par-

spoiling a child, “floor freedom,” and discipline and

ticipation of fathers in the care of their children,

control.

together with the increase in nuclear families.

Dynamic processes, including contact with

Grandparents, especially grandmothers, appear

other groups (e.g., immigration) and changing

in the research literature on Asian families as impor-

environmental contexts, affect grandparents’ ideas

tant sources of cultural knowledge and advice. about caregiving and, ultimately, their practices.

In Japan, grandmothers have been described as

The potential implications of this can be seen in

providing instruction in manners, moral expecta-

immigrant families. Nagata, Cheng, and Tsai-Chae

tions, discipline, and expectations of lifelong learn-

(2010) described a high-contact, hierarchically

ing, congruent with mainstream Japanese culture

based grandmothering style in Chinese-American

(Woods 1996).

immigrant grandmothers residing in the United

Grandmothers in Asian cultures tradition-

States, which they attributed to traditional values

ally reside with adult children and share in family

of filial piety. The primary goals reported for their

maintenance tasks. Sandel, Cho, Miller, and Wang

grandchildren were good character, morality, and

(2006) found that Taiwanese grandmothers viewed

high academic achievement, which they actively

themselves as temporary caregivers who would dis-

sought to instill through the provision of direct

cipline disobedient children and offer child care

guidance and advice—typically at mealtimes.

advice to their daughters-in-law. These grandmoth-

Although these grandmothers had frequent contact

ers played a major role in their grandchild’s first

with their grandchildren, they reported knowing

years of life, only gradually relaxing and relinquish-

their grandchildren only “so-so,” a change from

ing control back to the mother when the child

the times in which they grew up. In contrast, for

began school. Cho and colleagues (Cho, Sandel,

third-generation Bangladeshi British children,

Miller, & Wang, 2005) investigated Taiwanese eth-

grandparents were found to combine traditional

notheories on self-esteem and, similar to the report

and Western teaching practices to suit individual

by Miller and colleagues (Miller, Wang, Sandel, &

learning (Gregory, Ruby, & Kenner, 2010).

Cho, 2002) on mothers, found that Taiwanese

grandmothers were likely to see self-esteem as a

Sub-Saharan African Agricultural

peripheral childrearing goal. Although the grand-

Societies: Training for Early Motor

mothers admitted to praising their grandchild, Development and Family Responsibilities

they did so sparingly for fear that too much praise

The sub-Saharan African cultural emphasis on

would make it difficult to administer harsh disci-

early attainment of motor skills (primarily sitting

pline when needed. Taiwanese grandmothers also

and walking) has been widely documented (see

h a r k ness, Johnston M av r idis, Ji l iu, suPer

281

Super & Harkness, this volume). Interpretations of

Obedience, however, is not the ultimate goal

the phenomenon of “African infant motor precoc-

in African parental ethnotheories of child devel-

ity” have shifted over the past few decades from

opment; rather, it is an essential component of

a biological explanation (with its potentially racist

widely shared concepts of social intelligence (see

overtones) to a recognition that—regardless of pos-

Nsamenang, this volume). Among the Kipsigis of

sible innate differences across groups—traditional

western Kenya, Harkness and Super (1992 b) found

African childrearing practices include a strong that children’s “intelligence” was often judged in focus on the importance of early motor develop-terms of the ability to carry out household chores

ment. Recent research also illustrates the culturally

capably without supervision, as in the research

based connections between early motor develop-

described earlier related to mothers’ developmen-

ment and other socialization goals held by par-

tal judgments about the child’s ability to run an

ents. For example, Moscardino, Nwobu, and Axia

errand. Similar observations of socially situated

(2006) described cultural beliefs and practices of

intelligence have been made for the Ivory Coast

Nigerian immigrant mothers of infants in Italy,

(Dasen et al., 1985), Zambia (Serpell, 1993), and

finding that the mothers reported early expecta-

Nigeria (Mundy-Castle, 1974). “Social cognition

tions for walking with the goal of helping the child

[in Africa] translates into responsible intelligence,

to become autonomous as soon as possible. Physical

not in abstraction,” according to Nsamenang

independence, in turn, was seen as essential for the

(2006, p. 296), “but primarily as it enhances the

child’s ability to learn early responsibilities in the

attainment of social ends.” The immediate goal is

household.

a child who can be relied on from an early age to

As noted above, socialization pressure for obe-

carry out a variety of responsibilities in the house-

dience within the context of the household is a

hold. For example, an analysis of children’s time

central component of training for early family allocation in a rural Kipsigis village showed that responsibility in sub-African agricultural commu-children’s time spent in “work” activities began

nities (but see a contrast case in the forager culture

to rise from the time the child was just 2 years of

described by Shwalb and Shwalb, this volume).

age, reaching about half the child’s waking time by

This is evident in child language socialization as

age 6 (Harkness & Super, 1985). Similarly, Tudge

observed by Harkness and Super (Harkness, 1988;

and colleagues (2006) report that working-class

Harkness & Super, 1977/2008) in a Kipsigis com-

preschool-aged children in the town of Kisumu,

munity of western Kenya. Noting the very low rate

Kenya, were spending one-fifth of their time in

of mother–child speech to children aged 2–3 years

work activities—almost twice as much as children

of age (Harkness, 1977), they concluded that par-

in their US and Brazilian samples.

ents’ goals for their children’s language develop-

The early training for family responsibility

ment focused primarily on comprehension rather

and the concept of socially situated intelligence in

than production—that is, understanding com-

sub-Saharan African families is a joint project of

mands rather than asking questions. Relatedly, the entire family, one including fathers and older mothers’ joint attention with young children siblings as well as mothers. In many African soci-tended to be oriented not to the child herself, but

eties, polygyny is the preferred form of marriage

rather to an even younger sibling whom the child

(at least for those men who can afford more than

might be helping to take care of in the presence of

one wife). Family structure in this context consists

the mother. In research on the neighboring Gusii

of subunits of each mother and her children, with

people, LeVine and his associates (LeVine et al.,

the father at the top of the hierarchy. The father’s

1994) describe training for obedience and respect

prescribed relationships with his young children

as a cultural model, “with its goal of a compli-

may thus be distant; in fact, in the Kipsigis com-

ant child who comprehends maternal commands,

munity studied by Harkness and Super (1992 a;

obeys and makes few demands… . a child, in other

Super & Harkness, 2009), fathers were not even

words, who fits into the hierarchical organization

supposed to see their newborn infants until they

of the home and does not undermine it.” As they

were at least 1 month old. In the Gusii com-

elaborate further, “In the context of this model,

munity of Nyansongo, Kenya, studied by the

praise is explicitly rejected by the Gusii mothers as

LeVines (LeVine & LeVine, 1963; B. B. Whiting

a verbal device that encourages conceit and would

& Edwards, 1988), fathers were present in the

make even a good child rude and disobedient,

immediate environments of their young children

meaning disruptive of the hierarchy” (p. 254).

only about 10% of the time (although it is notable

282

Pa r enta l et hnot heor ies a nd t he dev eloPMent of fa Mily r el at ionshiPs

that this is the same as father presence for the New

of infants and young children in Paris, finding

England fathers in their cross-cultural study). elements of both individualistic and collectivistic Fathers in this and other African communities

orientations. She concludes that individualism and

virtually never participated in child care of infants

collectivism are mutually independent dimensions

and toddlers, and they seldom played with or held

of difference that can coexist harmoniously within

them (B. B. Whiting & Edwards, 1988). A more

individuals and cultures. She further describes a

detailed analysis of fathers’ roles in the community

Parisian cultural model of parenting that has dis-

of Kokwet (Harkness & Super, 1992 a) shows that

tinctive features such as “awakening and exposing

although fathers were present with their young chil-

the child to diverse stimuli,” including the “educa-

dren about the same amount of time as a compari-

tion of taste” in foods.

son group of middle-class fathers in New England,

The International Study of Parents, Children,

their contexts of activity varied widely. Like the

and Schools (ISPCS), carried out in seven Western

Kokwet mothers, the fathers in this community

countries (Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, Sweden,

shared social space with their children mainly in

Poland, Australia, and the United States) identified

the contexts of eating or doing household chores

cultural themes and practices distinctive to each

such as watching the cows, and this trend was more

place (Harkness & Super, 2005; Harkness, Super,

pronounced with the child’s increasing age.

et al., 2011). For example, when asked in an inter-

Siblings in sub-Saharan agricultural communi-

view format to describe their child, parents focused

ties have also been shown to play important roles as

selectively on different qualities in the different

caretakers of younger children, under the supervi-

groups, indicating, the authors suggest, features of

sion of their mothers (Harkness & Super, 1992 c).

a shared cultural model of the child in each place.

In this arrangement, the mother delegates respon-

In all the samples children were often described as

sibility for the immediate care and entertainment

“sociable,” “loving”, “active” and “strong-willed.”

of her baby from about 4 months of age up to age

Beyond this common core of parental perceptions,

2 years, when the toddler is considered old enough

however, differences emerged in the particular kinds

to join the mixed-age sibling group. The mothers—

of qualities that parents in each place chose to focus

who are the main farmers in some communities

on. Among the US parents, the highest frequency

while their husbands care for the cows or tend to

descriptors included “intelligent” and “cognitively

the business of the household or community—are

advanced,” as well as “independent,” “rebellious,”

usually near enough so that they can be reached in

and “adaptable.” In contrast, the Italian parents

case of need, but the sibling caretakers can be as

rarely described their children as intelligent and

young a 5 or even 4 years of age. By the time a child

never characterized them as cognitively advanced;

reaches age 10, she (usually the caretaker is a girl) is

Instead, they talked about their children as being

considered too old to be satisfied with infant care.

“easy,” “even-tempered”, “well-balanced,” and

Sibling caretakers are expected to be playmates as

“simpatico”—a group of characteristics suggesting

well as nurturers of their small charges, and, in this

social and emotional competence. The Spanish par-

regard, their role differs sharply from that of the

ents also emphasized social competence but with a

mother who generally does not regard play with her

nod toward being a responsible member of society,

infants as part of her responsibility.

mentioning “socially mature” and having a “good

character”. In contrast to the Italian parents, how-

“The West”: Themes and Variations

ever, the Spanish parents also often highlighted

Recent comparative studies that include con-

their child’s qualities of being intelligent and alert.

temporary “Western” cultures often contrast Each of the other groups (in the Netherlands, individualism or independence with its opposites,

Sweden, Poland, and Australia) produced their

collectivism or interdependence, with Western own distinctive pattern.

middle-class cultures representing the individual-

In a related publication (Harkness, Zylicz, et al.,

istic side. This kind of comparison usually reflects

2011), the ISPCS research team analyzed time allo-

some truth, but as we comment above, that single

cation of the children aged 3, 4.5, and 7–8 years

line of contrast encompasses very little of the cul-

in six of the same samples (omitting Australia for

tural reality of parent-child relations. Indeed, a

technical reasons), along with how parents talked

closer look at cultural places within the Western

about the children’s daily activities. Children in

world reveals greater complexity. For example, the three northern European samples (Poland, the Suizzo (2002, 2004) studied middle-class mothers

Netherlands, and Sweden), for example, had the

h a r k ness, Johnston M av r idis, Ji l iu, suPer

283

most time for play, whereas the southern European

that changes in the nature of the father–child rela-

samples (Spain and Italy) recorded the most time

tionship over historical time may be exaggerated.

for meals. The US sample was distinctive in that

For example, Lewis (2013) comments that “there

the children spent the most time in school-related

is evidence to suggest that the Victorian father [in

or developmental activities, but they also spent

the United Kingdom] was much more involved in

more time watching TV.

domestic life than we give him credit for” (p. 333),

Different meanings of these activities for parents

and even at present, “given the continuing stereo-

were evident in the parent interviews. For example,

types of masculine and feminine roles, much of

consistent with their children’s greater time alloca-

this involvement gets air-brushed out of most pic-

tion to school-related and developmental activi-

tures of contemporary family life” (p. 352).

ties, the US parents talked a great deal more about

The actual exclusion of fathers in Western soci-

these activities than did parents in any of the other

eties from their children’s lives is described as due

samples, but they had relatively little to say about

to a variety of factors including family changes

meals. In contrast, the Dutch families saw meals as

(e.g., divorce or separation), nonresidential father-

an essential time to bring the whole family together

ing, and the sometimes impermeable boundary set

so that, as one father said, they could “listen to

by mothers and the extended female family, par-

each other” and feel that “we are in one family.”

ticularly grandmothers, as described in relation

The Italian and Spanish parents also emphasized

to fathers in Russia (Ultrata, Ispa, & Ispa-Landa,

the importance of meals for sharing emotions and

2013). On the other hand, new “father-sensitive”

experiences, and the Polish parents emphasized the

family policies, particularly in northern Europe,

importance of spending time together as a fam-

offer (and support) more possibilities for fathers to

ily, whether in the context of meals or doing other

spend time at home with their infants and young

things.

children (Haas & Hwang, 2013; O’Brian, 2004).

A notable aspect of time together for the Italian,

Yet fathers in all these societies confront a basic

Spanish, and Polish families was its inclusion conflict over the primacy of their role as economic beyond the nuclear family, a feature of family life

providers for the family versus the current moral

also noted by Kremer-Sadlik, Fatigante, & Fasulo

and social imperative to participate more fully in

(2008) in their comparative analysis of “family

the direct care of their children (O’Brian, 2004;

time” as described by parents in Rome and Los

Smyth, Baxter, Fletcher, & Moloney, 2013).

Angeles. Fathers in these comparative studies gen-

Curiously, less research is available on what

erally agree with their wives on goals and activi-

father involvement (or “engagement”) actually

ties for their children, and in this sense there is

consists of beyond general descriptions of child

little differentiation between parents. A separate

care and the observation that fathers are often

research tradition, however, has focused specifically

more playful with their children than are moth-

on fathers and their roles within families (Hewlett,

ers, particularly with regard to physical play

1992; Lamb, 2004; D. W. Shwalb, Shwalb, &

(Lamb & Lewis, 2004). However, a vignette of

Lamb, 2013). Although some of this literature one well-educated American father details his reports on fathers in particular countries within the

engagement in his son’s education, cheering him

Western world, the question of what is culturally

on at sports events, and sociable activities with the

distinctive in each place is generally not addressed

family or community and—illustrating a particu-

(in contrast to studies of fathers in non-Western

larly American cultural model—spending what

societies). Instead, recent research on fathers in the

is often referred to as “quality time” with his son

Western world tends to focus on issues facing fami-

on a regular basis (McFadden & Tamis-LeMonda,

lies in all postindustrial societies.

2013). Notably absent from this description are

A prominent theme in this research has been

work activities of any sort (although they may well

the question of how “involved” fathers are, along

have taken place). A similar picture emerges from

with measuring the actual time that fathers spend

a study of time allocation to different activities of

caring for or in the company of their children. In

fathers and their young children in the Boston area

general, researchers report that fathers in Western

and in a rural Kipsigis village of Kenya (Harkness

middle-class communities now spend more time

& Super, 1992 a). Interestingly, fathers in both cul-

in child care and that there is a higher expectation

tures were present in the immediate environments

of emotional closeness with their children than in

of their young children for about the same propor-

earlier eras. Some researchers caution, however, tion of the child’s waking day (about one-quarter 284

Pa r enta l et hnot heor ies a nd t he dev eloPMent of fa Mily r el at ionshiPs

to one-third of that time), but, unlike the Kokwet

for optimal development is in turn closely related

fathers, the Boston fathers’ time with children to the uniquely American preoccupation with included activities such as bedtime routines, watch-self-esteem (Miller et al., 2002), considered essen-

ing TV or reading books, and playing.

tial for the child to succeed in what is perceived

Like fathers, grandparents in Western middle-class

as a highly competitive world. In this culturally

societies have received relatively little attention in

constructed scenario, independence in the sense of

the cross-cultural literature. One reason for this may

separation will come all too soon, when the child

be that grandparents, especially in the United States,

leaves home for college and beyond.

are seen as peripheral to the nuclear family. Cherlin

and Furstenberg (1986) coined the term “norm of

The Interaction of Culture

non-interference” to describe the unobtrusive nature

and Temperament in Children’s

of many American grandparents’ relationships with

Family Relationships

their grandchildren. These grandparents played with

Although culture shapes parents’ beliefs and

the grandchildren and assisted occasionally in tasks

practices of care, temperamental differences

like babysitting, but abstained from major childrear-

among children influence family relationships

ing responsibilities. Relatedly, Sandel and colleagues

in ways that are themselves culturally organized.

(Sandel et al., 2006) found that European-American

Modern temperament theory (Chess & Thomas,

grandmothers of 3-year-olds were reluctant to give

1984; Kagan, Snidman, Arcus, & Reznick, 1994;

advice or discipline young children; instead, they

Rothbart, 2012) has delineated several dimensions

saw themselves as companions who played valuable

of variation—for example activity level, sensitivity

but limited roles.

to intense stimulation, and shyness in novel situ-

To return to the theme with which we began

ations—that appear to have a strong inborn, bio-

this section: What of individualism and indepen-

logical basis, even though their ultimate expression

dence as defining features of parent-child relations

may be altered by both learning and maturation.

in Western culture? The Dutch parents did stress

Chess and Thomas’s (1984) concept of “goodness

independence as a valued quality of the child—an

of fit” between a child’s temperament and aspects

independent child, they often commented, would

of the immediate environment gains special signifi-

stick to his or her own ideas regardless of what

cance when cultural variability in that environment

others thought and would not be dominated by

is taken into account (Super & Harkness, 1994 b).

others. Otherwise, however, the parents in these

The degree of fit between a child’s temperament

studies had little to say about this theme—perhaps

and those characteristics most valued in the culture

because they largely took it for granted. In addi-

thus plays an important role in setting the param-

tion, it may be that other socialization goals took

eters of parent–child relations.

priority in these parents’ minds. In particular,

Ethnographic research in a variety of cultures

the uniquely strong emphasis in the US samples

has documented parents’ beliefs and expecta-

on cognitive development and relatedly “stimula-

tions about child qualities that reflect tempera-

tion” (Harkness, Super, Mavridis, Barry, & Zeitlin,

ment. Cervera and Méndez (2006), for example,

2013) suggest that the US parents were more con-

found that that babies and toddlers considered

cerned about high achievement than they were

difficult ( chechón) by their Yucatec mothers were

committed to the child’s independence—at least in

ones who cried a lot and could not be left alone

terms of the child making his or her own choices

while the mother did her chores. The quality of

and taking responsibility for them. The primacy of

being chechón was believed by mothers to be

“stimulation” as an essential aspect of good parent-

partly inherited, but also partly learned, and thus

ing, in this model, is illustrated by DeCaro and

it could be diminished by not responding to the

Worthman’s (2007) study of parents’ ideas and

child’s every fuss. An intensely expressive toddler

time allocation for their young children in a US

with frequent negative mood, by this account,

sample. They conclude that these parents worked

might therefore be treated differently from a

hard to shield their children from the complexity

calmer and more cheerful sibling and also dif-

and overload of their own schedules while provid-

ferently from a similar child in another cultural

ing the children with optimal levels of stimulation

setting where mood is not so determinant of “dif-

and continuous supervision. Mothers, in par-

ficultness” (Super et al., 2008).

ticular, were described as “tethered” to their chil-

Geertz’s (1959) description of childhood in Java

dren’s schedules. The goal of providing a context

describes another pattern of parental concern, but

h a r k ness, Johnston M av r idis, Ji l iu, suPer

285

here framed as a developmental agenda. Javanese

to evaluate observed differences in the average rat-

infants, Geertz reports, were seen as being easily

ings of infants and children in selected cultural

upset by unpleasant experiences such as loud noises

groups (Arbiter, Sato-Tanaka, Kolvin, & Leitch,

(corresponding to temperament concepts of sensi-

1999; Gaias et al., 2012; Gartstein, Slobodskaya, &

tivity, reactivity, or sensory threshold). In order to

Kinsht, 2003; Porter & Hsu, 2003).

prevent children from being harmed by evil spirits

Most central to a consideration of how child

while in this vulnerable state, the Javanese parents

temperament affects family relationships in vari-

he studied thought it essential to shield infants

ous cultural contexts, however, is the issue of

through gentle practices such as slow weaning from

“goodness of fit,” mentioned earlier. Super, Axia,

the breast. By 4 or 5 years of age, however, children

and colleagues (Super et al., 2008), for example,

were considered old enough to be trained to show

compared which aspects of temperament appeared

calmness and emotional self-regulation (also aspects

“difficult” to mothers of 3- to 8-year-olds in

of temperament), along with wariness and a sense

Italy, Australia, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain,

of shame and deference. Lutz (1983) reports similar

Sweden, and the United States using the Behavioral

parental goals among the Ifaluk of Micronesia: the

Style Questionnaire (McDevitt & Carey, 1978).

development of metagu, defined as an apprehensive

Several characteristics were frequently associ-

awareness or sensitivity around strangers and as a

ated with “difficult” ratings, including low

reaction to the anger of elders. The socialization of

Adaptability and negative Mood. A strikingly dif-

metagu began as early as 1 year, as parents made

ferent pattern was found in Italy, where there was

use of situations like stranger encounters as teach-

no correlation between negative Mood and overall

able moments and displayed anger at their child’s

Difficulty; furthermore, the Italian mothers were

misdeeds. In both Java and Ifaluk, therefore, par-

the only ones for whom there was a relationship

ents held specific goals for a kind of calm humility,

between low Approach and Difficulty. Drawing

and one can imagine that children not tempera-

on interviews as well as the local knowledge of the

mentally suited to this posture – those who were

Italian research team, it was confirmed that shy,

intense and highly reactive – might have developed

inhibited behavior (low Approach) was problem-

more problematic relationships with their parents.

atic, but the free expression of emotion (includ-

To date, there have been few empirical ing negative, fussy expressions of Mood) was cross-cultural studies examining parents’ ideas or

not. What was critical to the parent–child rela-

practices related to children’s temperament as cur-

tionship was maintaining “emotional closeness.”

rently conceptualized in the research literature. It

Moscardino, Altoè, and Axia (2008) also found

is important to note that the essential initial ques-

a cultural preference for a sociable (versus a shy)

tion about temperament and culture—can we see

child in a separate Italian study. Other examples

the same dimensions of temperament variation in

of differential effects of temperament as a cultural

all societies?—appears to have a positive answer.

product are reported by deVries (1984), Korn and

The specific behavioral items used in temperament

Gannon (1983) and Super and Harkness (1994 a).

questionnaires, when appropriately translated and

In summary, parental ethnotheories form a par-

adapted to the local environment, are generally

ticular template of meanings in which a child’s

found to correlate about the same way in the United

temperament differentially activates developmen-

States, the Netherlands, Spain, Italy, Sweden, tal pathways, yielding contrasting outcomes for Poland, Russia, China, Kenya, and elsewhere both the child’s individual development and for (Gartstein et al., 2006; Gartstein, Knyazev, & family relationships.

Slobodskaya, 2005; Sleddens, Kremers, Candel, De

Vries, & Thijs, 2011; Super et al., 2008; Super &

Conclusion and Future Directions

Harkness, 1994 b). Nevertheless, there is a small

In this chapter, we have considered the role

number of contrary reports, and they raise impor-

of parental ethnotheories—the culturally shared

tant questions about dimensions of temperament

beliefs that parents hold regarding children, fami-

that such questionnaires, all based on initial work

lies, and themselves as parents—that motivate

in the US, do not include (Nakagawa & Sukigara,

and organize practices of care for children, with

2005), as well as what parents think they are see-

consequences for the development of family rela-

ing when observing a specific behavior (Chen et al.,

tionships during early and middle childhood.

1998; B. J. Shwalb, Shwalb, & Shoji, 1994). Other

Developmental timetables, as parents’ expecta-

studies, using adapted questionnaires, have tried

tions for children’s development have been referred

286

Pa r enta l et hnot heor ies a nd t he dev eloPMent of fa Mily r el at ionshiPs

to, provide clear evidence of the role of culture in

In contrast to dimensional and categorical

shaping parents’ thinking, given the presumably

frameworks, we have proposed a culture region

universal, biologically driven processes of develop-

approach based on observed similarities across a

ment that determine approximately when children

wide variety of domains within areas defined by

achieve various competencies. As we have seen,

geographic or historical ties. It should be noted

however, Zigler’s (2006) idea of “what one would

that this approach is different from the “patterns

expect of a 3-year-old” (p. xi) actually varies dra-

of culture” proposed by Ruth Benedict (1934), and

matically across cultures, with preliteracy skills it should not be confused with Margaret Mead’s emphasized in some cultures, whereas in others the

(1930) insightful yet sweeping characterizations of

skills expected of children at that age have more to

the cultural places she studied, nor with the “cul-

do with learning to respect one’s elders and begin

ture and personality” school of anthropology in

participating in the daily work routines of the the mid-20th century (LeVine, 2001). Regardless household. Following such expectations, there is

of which theoretical framework one finds most

good observational evidence that children actually

useful for cross-cultural research on children and

do acquire various competencies at particular ages

families, understanding the thinking and behav-

that would seem impossible in other cultural con-

ior of individuals will always be enhanced by

texts. As noted earlier, the child’s involvement in

understanding how their particular characteris-

the activities derived from parents’ developmental

tics, including temperament, fit (more or less well)

expectations form the basis for the child’s relation-

with the parameters of their developmental niches

ships with other members of the family.

(Super & Harkness, 1994 b).

The study of cross-cultural variability in devel-

As this review has indicated, studies of par-

opmental timetables and their consequent parent-

enting and the development of children’s family

ing practices is but one part of a larger theoretical

relationships have drawn from a rich array of theo-

enterprise, that of formulating general principles

retical frameworks for understanding variability

according to which researchers can not only catego-

across cultures. Although these frameworks have

rize but also predict parental beliefs and practices

advanced the cross-cultural study of child develop-

in various cultural communities. Barry, Child, ment and parenting, it is also evident that they can and Bacon’s (1959) seminal analysis of subsistence

prevent researchers from achieving a fuller under-

types and socialization pressures set an important

standing of how children’s relationships are shaped

precedent that is still echoed in other more recent

in any particular instance. Much of this problem

models, including the Individualism/Collectivism

could be solved, we believe, by greater attention

dimension and frameworks based on contrasts to parental ethnotheories that guide parenting between traditional (mostly rural) communities practices in varied ways across cultures. In order and modern (mostly urban) ones. These frame-to understand how children’s family relationships

works have been found helpful for cross-cultural

develop within the family, we need to know not

research because they offer a simplifying scheme

only how children and parents behave, but also

for ordering and interpreting particular observa-

what parents and other caregivers actually think

tions. They identify themes of parenting that, in

about themselves as parents and about the nature

turn, are expressed in practices—for example, the

of children, and how these ideas set the agenda for

theme of “proximal” versus “distal” parenting. bringing up children to be successful members of Usually derived from a limited set of cross-cultural

their families and communities.

observations, the thematic labels often imply more

than the label itself describes; this can lead to

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291

C H A P T E R

18 In and Out of the Classroom:

The Intersection of Learning

and Schooling Across Cultural

Communities

Maricela Correa-Chávez, Heather Mangione, and Kaitlin Black

Abstract

This chapter examines how teaching and learning is organized in many communities around the world. It contrasts how child learning is organized by Observing and Pitching In (Rogoff et al., 2013) in communities where schooling has historical y not been central to childhood with how learning is often organized in schools and highly schooled communities. The focus is on children’s inclusion in community and family activity, the initiative they take in participating in activities, and the different forms of attention and communication fostered and used in these contexts. The chapter also examines the sociocultural context of school and the changes observed in communities as schooling has become more common over generations. It briefly explores variations in schools, as well as variation in engagement with school, and suggests that school ways of learning and community ways of learning might co-exist to form part of a child’s repertoire of learning practices.

Key Words: schooling, “Observing and Pitching-In”, learning, childhood, cultural practices Now at her age … it’s essential that at her

school is now seen as a fundamental part of child-

stage of growth … well, we’ve always instilled

hood, a child’s “primary task,” as the father said.

in her that she has to go to school. That’s

But the quotes also show that, historically, this

primary. And we are always vigilant, she is

has not always been the case. Currently in many

as well, with her homework and things that

people’s minds, childhood, school, and learning are

they have to do in school. (P’urhépecha father

concepts that are linked to one another. Worldwide

speaking about his child’s school experience)

more children are attending school, and they are

…

attending for longer periods and at earlier ages

They always sent us, or you see, they sent us to

than ever before (UNESCO, 2007). However

learn, but if you ask me if I heard [as a child],

compulsory age-graded schooling as is common in

if someone said “Finish school, it’s important”

most industrialized communities today has only

well, no… . No one was telling us, “go to

been a staple of childhood in the United States for

school.” (P’urhépecha mother speaking about

about 150 years. In many other areas of the world,

her own childhood school experience)

school has been a central institution of childhood

— Correa-Chávez, Mejía-Arauz, Keyser Ohrt, & Black, in pres

for far fewer years (Hernandez, 1997; Rogoff,

Correa-Chávez, & Navichoc-Cotuc, 2005).

The opening quotes were taken from a research

In this chapter, we explore school as a sociocul-

project in which Indigenous Mexican (P’urhépecha)

tural context that changes child and family lives in

parents were asked to reflect on their childhood

both subtle and obvious ways. Drawing on some

school experience as well as those of their current

of our own research, as well as on those of our

children. As the quotes illustrate, in some families,

colleagues, we also explore how learning may be

292

organized differently in communities that do not

Wenger, 1991), children have wide access to com-

have a long history of schooling, as well as how the

munity activity and the expectation is that they will

institution of school has traditionally organized

learn by observing and contributing where possible

learning. We build heavily on the work of Rogoff

(Rogoff, 2003; Ward, 1971; also see Gaskins, this

and her colleagues who have extensively exam-

volume).

ined the organization of learning in Indigenous

As part of being an integrated contributing

communities of the Americas and have called this

family and community member, children often

cultural pattern of teaching and learning, learning

first take responsibility for self-care with little

by observing and pitching in (previously learning by

intervention from adults from an early age. For

intent community participation; see Rogoff, Moore,

example Indigenous Peruvian Matsingenka tod-

Correa-Chávez, & Dexter, 2014).

dlers experiment with heating their own food with

This chapter, however, will not focus on the dif-

fire under the watchful eyes of family members,

ferent interrelated facets of learning by observing

even if sometimes they end up with scalding food

and pitching in (see Rogoff et al., 2014, for a full

in their mouths. And, by the time they are 3, many

examination). Rather, we examine some aspects of

of these children start practicing cutting wood and

this learning tradition and extend them slightly

grass with machetes and knives (Ochs & Izquierdo,

by adding examples from communities outside 2009). Yucatecan Mayan children between 3 and of Indigenous North and Central America. We

5 independently bathe and dress themselves and

pay particular attention to children’s inclusion in general are not monitored from moment to and initiative in participating in productive fam-moment, often being out of their mother’s sight,

ily and community activity as central to learning

unsupervised, for long periods of time. Children

by observing and pitching in, and we contrast it

are competent at maintaining activities early on

to the segregation of children in specialized activi-

with little or no pressure of encouragement from

ties that is common to school and highly schooled

their parents who only provide what help is actu-

communities. We also discuss how patterns of ally needed (Gaskins, 2000). These children wash attention and communication may be different in

their own clothes and the clothes of younger sib-

children and caregivers as they engage extensively

lings, enjoying the adult responsibilities and tak-

in the institution of school. We end by examining

ing pride in helping their busy parents. In contrast

the sociocultural context of school and the changes

to middle-class US parents (Harkness & Super,

that have been observed in communities as school-

1996), Yucatecan Mayan parents in this commu-

ing has become more common over generations.

nity did not consider play to be an important part

We briefly explore variations in schools, as well as

of their children’s development, reporting rather

variation in engagement with school, and we end

that development occurs through watching oth-

by suggesting that school ways of learning and

ers, assuming responsibility, and practicing work

community ways of learning might be able to co-

(Gaskins, in press).

exist to form part of a child’s repertoire of learning

Likewise, Guatemalan Mayan 3- to 5-year-olds

practices.

are often reported to be their own primary care-

giver (Mosier & Rogoff, 2003). Inuit children also

Patterns of Organizing Learning In

help out as a matter of course, but only when the

and Out of School

child is ready to do so. Young children are not

Children Are Included: Learning by

forced to help out around the home, although if

Observing and Contributing

they attempt to do so they will be praised for their

Ethnographic and cultural comparative research

behavior. Yet, by the time they are in middle child-

from many areas of the world where school has his-

hood, Inuit children begin to help adults without

torically not been central to childhood has dem-

being forced. They also anticipate what needs to be

onstrated that in many communities a primary

done and take care of it before it becomes a prob-

way in which children learn is by being integrated

lem (Briggs, 1991).

and contributing members of their families and

Comparable examples of child contributions

communities beginning at a young age (Cancian,

can be found in other communities where school-

1964; Chamoux, 1992; Corona, 2001; Lancy, ing has historically been limited. In Ngecha, 1996; LeVine et al., 1994; Paradise, 1994; Rogoff,

Kenya, young children between the ages of 6 and

2003; 2011; Suina & Smolkin, 1994; Ward, 1971).

10 are frequently responsible for the care of infants

As “legitimate peripheral participants” (Lave &

for hours at a time, freeing mothers to focus on

Cor r e a-Ch áv ez, M a nGione, Bl aCk

293

other work (Edwards & Whiting, 2004). These

in communities with extensive schooling are often

“child nurses” (typically but not always young girls)

talked to in specific “baby talk” registers (Fernald,

carry the baby around as they engage in work and

1985) that may serve to direct and manage children’s

play. If a situation arises that the child nurse cannot

attention, as is often done in school. In contrast,

manage alone, an older adult nearby will intervene.

Ochs and Schieffelin (1984) reported that adults in

Similarly, from the time they are born, Efe

Papua New Guinea and US Samoa did not engage

children in the Democratic Republic of Congo

in baby talk or a simplified register when addressing

develop relationships with their caretakers and toddlers and infants, believing that it was the child’s become part of the networks that tie the Efe adults

job to try to understand the adult.

together (Morelli, in press). These children grow

This simplification and explanation, as well as

up in a highly social environment, which allows

a desire to direct and manage the child’s attention,

the children to develop trust and cooperation may be related to the finding that highly schooled with those around them. The children are able to

mothers in the United States and Turkey provided

explore around the camp, helping adults with nec-

running commentary about ongoing everyday

essary tasks such as gathering firewood or garden-

interaction to their 12- to 24-month-old toddlers

ing (Morelli, Rogoff, & Angelillo, 2003). Children

who had also seen the interaction. This practice was

mimic the work of adults and are rarely found play-

rare among mothers in a Guatemalan Mayan town

ing games specifically for children or playing alone.

and among mothers from a South Indian commu-

Even the youngest of children can be found helping

nity, as was the practice of engaging toddlers in

adults through tending the fire and cooking, thus

“mini language lessons” by holding up objects and

contributing in meaningful ways to village life.

asking their children in a sing-song voice “what is

Traditionally, in Hawaii, it was also considered

this?” These mini language lessons were common

important for children to contribute to the larger

among the highly schooled mothers in the US and

family and not focus solely on individual accom-

Turkey (Rogoff, Mistry, Göncü, & Mosier, 1993).

plishments, as is often emphasized in school. In

Senegalese mothers in Paris with relatively little

learning how to contribute, children would spend

schooling rarely label objects in the children’s envi-

time quietly observing adults before exercising their

ronment, preferring to draw children’s attention to

new skills and passing knowledge along to younger

the relationships between people (Rabain-Jamian

children. In some Native Hawaiian cultural com-

& Sabeau-Jouannet, 1997). Similarly, Inuit care-

munities, older children, particularly older girls,

givers with limited experience with school rarely

took on major responsibilities within the family,

engaged children in activities in which they labeled

including care of younger siblings or other younger

objects for children; however, younger caregivers

children. In turn, toddlers would quickly learn to

who had gone to school more often labeled objects

rely on older siblings for help before turning to an

for children and addressed them as conversational

adult (Tharp et al., 2007).

partners (Crago, Annahatak, & Ningiuruvik,

1993). Although there is evidence that children can

Caregivers Behaving Like Teachers:

learn when they are not engaged in lessons, there

Preparing for School Learning

seems to be the belief among folks with extensive

Before Starting School

schooling that children will learn best (or most) if

The accounts of children engaging in productive

they are engaged in school-like ways (see Stedman,

community activities stand in stark contrast to the

1997). Researchers interested in language learn-

pattern often seen in middle-class communities of

ing, for example, have long argued that one of

adults simplifying activities for children through

the principal ways in which children learn is by

step-by-step interactions, games, or mini-lessons.

having adults label objects in the child’s environ-

Many of the practices and routines around which

ment (Waxman, 1999). This practice parallels the

many middle-class families organize childhood transfer of information model that is often used interaction seem to be modeled on teaching and

in classrooms (Erickson & Mohatt, 1982; Rogoff,

learning scenarios common in school. The forms

Matusov, & White, 1996).

of interaction are common in communities with

Observations of 3-year-olds in four communi-

a long history of school but uncommon elsewhere

ties (of which two communities were middle-class

(Briggs, 1991; Gaskins, 1999; Heath, 1983; LeVine,

European-American) showed that middle-class

1980; Morelli et al., 2003; Scribner & Cole, 1973;

European-American toddlers were more commonly

Ward, 1971). From very early in infancy, children

engaged in language lessons that involved labeling

294

in a nd ou t of t he Cl a ssrooM

objects in the child’s immediate environment, an

In both of these communities, as the learner

activity that was rare among the other two commu-

becomes increasingly able to participate he or she

nities. Children in the middle-class communities

will offer to contribute through small tasks or help.

were also more commonly engaged in child-focused

These forms of assistance increase in importance

activities that involved scholastic play activities such

and centrality until the learner is ready to conduct

as singing the alphabet song (Morelli et al., 2003).

the activity on his or her own.

In contrast, toddlers in the other two communities,

In interviews, 6- to 8-year-old children from a

Efe (Congo) and Guatemalan Mayan, were more

Mexican community that has an Indigenous his-

likely than European-American children to be tory and relatively recent experience with school engaged in activities in which they had the oppor-repeatedly indicated that they wanted to help and

tunity to observe and engage in adult activities, but

contribute to their family and household. They also

they were rarely engaged in lessons with adults.

reported engaging in tasks that contributed to the

As middle-class highly schooled adults enter

well-being of the entire household, such as cooking

into children’s activities and interests, they often

or running errands. In contrast, 6- to 8-year-olds

engage in effusive praise of the child’s accom-

from a middle-class community where schooling

plishments and mock excitement for the ongoing

was central over generations in one of Mexico’s

activity (Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984; Rogoff et al.,

largest cities reported a different attitude toward

1993). Inducing children to participate in the les-

helping. These children engaged less in activities

sons and activities laid out for them appears to be

that benefited everyone in the household (often

more common in communities where children are

their contributions were limited to cleaning up

segregated from productive adult activity, as in

after themselves) and rarely engaged in helping

school. Children who are involved in family efforts

behaviors out of their own initiative (Coppens,

at productive work may have less need of this

Alcalá, Mejía-Arauz, & Rogoff, 2014).

because they have the opportunity to see how their

Similar results have been found within a

contributions helped or hindered the task at hand

P’urhépecha (Indigenous Mexican) community

(Rogoff et al., 2013; Whiting & Edwards, 1988).

when comparing the reported helping behaviors

of children from families where mothers have an

Children Taking Initiative in Activity

average of 6 years of schooling or an average of

Among Indigenous Mazahua (Mexican) par-

12 years of schooling. Parents from families where

ents, what is important in learning a new task (such

mothers have had many years of school report that

as sowing a field for the first time) is that the child

their children contribute less to household work and

already had the chance to observe the activity. This

activity compared to families where mothers have

observation, they say, will trigger children’s desire

fewer years of schooling, where children contribute

to work, even if the child didn’t directly contribute.

in extensive and meaningful ways (Mejía–Arauz,

In interviews, parents emphasized the importance

Keyser, & Correa-Chávez, 2013). By way of con-

of children’s desire to work. Not wanting to help

trast, ethnographic observations of 30 middle-class

in work is seen as aberrant (de Haan, 1999). This

dual-career families in the Los Angeles area found

explanation is similar to Lancy’s (1996) observation

that both children and parents are aware that par-

of Kpelle girls’ contributions in Central Liberia:

ents need help with household chores, yet adults do

not expect children to help out, and child contri-

No one teaches a girl to wield a hoe. Her first

bution is minimal. In the 30 Los Angeles families

observation of hoeing occurs when she is still

observed, no child contributed to the household

wrapped on her mother’s back in a lappa. The

without being asked to do so, and even when they

rhythmic movements no doubt rock her to sleep.

were asked children in 22 families resisted or refused

Before she can walk, she will repeatedly grab a stick

to help (Klein, Graesch, & Izquierdo, 2009).

while she is sitting on the ground and lift it up

Mejía-Arauz and her colleagues (2013) have

and then bring it down on the ground in a manner

speculated that the social nature of interaction in

clearly imitative of her mother and the other women

which children are embedded may contribute to

she’s watching. She may get her first hoe at age six.

the child taking initiative in contributing to family

The first time she uses a hoe she will have little

and community activities. In communities where

difficulty in using it, and, from then on, when her

children are embedded in family and community

mother is hoeing, she’ll be hoeing.

activities, children co-labor (or collaborate) with

(Lancy, 1996, p. 144)

more experienced others, contributing in small

Cor r e a-Ch áv ez, M a nGione, Bl aCk

295

ways to complex tasks, and the social nature of the

more extensively in commerce and schooling

interaction makes it markedly different from wash-

(Greenfield, 2004). However, even in the absence

ing the dishes on your own or cleaning your own

of interpersonal interaction around a joint activity,

room or space without interacting with others. The

as in the just noted examples, there are community

difference in the social context may help explain

values around inclusion of children, and children

why, in some communities, we find accounts of

are aware of these values. These values and expecta-

children contributing in sophisticated adultlike tions undoubtedly guide children’s behavior, espe-ways, whereas in other communities, parents strug-

cially their attention to ongoing events.

gle to get children to pick up their socks. LeVine

and his colleagues (1994) reported that, in 1956,

Paying Attention to Others:

6-year-old Gusii girls could be observed cultivating

Simultaneous and Open Attention

small maize fields by themselves (from sowing to

Skills at observation seem to be especially impor-

harvesting). Yet, by the time they were 6, they had

tant as children learn when to pitch in and coor-

already observed and contributed to these activities

dinate with others because adults do not routinely

along with others in their domestic group—some-

engage in behaviors that mark or direct children’s

times adults and sometimes older children. In their

attention to “important events.” Gaskins (2000)

work examining generational transformations in

notes how life in a Yucatecan Mayan community is

Indigenous communities of Mexico, Mejía-Arauz

primarily organized around adult work. Children

and her colleagues (2013) pointed out that pro-

are expected to contribute to this work; however, if

ductive child “work” is rarely something children

they cannot contribute because they are young or

are sent to do alone. Usually, this contribution is

unskilled, it is expected that they will observe or at

done with a close family member and only later do

least not disrupt adult activity. The children in this

children engage in the productive activity alone.

Mayan community were rarely engaged in special-

However, in these same Indigenous communities,

ized child-focused activities.

in families where school is considered the principal

European-American middle-class toddlers

work of childhood, children are often cajoled and

also learn by attending to others (Akhtar, 2005;

compelled into helping on small solitary chores. To

Oshima-Takane, Goodz, & Devernsky, 1996);

some extent, these solitary chores mimic the tasks

however, many of the routines of childhood and

the middle-class children in Los Angeles were often

school are oriented to getting children to narrow

asked to do, such as taking out the trash, washing

their attention and pay attention to what adults

their own hair, making their beds, and/or clearing

deem important. Often, when something is of

the table.

interest, adults will engage in exaggerated actions

In many communities where children learn by

and behaviors to direct the child’s attention to

observing and pitching in, both adults and children

the object, person, or activity (Fernald, 1985;

report that children participate with initiative, but

Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984; Rogoff et al., 1993), a

it is important to note that the community actively

behavior that has been referred to as “teacher talk”

supports this form of learning in ongoing interac-

(Paradise, Mejía-Arauz, Silva, Roberts, & Rogoff,

tions with children, thus this form of participation

2014). This training to these certain forms of atten-

is a mutually constituting process. For example,

tion may lead to different cultural patterns in how

Yucatecan Mayan women learning to be midwives

people pay attention from a very early age. This

can only participate in birthing gradually and are

is evident in the fact that, by the time they are in

guided by experts. Any particular woman’s actions

school, European-American children agree with

and extent of participation would be decided the assumption that they can only pay attention between the novice and the expert or experts super-to one thing at a time (Flavell, Green, & Flavell,

vising her participation (Jordan, 1989). Similarly,

1995). However, other attentional patterns are evi-

Childs and Greenfield (1980) noted that although

dent in different cultural communities.

Zincacantecan Mayan girls take the initiative in

In one study with multiple participants in which

learning how to weave at around age 9, more expe-

mothers demonstrated novel toys to toddlers,

rienced others are nearby to share their perspec-

middle-class European-American toddlers, as well

tive with the learner and demonstrate important

as their mothers, were more likely to alternate their

components of the process when the young girls

attention between the events (visibly placing one “on

cannot accomplish something on their own. This

hold”) when there were multiple events of interest. In

process changed as the community participated

these same instances, Guatemalan Mayan toddlers

296

in a nd ou t of t he Cl a ssrooM

and their mothers were more likely to simultaneously

This open attention to one’s surroundings can

attend to both ongoing events (with no visible hold).

also help provide protection and safety in poten-

Mayan toddlers engaged in simultaneous attention

tially dangerous situations. When a 3-year-old

at a lesser rate compared to their mothers, but their

Matsingenka child (Indigenous Peru) wandered

rates were comparable to the European-American

too close to a cliff and tumbled a few feet down

mothers (Chavajay & Rogoff, 1999; Rogoff et al.,

a ravine, the mother responded by admonishing

1993). Follow-up studies have also found cultural

her son for being careless in his attention (Ochs &

differences in simultaneity of attention to ongoing

Izquierdo, 2009).

events. Children whose families came to the United

States from Indigenous regions of Mexico often

Learning Through Third-Party Attention

skillfully attended to several events simultaneously,

Learning through keen observation entails not

without interrupting their attention to one event as

only simultaneously attending to multiple events,

they attended to another. They did so more often

but also paying attention to communication and

than European-American middle-class children activities not specifically directed to the learner.

and US Mexican heritage children whose mothers

Spontaneously attending to surrounding events can

had extensive school experience, who more often

be key to learning in communities where children

attended to one event at a time, interrupting each

have opportunities to be present during the full

in rapid alternation (Correa-Chávez, Rogoff, & range of community interactions. In one study in Mejía-Arauz, 2005). A second study examining which some children were on the periphery as one what the children paid attention to showed the

child taught a game to another child, middle-class

Mexican heritage and European-American children

European-American children were more often

attended to the same things, but in different ways

off-task and distracted than were Navajo children

(Roberts, Mejía-Arauz, & Rogoff, 2010). When this

who more often maintained attention to the game

study was replicated in a cosmopolitan Mexican city

and the instruction even when it was not relevant

and a nearby pueblo with recent Indigenous history,

to their turns or moves (Ellis & Gauvain, 1992).

children from the town used more simultaneous

Similarly, when middle-class European-American

attention, and children in the cosmopolitan city

and Guatemalan Mayan mothers were show-

(who came from families that had extensive experi-

ing their toddler how to engage with a novel toy,

ence with the institution of school) used more alter-

older Mayan siblings were more likely to observe

nating attention (Roberts et al., 2010).

their mother and younger sibling compared to

The skills of attending simultaneously to sev-

European-American older siblings who were more

eral events might facilitate learning by observing

likely to be engaged in their own individual activ-

by allowing monitoring of possibly important sur-

ity (Silva et al., 2012).

rounding events without interrupting the activity

In learning through observation, the respon-

at hand. This conjecture is supported by research

sibility for learning is shared between the learner

showing that Mayan 4-year-olds were more alert to

and the expert, thus minimizing the need for the

ongoing events compared to European-American

“child-focused” instruction commonly found in

4-year-olds in a middle-class community (Silva,

schools. In this learning context, it appears to be

Shimpi, & Rogoff., 2012). Gaskins and Paradise

the responsibility of the child to attend to and

(2009) argue that in communities where children

learn from several ongoing events at once without

are expected to observe others and pitch in, chil-

having key concepts pointed out for her or him.

dren develop “open attention,” which they define as

Ethnographies have shown that Mesoamerican

“attention that is both angled and abiding” (p. 99).

Indigenous heritage children can be adept at learn-

They argue that the attention of children and ing in these contexts (Deyhle & Swisher, 1997; adults in these communities is “on call” at all times

Paradise, 1996). While helping their parents,

and becomes second nature. This wide-angled and

9-year-old Mexican Mazahua children appeared to

abiding attention allows children to pick up on and

know when they could be momentarily engaged in

remember events that might be of interest in the

another activity, but once their parents began a new

future. As an example, 3-year-old Mayan children

task, they would immediately move closer or pay

in the Yucatan can report with accuracy where

more attention (de Haan, 1999).

every member of their household is and what he or

When Guatemalan Mayan siblings were being

she is doing in a way that mirrors adult reports of

shown how to make novel toys, children from more

what is taking place in the village (Gaskins, 2000).

traditional families attended to instructions that

Cor r e a-Ch áv ez, M a nGione, Bl aCk

297

were addressed to their sibling twice as much as

1986; Ward, 1971; Watson-Gegeo & Gegeo 1986).

European-American children (Correa-Chávez & It is likely that these skills at observation and moni-Rogoff, 2009). They did this although they were not

toring others’ ongoing activity are also related to

encouraged to attend to their sibling. Rather, they

being able to skillfully coordinate group interac-

were given a distracter toy and sat at a separate table

tion and collaboration, which is the topic we turn

as they waited their turn at making a different toy.

to next.

Compared to Mayan children, European-American

children were more likely to be bored and distracted

Cultural Patterns of Collaboration

as they waited. They were also more likely to engage

and Coordination in Interaction

in behaviors designed to “call” the adult’s attention.

Many studies have shown the benefits of col-

The Mayan children almost never engaged in dis-

laboration in helping children accomplish novel

ruptive behavior, often sitting quietly and intently

or complex tasks (Azmitia, 1988; Gauvain &

observing their sibling’s activity.

Rogoff 1989; Teasley, 1995; Tudge, 1992; Tudge,

This sustained third-party attention has also

Winterhoff, & Morgan, 1996). However, children

been observed in US Mexican heritage chil-

must learn the cultural skills of effectively collabo-

dren whose families likely have experience with

rating with one other. It stands to reason that these

Indigenous ways and limited experience with for-

skills would be learned in interactions with others

mal schooling (López Correa-Chávez, Rogoff, &

and that these would vary across different cultural

Gutierrez, 2010; Silva, Correa-Chávez, & Rogoff,

communities.

2010). Additionally, in all these third-party atten-

Comparative cultural research suggests that

tion studies, observing others’ activities was related

in communities with Indigenous history, specific

to effective learning. When the children were patterns of interaction and collaboration may be given the opportunity to construct the same toy

related to children’s familiarity with Indigenous

as their sibling had made a week and a half later,

and school ways of organizing teaching and learn-

the children who attended more needed less help

ing. For example, Guatemalan Mayan mothers

to complete the toy on their own. These patterns

with 0–2 years of schooling were more likely to

were true for the European-American children as

engage in multiparty collaboration when working

well: those children who observed more needed

with three children compared to Mayan moth-

less help at constructing the toy on their own.

ers with 12 or more years of schooling who were

This suggests that although the pattern of actively

more likely to subdivide tasks (Chavajay & Rogoff,

observing others may be found more often in 2002). When three siblings engaged with a novel communities of Indigenous history, children in

science exhibit, US Mexican heritage siblings

European-American middle-class communities tended to blend agendas, building off what their can also use it as a learning tool.

siblings were doing in a smooth and undisputed way

Although many of the examples thus far have

and rarely interrupting ongoing activity, whereas

centered on situations in which children visually

European-American siblings tended to engage with

observe others in their environment, it is important

one another by interrupting the other’s activity

to point out that this form of learning is not lim-

and discussing turn-taking (Angelillo & Rogoff,

ited to observing with one’s eyes. One study found

2005). Similarly, US Mexican heritage children

that 10-year-old Tohono O’odham children on the

whose families were more familiar with the ways

Tohono O’odham reservation (Arizona) recalled a

of rural Mexico and had fewer years of schooling

story told by an adult regardless of whether they

were more likely to engage as a group when folding

were told the story directly or overheard the adult

origami compared to US European heritage chil-

tell the story to another child (Tsethlikai & Rogoff,

dren and Mexican heritage children whose mothers

2013). However, rural children who participated

had 12 or more years of schooling (Mejía-Arauz,

more in traditional Tohono O’odham cultural prac-

Rogoff, Dexter, & Najafi, 2007). When working

tices, including traditional storytelling, recalled on a three-dimensional puzzle, Mexican heritage more than children who participated less in these

siblings whose families emigrated from rural areas

practices. Additionally, the language socialization

of Mexico and whose mothers averaged 7 years of

literature is full of examples of children learning

schooling were more likely to organize their inter-

words, forms of interaction, and information by

actions collaboratively through joint engagement

overhearing (Heath, 1983; Miller, Potts, Fung, where the siblings were working with one another Hoostra, & Mintz, 1990; Schieffelin & Ochs, and building off one another’s efforts. Conversely, 298

in a nd ou t of t he Cl a ssrooM

the Mexican heritage siblings whose mothers had

was as important as verbal interaction in leading

12 or more years of schooling were more likely to

to theory development and change in the activity.

work solo on the puzzle (Correa-Chávez, 2011).

In referring to two particular participants (LS and

Paradise and de Haan (2009) describe a situ-

TF) Azmitia and Crowley (2001) wrote:

ation in which Mazahua teachers and students

collaborated as a classroom unit while installing

While LS did not state her belief that the stories

classroom windows. All of the children, regardless

needed to be lined up and TF did not state her

of skill level, collaborated with the teacher to put

view that symmetry was important, both built

the panes of glass in place. Less experienced chil-

towers that contained these features, a finding

dren carefully watched the older children in order

that demonstrates once again the importance of

to understand how to do difficult parts of the task,

non-verbal demonstrations for theory building,

assuming responsibility for those parts they could

refinement, and testing in this task and in science in

handle. The teacher did not give direct instructions

general. (p. 71)

or manage the children’s work, and the children

A replication of the earthquake task that spe-

did not explicitly ask for help. However, through

cifically examined the verbal strategies used by suc-

coordinating their actions, the children and teacher

cessful teams found that extensive discussion of the

were able to complete the task.

task did not necessarily lead to success on the task

or to productive collaboration. In fact, the most

Patterns of Communication

successful and effective teams engaged in what the

when Working Together

authors called “rapid prototyping,” building and

Although scholars have stressed the importance

testing ideas with minimal discussion (Apedoe,

of talk in collaboration (Teasley, 1995), in commu-

Mattis, Rowden-Quince, & Schunn, 2010). From a

nities where children are accustomed to integrat-

Vygotskian point of view, it makes sense that much

ing themselves into community and family work

of the shared understanding in these collaborations

without interrupting others, many collaborative would come from joint activity and use of tools, as interactions may rely heavily on the act of work-well as through talk (Vygotsky, 1978).

ing together as an organizer in addition to talk. In

Peruvian Matsingenka adolescents, for example,

some circumstances, engaging in large amounts of

are highly skilled at accomplishing everyday tasks

talk may not necessarily be the most effective way

in a clear and efficient manner, and they do so with-

to accomplish an activity or organize collaboration,

out needing to talk about what needs to be done

as in the window repair example in the preceding

or how to coordinate it (Ochs & Izquierdo, 2009).

paragraph.

However, schools and people from highly schooled

Joint activity, as well as talk, was important

communities seem to prioritize talk as a marker

when older siblings in the United States were teach-

of engagement and learning (Dixon, Levine,

ing a younger sibling how to construct a model

Richman, & Brazelton, 1984; Kim, 2002; Li, 2005;

windmill. Although the siblings used talk to com-

Maynard, 2004; Rogoff, 2003). Zinacantec Mayan

municate, they were more likely to use nonverbal

children with only a few years of school used more

interactions in teaching compared to interactions

talk when teaching a younger sibling compared to

involving peers. Younger siblings were more likely

children who had not been to school, who tended

to observe their older sibling’s activity and imitate

to use more bodily closeness and bodily guidance

it, and older siblings were more likely to block their

as teaching tools (Maynard, 2004). Triads of US

younger sibling’s move when the younger one was

Mexican heritage children whose families were

about to make a mistake, then correctly place the

more familiar with rural ways were more likely to

piece for the younger sibling (this activity was rare

engage in multiple nonverbal turns at communica-

among peers who also served as teachers). Younger

tion (what the authors called nonverbal conversa-

siblings taught by an older sibling performed tion) in organizing interactions compared to triads better on a posttest than those taught by a peer

of European-American children and Mexican heri-

(Azmitia & Hesser, 1993).

tage children whose mothers had extensive school-

Similarly, when pairs of multiethnic college stu-

ing. The European-American children were more

dents collaborated to design a block structure that

likely to organize their interactions only through

would withstand an earthquake simulation, explic-

chat or talk. The Mexican heritage children whose

itly stating a shared theory did not necessarily lead

families had high schooling were intermediate

to good progress on the task. Nonverbal interaction

between the two (Mejía-Arauz et al., 2007).

Cor r e a-Ch áv ez, M a nGione, Bl aCk

299

Nonverbal conversation and communication the opportunity to verbally motivate the child and through multiple means may be less common in

define the situation. The teachers would interrupt

communities where children are prepared for com-

the activity to repair something in the event it went

munity life by being segregated and taught through

wrong and would not move on unless the child had

lessons, as opposed to being included in the role

demonstrated an understanding of the situation.

of legitimate peripheral participant, because there

This pattern was very different from the strategy

are fewer opportunities to engage around the activ-

used by the Mazahua parents of beginning to build

ity or object in question (Lave & Wenger, 1991).

the stand while the child watched and contributed

Specialized formats of verbal communication are

to the best of her or his abilities. In interviews, the

often seen in lessons and are more common in fam-

Mazahua parents stressed that the way children

ilies with extensive school experience (Dixon et al.,

learn to do things is by first seeing other people

1984; Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984; Rogoff et al.,

do them (de Haan, 1999). However, when adults

1993). European-American middle-class toddlers

in the United States were asked how they knew

in two US communities were rarely exposed learning was taking place, the presence of talk was to adult work although they engaged in many

referred to as an important marker of learning and

child-focused activities (Morelli et al., 2003). engagement (Kim, 2002; Li, 2005; 2008).

Increasingly, in middle-class communities, chil-

The cultural skills of learning how to moni-

dren around the world spend more time engaged

tor others’ interactions and find the appropriate

in lessons and less time exposed to productive adult

moment in which to merge with ongoing events

work. These differences are apparent when compar-

without interrupting or disrupting others appears

ing across nations and also when comparing across

to be learned early on. When learning how to oper-

social classes within a country (Coppens et al.,

ate novel toys, Mayan toddlers were more likely to

2014; Correa-Chávez, et al., in press; Mejía-Arauz

request help from their mothers using gaze, touch,

et al., 2013; Tudge et al., 2006). However, there is

and body posture compared to European-American

some indication that white middle-class children in

toddlers who hardly ever used those methods in

the United States engage in more talk than do chil-

asking for help (Rogoff et al., 1993). In another

dren in other middle-class communities. In a com-

study, US Mexican heritage children were ten

parison of middle-class toddlers in three countries,

times more likely to wait for the precise moment

white, middle-class toddlers in the United States

to request help from an adult (by waiting patiently

engaged in conversations with adults on topics that

and checking that the adult was not busy before

were not the current focus of activity almost twice

asking) compared to US European-American chil-

as often as the middle-class toddler in Brazil and

dren (Ruvalcaba, López, Rogoff, Correa-Chávez, &

Kenya (Tudge et al., 2006).

Gutierrez, 2012). When working together on a joint

While working on school tasks (drawing pic-

project, Mexican heritage children whose mothers

tures, working on puzzle, and playing with tinker

averaged 7 years of schooling tended to organize

toys) with their kindergartners, Hawaiian moth-

collaboration in ways that did not privilege talk

ers used more nonverbal assistance and less ver-

by relying on joint activity and nonverbal forms

bal assistance compared to US mainland mothers

of communication in addition to words. Mexican

(Speidel, Farran, & Jordan, 1989). Other studies

heritage children whose mothers had 12 or more

have indicated that Hawaiian mothers use more

years of schooling prioritized talk in coordination

co-participation and modeling when working with

and interaction (Correa-Chávez, 2011; Mangione,

their children on a task than do mothers from the

Correa-Chávez, Moreno & Mejía-Arauz, 2012;

US mainland (Tharp et al., 2007). In a comparison

Mejía-Arauz et al., 2007).

of Gusii (Kenyan) and US middle-class mothers’

teaching strategies with their infants, Gusii moth-

The Sociocultural Context of School

ers were more likely to repeatedly model the activi-

Maternal Schooling and Transformation

ties in which they wanted their child to engage. US

Across Generations

mothers, in contrast, were more likely to break the

Throughout this chapter, we have alluded to the

desired action down into small steps and verbally

importance that participation in the cultural insti-

explain to the child (Dixon et al., 1984; Richman,

tution of school has across generations. Research

Miller, & LeVine, 1992).

has demonstrated that maternal participation in the

Similarly, when they were helping children build

cultural practice of school has far-reaching implica-

a market stand, teachers in a Mazahua town took

tions for children of the next generation as mothers

300

in a nd ou t of t he Cl a ssrooM

may organize interactions with children in ways

on observation as a source of information and

that reflect the organization of school (Chavajay

attended simultaneously to multiple ongoing events

& Rogoff, 2002; Laosa, 1980; 1981; LeVine et al.,

more often than did US Mexican heritage children

1991; Mejía-Arauz, Rogoff, & Paradise, 2005; whose mothers had 12 or more years of schooling Moreno & Valencia, 2002; Richman et al., 1992;

(Correa-Chávez et al., 2005; Mejía-Arauz et al.,

Rogoff et al., 1993). It is probable that parents

2005). Mayan children whose mothers averaged

who have spent 12 or more years in schools would

three grades of schooling attended more to infor-

interact with children in ways that are consistent

mation directed to others compared to Mayan

with the interactional patterns common to school

children whose mothers averaged 12 or more

and that these lessons might replace other forms

years (Correa-Chávez & Rogoff, 2009). Similarly,

of organizing interaction (Crago et al., 1993; Mexican heritage children in the United States Richman et al., 1992; Rogoff, 2003).

whose mothers averaged 7 years of schooling paid

Mayan mothers with more years of schooling

attention to third-party activity more than US

organized child interactions through turn-taking

Mexican heritage children whose mothers had

and subdivision of activities in ways that resembled

more than 12 years of schooling (López et al.,

school more so than Mayan mothers with fewer

2010; Silva et al., 2010).

years of schooling (Chavajay & Rogoff, 2002).

Additionally, school changes children’s learn-

Mexican immigrant mothers with more years ing opportunities by altering the environment and of schooling provided more verbal explanations

expectations that surround childhood. As school

during a visit to a science museum compared to

becomes a defining characteristic of childhood,

Mexican immigrant mothers with fewer years of

parents increasingly define school and schoolwork

schooling (Tenenbaum, Callanan, Alba-Speyer, as a child’s obligation, duty, and work, while at

& Sandoval, 2002). When teaching children, the same time child contribution to the household Mexican-American mothers with more years of

decreases (Mejía-Arauz et al., 2013; Rogoff et al.,

schooling relied more on question-and-answer 2013). Children’s expectations about the future are interactions if they had many years of schooling;

also changed with school attendance and certifica-

Mexican-American mothers with fewer years of

tion, becoming an increasingly important part of

schooling relied more on modeling (Laosa, 1981;

their goals and expectations for the future (Rogoff

1982; Moreno, 2000).

et al., 2013). Along with these, fertility declines

As with Mayan mothers, Gusii mothers in rural

(reducing the number of siblings and related chil-

Kenya are impacted by what they learn in school,

dren) and age gradation in school becomes more

which in turn affects the interactions they have

stringent, thus reducing interaction between multi-

with their children. In the 1950s, researchers noted

age peers (Hernandez, 1997; Rogoff et al., 2005).

that Gusii mothers rarely acted as teachers or play-

mates for their children, rather acting as “manag-

Variations in Schools and Variation

ers, protectors and disciplinarians.” (LeVine et al.,

in Participation with Schools

1994, p. 90). However, in recent years, the educa-

However, although these patterns of change

tion these mothers receive has changed due to the

have been found in the literature for many areas

process of modernization, which has changed the

of the world, schools across the world also vary in

values, attitudes, and behaviors of mothers (LeVine,

how they organize interactions between children,

1980). Gusii mothers with higher levels of schooling

between children and adults, and in what they con-

(7 years) now view infant care through a more edu-

sider to be important learning goals for their stu-

cational lens, believing that a trained professional

dents (Tobin, Wu, & Davidson, 1989). Even within

can teach the infant better than the mother. LeVine

one cultural community, the goals of schooling and

(1980) suggests the mothers have internalized the

the methods employed by teachers are going to vary

notion that learning best happens with a more for-

depending on the intent of school. For example,

mal instructor than simply a parent bearing the

among the Fulbe of Northern Cameroon some chil-

responsibility for the education of the child.

dren attend two different kinds of school: Qur’anic

Children whose mothers have more years of

school for learning the Qur’an by rote in Arabic and

schooling also tend to exhibit forms of interaction

public school introduced by the Colonial French in

and group organization common to school. US

the early 1900s. The forms of learning and expecta-

Mexican heritage children whose mothers aver-

tions of both kinds of school have traditionally been

aged seven grades of school tended to rely more

different, with the Qur’anic school emphasizing

Cor r e a-Ch áv ez, M a nGione, Bl aCk

301

imitation, repetition, and memorization without P’urhépecha reported that parents were ambivalent explanation. However, as more Fulbe attended about sending their children to school because they both types of schools and became teachers, they

believed school taught children to be lazy (Keyser

also adapted elements of each kind of instruction

Ohrt, 2009).

in the two contexts. In the Qur’anic schools, for

example, some teachers added songs and collective

Can Multiple Ways of Learning Coexist?

instruction (previous instruction had been solitary),

Although participation in school may familiar-

whereas in the public school some new Islamic

ize people with the forms of teaching and learning

elementary schools were introduced that taught common in school, it is important to point out that both religious and nonreligious subjects side by side

increased participation in school is accompanied

(Moore, 2011).

by a number of other demographic changes, such

Many researchers interested in the academic

as a decrease in number of children in the family,

success of children form nondominant communi-

more limited involvement in the extended fam-

ties in the United States have suggested that one

ily, migration, urban experience, and occupations

of the contributors to disengagement with school

requiring credentials (Chavajay & Rogoff, 2002;

among children whose cultural heritage differs

LeVine et al., 1991; LeVine, LeVine, & Schnell,

from the dominant heritage may be a mismatch

2001; Richman et al., 1992; Rogoff et al., 2005;

between home culture and school culture. For

Rogoff & Angelillo, 2002). There is likely no one

example, Tharp and his colleagues (2007) have

“active ingredient” responsible for the changes

argued that Hawaiian schools do not reflect the col-

across generations; rather, the cultural research

laboration and intent with which Native Hawaiian

points toward constellations of practices and pat-

children are accustomed. Whereas Hawaiian terns that seem to fit together across different parts children tend to prefer learning from older

of the world. Increased maternal schooling and

children in groups, schools are structured for changes in child learning and socialization is one individual work, without much opportunity for

such pattern (Levine et al, 2003; Rogoff, 2003).

collaboration to take place. Additionally, chil-

However, rather than having one pattern of partic-

dren are not accustomed to following the instruc-

ipation and learning necessarily replace another, as

tions of a teacher because outside of school they

may be suggested by some of the current research,

are relatively independent and can contribute to

it may be possible for children to develop a reper-

the group with little adult supervision. Teachers

toire of learning practices that includes multiple

are also trained to teach a concept by breaking

ways of approaching learning (Gutierrez & Rogoff,

it down into its smaller components first, before

2003).

synthesizing it later. Outside of school, Hawaiian

There is some indication that children who are

children learn tasks as a “whole” rather than in

exposed to and have participated in multiple ways

parts: they know what the final product or end

of organizing teaching and learning can recognize

goal is before they learn the task, which gives

aspects of that cultural form of learning even if

meaning to the learning process. Programs such

they cannot label the forms of interaction. When

as the successful Kamehameha Early Education

shown videotaped interactions of children work-

Program (KEEP) were developed to connect ing together in forms either consistent with school the learning practices inside of school to those

ways or with learning by observing and pitching

of the community. These programs have since

in, bilingual Mexican heritage children who were

been adapted to other communities and popula-

attending US schools were able to identify forms

tions (Cooper, 2011; Trumbull, Rothstein-Fisch,

of collaboration and interaction where the chil-

Greenfield, & Quiroz, 1998).

dren on the videotape talked “with their eyes and

In communities in which Western schooling

with their hands.” European-American children

is becoming more prominent, some parents have

who were familiar only with school ways were less

also expressed worry that schools’ ideals and values

likely to identify communication or collaboration

may not be compatible with the ideals of the com-

if it did not include talk (Roberts & Rogoff, 2012).

munity. Matsigenka parents report that the chil-

Similarly, Mexican heritage children in the United

dren of the communities’ mestizo teachers “noisily

States behaved in a way consistent with the cultural

interrupt them with ‘Escúchame’ (Listen to me!),

value of respeto when they were working with an

demand food, but do not help in any way” (Ochs &

adult regardless of how much experience their fam-

Izquierdo, 2009, p. 396). Similarly, many elder

ily had with schooling. Children in both groups

302

in a nd ou t of t he Cl a ssrooM

rarely interrupted the adult’s activity; however,

Chicago IL: International Society of the Learning

European-American middle-class children were

Sciences.

more likely to interrupt the adult and insist on her

Azmitia, M. (1988). Peer interaction and problem solving:

When are two heads better than one? Child Development,

attention (Ruvalcaba et al., 2012). Research with

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bilingual children has shown that it is not necessary

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in a nd ou t of t he Cl a ssrooM

C H A P T E R

19 Gender Across Cultures: Sex and

Socialization in Childhood

Shagufa Kapadia and Jigisha Gala

Abstract

This chapter addresses the intricate interface between gender and culture, highlighting its pervasive influence on child development. It begins with an overview of gender as a social and cultural construct and discusses the major theoretical perspectives on gender development. We then discuss in detail the environments of gender socialization across cultures. Presented next is a developmental perspective on how gender has a profound effect on select developmental domains such as emotional, cognitive, and social. The final section contains critical reflections and recommendations for future research integrating culture and gender to better understand gender socialization and move toward transformative change and a more gender equitable world.

Key Words: gender, childhood, culture, development, socialization, stereotypes The intricacies of the culture–development their self-worth from “other-oriented” expectations interface were best revealed to the first author in

and roles that are culturally valued but may restrain

the course of her doctoral research on women’s

development. On one hand, performance of famil-

empowerment and its linkages with psychosocial

ial roles and fulfilling others’ expectations garners

variables, wherein self-esteem was posited as the

immense goodwill and positive feedback that con-

key variable. Experiences with women’s empow-

tributes to self-worth; on the other hand, situations

erment in the Indian context indicated that one

in which the woman’s personal wish or desire con-

of the most persistent obstacles to impede Indian

flicts with family expectations evoke much anxiety,

women’s development is their negligent attitude

guilt, and dissonance that in turn impinge on the

toward themselves as a result of their preoccupa-

woman’s sense of self. Such dilemmas are partic-

tion with sociocultural roles. For example, many

ularly evident in the context of marriage partner

women neglected seeking health treatment because

selection in instances in which the young woman’s

they were preoccupied with familial and cultural

choice of a prospective partner does not correspond

roles and responsibilities. Women in Indian soci-

with that of her parents. Irrespective of the deci-

ety derive much worth from fulfilling the needs of

sion, the woman experiences immense difficulty,

others, often at the expense of their own needs and

self-reproach, and blame. The following voices of

wishes. Paradoxically, the cultural perspectives on

two young women are illustrative of this situation:

self revealed that these very elements of self-sacrifice

and primacy to others’ needs are culturally central

Deciding in favor of own wish: “The decision would

in shaping Indian women’s construction of self.

be extremely difficult, because the girl has to leave her

The culture–gender–development interface was

parents in a very miserable condition as the daughter

thus brought to the fore in the form of a seemingly

has gone against their wish; it would be difficult for

irreconcilable situation in which women derived

them to account for her action to samaj (society). Even

307

if they do not understand her, but she understands them

for gender roles is ubiquitous, so much so that even

and she has to take the decision for her life so it is very

“learned roles” often tend to be regarded as a natu-

difficult to choose between your parents and your life. ”

ral phenomenon. Gender is omnipresent across

Deciding in favor of parents’ wish: “She will feel

developmental domains, across cultures, and across

guilty as she is parting from someone who she knows

life span.

she will be happy with. So in a way she will be leaving

This chapter highlights the role of gender in

her life so to speak because she won’t be happy with

child development across cultures. It is organized

any other person if she really is into a deep relationship

into four sections. The first section discusses the

with the boy. And especially if she is leaving a person

epistemology of gender development, including a

for a reason with which she does not agree (different

focus on theoretical perspectives in understanding

social background/caste), nor is it important for her. So

gender. The second section presents an overview of

she will feel guilty that after all she is letting down the

the roles of macro- and microenvironments in gen-

boy and she is supporting the parents, despite knowing

der socialization. In the third section, we address

that they are wrong.”

how gender impinges on select domains of develop-

ment and the cross-cultural similarities and varia-

Encounters with such dialectics brought forth

tions therein. In the final section, we share some

greater cognizance of and engagement with cul-

critical reflections on the topic and outline recom-

ture, thereby urging the first author to delve deeper

mendations for future research integrating culture

into cultural and gender perspectives in human

and gender to elicit a culturally sensitive under-

development.

standing of gender development with the larger

How culture influences the development of gen-

goal of advancing in the direction of transformative

der has long fascinated scholars of human devel-

change toward a more gender-equitable world.

opment. Best (2010) contends that the Whitings’

seminal six-cultures research on mapping the cul-

Epistemology of Gender

tural influences on gender socialization was an early

Gender as a concept represents a crucial debate

and important contribution. Using observational in human development viz. nature versus nur-methodology, the research focused on children ture: how much of the “sex” differences are biologi-within the family context to examine gender dif-

cal, and to what extent are these a result of social

ferences in aggression, nurturance, responsibility,

acculturation? Societies attach their own meanings

and help- and attention-seeking behaviors among

to the biological concept of sex to create social dis-

six cultures (India, Kenya, Mexico, Okinawa, the

tinctions between the two sexes, male and female,

Philippines, and the United States). The study dem-

thereby creating the distinct categories of men and

onstrated that the culturally determined settings;

women. Societal structures, such as family, law, and

social agents; tasks assigned; and interactions among

religion, embellish these categories in culturally dis-

parent, siblings, peers, and children affect the devel-

tinct ways. The distinction between the terms “sex”

opment of gender-related experiences and behaviors.

and “gender” emerged in the 1970s, when feminist

Most consistent gender differences were found in

social scientists began to use the word “gender” to

the domains of nurturance, dominance, and aggres-

expand the notion of a fixed meaning for the sex

sion. Girls demonstrated more nurturance than did

category into one that included, in addition to biol-

boys, who showed more aggression and dominance.

ogy, culture-specific meanings and cross-cultural

This was attributed to differential task assignment,

differences (Magnusson & Marecek, 2012).

in that girls were assigned more domestic and sib-

Best (2010), however, notes that this concep-

ling care tasks compared to boys, especially in India,

tual dichotomy between sex and gender creates

Mexico, and Okinawa. The research highlighted the

an arbitrary dichotomy between biological and

“cultural roots” (p. 542) of gender differences, spe-

social influences and hinders our understanding

cifically the role of cultural beliefs and socialization

of cultural and self-perceptions of “maleness” and

experiences on gender development. Contemporary

“femaleness.” This is because we are products of

research on the theory of gender development con-

both biology and environment, simultaneously

tinues to delve into these aspects.

and inseparably. Sex and gender are intertwined;

Gender, a sociocultural construction, is an they interact and they coexist. Alex, Wiklund, inherent facet of socialization that begins at birth

Lundman, Christianson, and Hammarström

and continues throughout the life span. Irrespective

(2012) echo a similar concern among the medi-

of variations in form and approach, socialization

cal fraternity who reveal that sex cannot be merely

308

Gender aCross Cu lt ur es

limited to biology and that there is no biology that

view, genes and environment have a bidirectional,

operates in isolation. They state that sex is not static;

reciprocal relationship; hence, the expression of par-

it is fluid and changeable. Citing an example, they

ticular genes will depend on the different social con-

point out that, in English, it is much easier to say

ditions offered by individuals with whom a child

“sex segregated” than “gender segregated,” which

interacts. Cultures create and offer different con-

highlights a limitation of the concept of sex in

texts to children, and these in turn affect the degree

the English language. In Swedish, by comparison,

and nature of sex differentiation. Whereas biologi-

gender is already inscribed within biological sex

cal perspectives enable an understanding of robust

and therefore the term “sex” gives a more holistic

and consistent gender differences across cultures,

understanding of the concept. The term “gender”

the cognitive and socialization perspectives are rel-

also has subcategories related to gender constructs,

evant to understanding within-sex variations and

power structures, and femininities and masculini-

differences among cultural groups and contexts.

ties. A person can be biologically male yet respond

However, both theoretical frameworks—those

in ways that are culturally categorized as feminine.

that emphasize the role of biology (e.g., brain

The nondichotomous nature of sex and gender has

structure, hormones, neurochemicals) as well as

been captured using the interesting metaphor of a

those that focus on early experiences (e.g., psy-

Mobius band—a loop with no end: “The outside of

chodynamic, social learning theories)—are reduc-

the Mobius band is related to as biology/sex and if

tionist and universalist in their perspectives, and

you follow the band, suddenly you are on the inside

often represent knowledge that may be partial and

of the band and it has become gender … you fol-

skewed. In response to the androcentric and ethno-

low the band and end up on the outside again and

centric biases in “science,” feminists and cultural

gender has gone back to biology” (p. 4). Alex et al.

psychologists have raised several questions related

suggest that we understand gender as “biological

to classical theories and methodologies. To begin

sex with a holistic perspective,” in which biologi-

with, the a priori categories of “man” and “woman”

cal sex is intertwined and engulfed by social and

are subject to scrutiny. “Doing gender” includes

cultural factors. Clarifying our conceptions of sex

not only conformity, but also nonconformity

and gender and understanding the nature of their

because both are in relation to the set gender norms

interplay can have major implications on all facets

in a given society. Cultural psychologists argue that

of human development.

understanding a developmental psychology must

take into account “cultural background, historical

Theoretical Perspectives

epoch and social categorization” (p. 31). Feminist

on Gender Development

theories take into account the “experience” of the

As with any other aspect of human growth and

individual in building knowledge (Magnusson &

development, theorists and developmentalists have

Marecek, 2012).

established the role of both nature and nurture in

the learning and development of gender. Gender

Feminist Perspectives

development theories fall broadly within frame-

Feminist approaches and methodologies help

works that emphasize the role of either biology,

to critically examine the presumed link between

environment, or both. Maccoby (2000) brings to

“female” and “feminine” social roles and “male”

the fore the limitations of socialization and cog-

and “masculine” roles. Feminist researchers inves-

nitive perspectives that have largely focused on

tigate how “interpersonal” and “situational” sur-

individual differences in outcome, and she instead

roundings lead to the development of gendered

draws attention to the study of robust group- and

identities. The experience and influence of a certain

social context-based gender outcomes. She argues

situation may vary for a man and a woman. Social

for an integration of the ethological and psycho-

rewards and penalties play a major role. Feminists

biological perspectives with the cognitive and point out that power equations and linguistic issues socialization perspectives to understand better the

serve to mask these lopsided equations in knowl-

enactment of gender.

edge generation and application. For instance,

The ethological perspective describes instinc-

Sharon Lamb’s work (1991, in Magnusson &

tive elements in a species’ behavioral repertoire and

Marecek, 2012) on linguistic practices in psycho-

draws attention to those situations in which sex dif-

therapy revealed that euphemisms and “linguistic

ferences may occur, rather than emphasizing gen-

avoidance” absolved men of their responsibility for

eralized trait differences. In the psychobiological

violence against women.

k a Pa di a, G a l a

309

In addition, Reddok (2000) observed a relearn gender. The studies she included in her Eurocentric linguistic bias and noted that the review prioritize children’s (middle-childhood)

“historical records are laced with racism, sexism,

voices in descriptions of their daily lives and

and imperialist sentiments” (p. 32). The language

gender-difference experiences with families, peers,

environment of children is abundant with words

public space, and out-of-school care.

and expressions referring to what is “girl stuff” and

In summary, although some of the theoretical

what is “boy stuff” (Magnusson & Marecek, 2012).

perspectives grant agency to the child (e.g., cogni-

Moreover, because language is inextricably linked

tive and social learning to an extent), they propose

to concepts and epistemology, it is imperative that

universal trends, as if “all girls” and “all boys” are

its role in perpetuating set patterns and categoriza-

two distinctly separate categories. Other perspec-

tions be acknowledged. Feminist approaches also

tives, by contrast, recognize the roles of culture,

differ remarkably from traditional approaches in

context, and socialization on gender development.

the sense that they recognize plurality in experi-

Children do not exist in isolation from their con-

ences across classes and cultures (Reddock, 2000).

texts, there is no universal child, and factors at the

individual level, as well as at the meso- and mac-

Cultural Psychology Perspective

rolevels, impinge on the gender constructions and

Cultural psychology is an overarching inter-

gender identities of children across cultures, con-

disciplinary perspective that offers understanding

texts, and other markers of social identities, such

of how culture and psyche make up one another

as class, ethnicity, and religion (Morrow, 2006).

(Shweder et al., 2006). Cultural psychology con-

However, for policy makers, it is imperative to

tends that very few components of the human

recognize “gender not as a category of exclusion

psyche are hardwired or fundamental such that

but as a problematic construct that is constantly

their developmental pathway is immutable and pre-

restructuring itself” (Tripathy, 2010, p. 113). The

cludes transformation through cultural participa-

next section discusses the influence of contexts and

tion. Differences in children’s worlds arise because

examines the role of various agencies in gender

of the material, social, and cultural conditions of

socialization.

child development. Cultural conditions refer to the

local ideational models that combine beliefs and

Gender Socialization Environments

moral norms to give meaning to the child’s world

Macro Environments of

and development. Cultural psychology recognizes

Gender Socialization

that child development is intimately bound to the

The child’s ecosystem consists of various

process of socialization, which involves “orienting

agents working at the macro- and microlevels

oneself in systems of meaning” (p. 742). Gender is

(Bronfenbrenner, 1979), each of which plays a role

interwoven into cultural worldviews across societies

in shaping the child’s development and identity

and hence forms an inherent, pervasive, and almost

during childhood. How societies are structured at

naturalized constituent of child socialization.

large impacts child socialization. Munroe (2004)

As Magnusson and Marecek (2012) observe,

studied the relationship between social structure

“People do not ‘do gender’ in a social and cultural

and sex role choices among 3 to 9 year-old chil-

vacuum” (p. 34). Using symbolic and behavioral

dren in four cultures, two of which (the Logoli of

terms at the local level, caregivers and educators

Kenya and the Newars of Nepal) were structured

organize the child’s world in consonance with a

patricentrically (virilocal residence, patrilineal

cultural inheritance of what is good and normal,

descent, strong sex stereotypes) and two (the Black

thereby giving culture-specific meanings to gen-

Carib of Belize and American Samoans) that were

der. Caregivers also balance the acceptance of not structured patricentrically (neolocal or bilocal the broader cultural goals with what they desire

residence, etc.). Children in the former two societ-

for their children. Cheah and Chirkov (2008), in

ies (the Logoli and the Newars) with salient gender

their study with Aboriginal and Euro-Canadian

differentiation were expected to choose same-sex

mothers of young children, show that when choos-

roles and culture-specific gender-based tasks com-

ing goals for socialization, mothers do not indis-

pared to children in the nonpatricentric societies.

criminately accept all culturally sanctioned values

Overall, the results indicated that, across societies

but rather accept them to varied degrees. In addi-

and age levels, children demonstrated same-sex

tion, Morrow’s (2006) review of recent UK-based

preference, with the preference increasing with

studies reveals that children actively learn and increasing age. However, among the Newars in 310

Gender aCross Cu lt ur es

Nepal, a patricentric society, the same-sex prefer-

drops, patriarchal values resurge promptly. She also

ence declined with age. That Newar women have a

found that women’s economic engagement is inde-

somewhat higher status than what generally exists

pendently related to more equitable gender norms,

in patricentric societies (e.g., partial control over

irrespective of culture and region. Levey and Silver

money, along with the right to dissolve marriage

(2006), using the Generations Survey in Japan and

and remarry) is posed as one plausible explana-

the United States, reveal that gender differences do

tion for this finding. The research also highlights

not exist in value orientations when controlled for

motivational elements involved in children’s active

demographic and human capital variations, except

negotiation of the meaning of their choices, thereby

in individual orientations, where men scored higher

bringing into play the constructivist perspective of

than women in both countries. Even though Japan

Vygotsky.

and the United States are comparable in terms of

Attitudinal changes at the macrolevel also influ-

postindustrial affluence and economic systems,

ence gender socialization, albeit at a slow pace, in

data revealed that each nation’s overall culture was

part because state policies are also slow to change.

more significantly linked to gender differences in

For example, although Japanese individuals and

value orientations rather than to the gender of the

families are moving toward egalitarian roles, some

person, thus highlighting that gender differences

state policies make it practically difficult for fathers

are neither systematic nor consistent when macro-

to take care of their children. Selfless commitment

level factors are taken into consideration.

to work as a macrolevel cultural value conflicts

with the idea of division of child care responsibility,

Family

and this is reflected in the leave policy for parents

A child’s family or home is the primary source

in Japan (Morrone & Matsuyama, 2010). Similarly,

of socialization during the early years. At home,

in India, although a macrolevel analysis shows that

role models, reinforcements, and approval or disap-

many women have joined the workforce, working

proval by significant adults promote the develop-

mothers experience more guilt for not being able to

ment of gender identities that are congruent with

spend time with their children, with one of the rea-

the larger society and culture. Imitation of parents

sons being the lack of alternative child care facili-

or siblings (especially same-sex) is the second most

ties (Vindhya, 2011).

important form of gender socialization within the

Studies with Latino families in the United context of the family.

States show that parental beliefs that affect their

Gender-differential socialization is prevalent

children’s gender socialization are largely shaped

across societies, albeit in different intensities and

by demographic factors. These include the use of

forms. The welcome greeting that a child receives is

Spanish or English by parents, whether parents

the first such instance. Son preference is very high

were born in the United States, and the level of

among many cultures. Comparing Turkmenistan

parental education, all of which affected parental

and Azerbaijan families, Hortaçsu, Bastug, and

attitudes pertaining to the gender roles of their

Muhammetberdiev (2001) revealed that Turkish

adolescents (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004). The impact

men desired greater numbers of children soon after

of state-level welfare policies and education on dif-

marriage and preferred sons in relation to the Azeris.

ferential gender relations is observed in Spain and

Women showed such preference only when they

Finland (Mínguez, 2010). In Spain, although the

were forced to choose. In traditional Indian society,

state’s family policies were not amenable to creating

for example, although the birth of any child is an

new gender-related norms, education served as an

occasion to celebrate and share sweets with family

important asset in downplaying the impact of such

and friends, there is a difference in the type of candy

state policies. In Finland, irrespective of the level of

offered for a girl or a boy: sons are welcomed with a

education, most people moved toward egalitarian

more expensive sweet. In India, the concept of sewa

gender relationships owing to that country’s favor-

(service) and sacrifice are necessary qualities in girls.

able institutionalized family policies. In addition, a

A girl is also trained for self-denial and self-negation

country’s gross domestic product (GDP) and wom-

because she must learn to be subservient and obedi-

en’s participation in economic employment are ent to older women, especially her future mother-in-important factors responsible for this change. Using

law; otherwise, she will face disapproval from her

the World Values Survey, Seguino (2007) observed

conjugal family and bring disrepute and disgrace

a shift toward more egalitarian gender roles and

to her parents (Dube, 1998). In general, girls in

expectations in general. She notes that when GDP

India are socialized to adjust to whatever they may

k a Pa di a, G a l a

311

encounter in their affinal home rather than social-

sex-typed behaviors among younger siblings com-

ized into specific roles (Ganesh, 1999). Therefore,

pared to their same-sex single child counterparts

some girls maybe socialized to be homemakers and

who subsequently indicated more same-sex typed

serve their family members after marriage, whereas

behaviors than did children with other-sex siblings.

others maybe socialized to be educated and bring

More recently, particular interest has been

home a paycheck, depending on the expectations

directed to the investment of fathers in families

of their conjugal families. Also, as Bhogle (1999)

with sons and how this affects gender socialization.

observed, in a complex culture such as India, which

Raley and Bianchi (2006) contend that married

is multireligious, multilinguistic, and has multiple

fathers in the United States invest increased time

class and caste identities, it is impossible to con-

in leisure activities in families where at least one

struct gender roles that can be generalized to all

son is present. McNeill’s (2007) grounded theory

sections of Indian society, and these roles do not

approach to understanding fathers as parents rather

remain static throughout the life span.

than as men revealed that the hegemonic, dominat-

Play materials for children are also largely ing, competing idea of masculinity fails to account gendered. In an African context, for instance for the love, tenderness, and care many fathers (Murray & Turiel, 2012), girls usually receive figu-demonstrate. The study participants included first-

rines that resemble babies and boys receive guns,

and second-generation immigrants to the United

cars, and airplane models. Such practices send a

States from India, Africa, Greece, Portugal, Italy,

clear gendered message to the girl child that she

and Ukraine, and his data provide a broader onto-

is expected to grow up to bear children and take

logical, rather than a restricted hegemonic, view of

good care of them. The boundaries and limita-

masculinity and fatherhood. Overall, however, the

tions of the girl child are clearly marked within the

traditional image of fathers as protectors and pro-

kitchen. She is reminded to be happy within these

viders remains.

set boundaries, or she risks becoming a deviant. In

most families, boys are not allowed or expected to

Peers

play with “girl” toys, and they are cautioned not

Peers affect socialization by reinforcing gender

engage in girls’ activities. If a boy child is found

and undoing stereotypes. Interactions with peers

holding his sister’s doll, he is usually subjected to

in various play contexts shape and reinforce chil-

ridicule or punishment.

dren’s egalitarian and hierarchical ways of social

Along similar lines, a study on gender-based

organization. A study with Japanese preschoolers

economic socialization in Italian families revealed

reveals that peers reprimanded, teased, and taunted

parental inequality in the treatment of boys and

children for using gender-inappropriate language

girls in that there was greater tolerance, generos-

more than their mothers did. Interestingly, moth-

ity, and trust in sons, who were considered ratio-

ers of preschoolers revealed that their boys learned

nal consumers. Girls, by contrast, were expected

this rough language after they entered preschool.

to behave in a mature and responsible manner and

Girls also exhibited masculine linguistic forms

were often considered big consumers and spenders.

after joining preschool. Still, overall, boys’ speech

The value of saving and self-control was particu-

was assertive, commanding, and high-handed,

larly emphasized for young girls compared to boys.

whereas girls’ speech was more collaborative,

In addition, girls got only half the pocket money

explaining, and questioning. Yet, when the context

that their brothers received (Ruspini, 2012).

demanded, girls did use assertive and rough lan-

Siblings play a significant role in the acquisi-

guage forms to negotiate or fight, but it was rare to

tion of gender identity. Rust, Golombok, Hines,

see boys using feminine linguistic styles. Therefore,

Johnston, Golding, and the ALSPAC Study Team

gender-distinctive language is dynamic rather than

(2000) examined the role of siblings in influenc-

fixed, dictated by the context of interactions and

ing gender-related behaviors. They found that the

relationships (Nakamura, 2001).

presence of an older brother was associated “with

Another study that illustrates language and

both masculinization and defeminization for girls

gender socialization through peer interactions and

and boys, whereas the presence of an older sister

play reveals the importance of context in uphold-

associated with feminization but not demasculin-

ing traditional gender stereotypes or digressing

ization in boys and demasculinization but not fem-

from them. Examining the use of directives and

inization in girls” (p. 299). Thus, the presence of

imperatives in peer interactions as an indicator,

a same-sex older sibling was associated with more

Kyratzis and Tarım (2010) noted that Turkish

312

Gender aCross Cu lt ur es

preschool girls felt free to play down their gender

segregation of boys and girls in the morning assem-

role identities in contexts that demanded them to

bly and sexual division of labor in classrooms. For

command boys, as when they played “mother” to

instance, roll call is taken separately for boys and

the boys. The girls knew that, in their culture, girls

girls; boys mind the boys and girls mind the girls;

talk softly and use a cooperative language, yet they

and when papers are to be distributed, girls do the

adapted their language and style of communication

girl’s side and likewise for boys. Whereas girls are

according to their contextual role plays. However,

entrusted with cleaning, sweeping, and picking

the influence of peers on children’s socialization

up teacups after teachers, boys run errands out-

is not consistent for all children. The “social dos-

side the school, carry furniture, and serve lunch

age effect” (i.e., the influence of peers) was more

during midday. Kim (2012) also documents how

predictable for children who spent more time with

gendered stereotypes are reinforced among tod-

same-sex peers (Martin & Fabes, 2001).

dlers in early-childhood classrooms in the United

Apart from language, children also learn social

States. For example, she observed that initially boys

skills from each other. However, the skills learned

might engage in rough-and-tumble play acciden-

are mediated by gender. Social experiences some-

tally. However, when caregivers take this as a sign

times serve to promote gender nonconformity, as

that boys are ready for outdoor play, the boys then

well as dampen it. A longitudinal study of children

learn to engage in such play intentionally, so that

from the upper Midwest of the United States by

they get to go outside. On the other hand, girls are

Ewing Lee and Troop-Gordon (2011) reveals that

reinforced to stand in line and wait. Similarly, boys

peer-victimized girls withdrew from both mascu-

tend to manage to get access to more materials and

line and feminine behaviors, whereas physically

get more frequent and longer turns at their favorite

and verbally abused boys reduced their engagement

activities. The importance of both overt and covert

in feminine behaviors, Yet, when social exclusion

communication is highlighted here.

was warranted, the boys’ engagement with tradi-

The language we use shapes our thoughts and

tionally feminine behaviors was amplified.

therefore our actions. The language used in school

textbooks and the manner in which the content

Education Settings and Books

is transacted also is highly gendered. A study in

Schools are important contexts for gender Uganda by Barton and Sakwa (2012) revealed that socialization and the reinforcement of hegemonic

although English textbooks are used to enhance

culture. Caregivers, teachers, peers, and media linguistic skills, teachers are completely oblivious accessible to children in a school context play to the gendered nature of the content, which mar-important roles in the process of creating the “two

ginalizes girls. A series of experiments conducted

cultures” that divide girls and boys and segregate

by Flaherty (2001) demonstrates how a language

play. Winer and Phillips (2012) revealed that US

with a gendered system, such as Spanish as com-

toddler boys were more exposed to poor-quality

pared to English (which is a language with a lim-

care on all dimensions (structural, environmen-

ited gender system) shapes the perceptions of 5 to 7

tal, and process dimensions of quality) than were

year-old and 8 to 10 year-old English and Spanish

girls, and they benefited from classrooms where

children in a task involving giving objects male or

the girls outnumbered them significantly. This is

female names and another task in which attributes

because toddler boys are more negatively perceived

were to be granted to cartoons and objects. For 8

and portrayed and also because caregivers perceive

to 10 year-old Spanish children, gender assignment

closer bonds with girls. This study shows that care-

corresponded with grammatical gender, whereas

giver/teacher–child relationships play a vital role in

for all English and for younger Spanish children,

the quality of care provided to children as young as

gender assignment was based on the attributes

2 years, even when the children of both genders are

of the objects. Therefore, when gender tags are

not significantly different in their play behaviors.

acquired, perceptions are also gendered. Nicoladis

Along similar lines, Bhattacharjee (1999) doc-

and Foursha-Stevenson (2012) make a similar

uments the everyday practices and routines of argument, stating that the knowledge of French, school life in an urban Indian context and brings

another language with a grammatical gender sys-

out the “gender code” or “hidden curriculum” tem, among English-speaking 8 to 10 year-olds found in many schools (p. 337). This curriculum

affected their classification of objects as male and

matches with the way gender is construed in the

female. Monolingual English children and 3- to

larger society. These everyday routines include 5-year-old bilingual children classify objects as k a Pa di a, G a l a

313

mostly “male” rather than “female.” Only older

identities and protecting them from the critical eye

bilinguals showed the effect of French classifica-

of society or forcing their children to adopt con-

tion. Although it is clear that language primes gen-

ventional and restrictive “binary” gender identities

dered understanding, a study in Iran illuminates

(Malpas, 2011).

the use of teaching Persian, Arabic, and English

Therapists and educators provide support to

languages to propagate and maintain the values

these parents and children to protect their self and

and ideologies of the dominant Islamic culture

alternate gender identities, by unlearning stereo-

and also to promote male dominance with every

types and prejudices.

increase in educational level (Foroutan, 2012).

The constructivist explanation usually under-

On the Eurasian island of Cyprus, activity lies programs that focus on unlearning gender books for toddlers also perpetuate gender norms.

stereotypes and offers space for transformation.

For example, books show the father’s contribu-

For example, Brinkman, Jedinak, Rosen, and

tion to those activities that are considered mas-

Zimmerman (2011) make a case for introducing

culine and the mother’s supervision over activities

social justice programs into education and show

considered “feminine.” If a depiction involves how such a program helps children to unlearn prej-a child learning to cook a simple dish, the activ-

udices to a significant extent. They tested one such

ity mentions the mother’s help; if the activity is

program called Fairness to All Individuals through

about learning to fly a kite, then the father’s help

Respect (FAIR) developed by Colorado University

is required. Such activity books have double out-

and found that fifth-grade children’s engagement

comes, both socializing children and reinforcing

in gender-specific prejudiced behaviors decreased.

parents in stereotypical gendered activities. Activity

In the United States, Kane (2006) notes two

books, pictured schoolbooks, and events organized

trends in gendering of children by their parents:

by the school can be starting points to challenge

one that conforms to the normative gender roles

gender roles and provide ways to present alterna-

and strict enforcement of gender typing, especially

tives that transcend conventional gender bound-

by fathers, and the other in which the spectrum

aries. However, this usually does not happen, and

of what is considered normative is broadened by

instead schools create environments that reinforce

welcoming what parents perceive to be atypical

the children-mother-father family model as the gender. Although true in case of daughters (before only option, thereby promoting the traditional they reach adolescence), it is not the case for sons.

division of labor and gender boundaries (Ozkaleli,

Most parents, regardless of gender, ethnicity, social

2011). All major socializing agencies thus reinforce

class, sexual orientation, and partnership status,

gendered beliefs and behaviors in different ways.

very consciously try to maintain gender boundar-

However, instances of nongendered socialization

ies to appease the hegemonic ideals of masculinity

are becoming increasingly evident, as documented

or “anti-femininity” notions of traditional mascu-

in the following section.

linity. In her qualitative interviews with parents of

preschoolers, Kane explores not only the gender

Atypical Gender Socialization and Identity

construal of parents and the outcomes they seek for

The preceding sections argue that gender is con-

their children, but also the subtle nuances of such

structed through the various agents of socialization,

beliefs, including the why and how of the process

yet parents of children with gender variant identi-

of specific gendering. It is interesting to see how

ties believe that gender is innate rather than socially

the genders of both parents and children interact in

constructed. For example, when a little girl (tod-

the gendering of children. Although both mothers

dler) loves to do “girl things,” such as apply make

and fathers nurtured the typical “girlish” behaviors

up, dress well, and go shopping, parents believe

of their daughters, they not only accepted “boyish”

that she is taking up gender cues; however, in the

pursuits in girls, but also actively encouraged them.

case of a little boy who loves to do the same things,

This finding was echoed in Friedman, Leaper, and

parents believe that this gender was inherent to the

Bigler (2007), where gender-egalitarian mothers of

child. The parents must constantly explain and

3 to 7 year-olds used counterstereotypical speech

account for their child’s “cross-gendered” behavior

more with their daughters than with their sons.

to neighbors, schools, religious institutions, and

In the case of boys, fathers especially disapproved

society at large (Meadow, 2011). They parents have

anything remotely feminine in their sons, includ-

the option of either accepting their children’s broad

ing ballet dancing. This was also true in the case of

spectrum of behaviors that forms their gender mothers who perceived their partner’s disapproval 314

Gender aCross Cu lt ur es

of their sons’ “atypical” pursuits. Single mothers

they aid in training a child to become a functioning

with heterosexual orientation could allow their sons

member of the society. Although stereotypes serve

more leeway in experimenting with gendered iden-

as a heuristic device to understand group charac-

tities because single mothers did not have to deal

teristics, they create trouble when they are blindly

with a husband who would enforce stereotypical

applied to individual cases. The constricting nature

masculinity. On the other hand, lesbian mothers

of stereotypes has been highlighted in a range of

were extremely conscious of their sons’ masculin-

domains. Aina and Cameron (2011) find that ste-

ity because they felt that their “unconventional”

reotypes affect children’s intra- and interpersonal

or different sexual orientation would subject their

relationships, their physical and psychological

sons to undue scrutiny if these boys exhibited gen-

well-being, access to resources, education, and

der deviance (Kane, 2006).

participation in corporate work later in life. These

A study in African-American families also researchers strongly recommend that early child-revealed that sons raised by single mothers were

hood education should not only focus on providing

more involved in family and child care work com-

developmentally appropriate programs, but also

pared to sons born to mothers with cohabiting

provide an environment where children are encour-

partners. Hill’s (2002) work with 35 such families

aged to engage in critical thinking and develop “a

reveal that, across class and income groups, parents

global, multicultural, anti-bias world view” (p. 18)

supported gender equity; however, it was seen in

Across cultures, socialization largely reinforces and

actual behavior only as one ascends to classes with

maintains culture-based gender values, norms, ste-

higher levels of education. Homophobia was also

reotypes, and biases, which in turn impinge on the

highly prevalent among those families with lower

child’s emotional, social, and cognitive develop-

levels of education. Hupp, Smith, Coleman, and

ment. The subsequent sections discuss the interplay

Brunell (2010) also reveal that children of single

of gender across select developmental domains and

mothers had lower levels of gender-typed knowledge

cultures.

compared to children of married mothers because

single mothers more often engaged in androgy-

Gender and Emotion

nous activities. The study suggests that children

Emotions are cultural constructions built on

benefit when mothers model both feminine and

the basis of cultural values, beliefs, and norms, and

masculine behaviors. This may be true for fathers

culturally salient emotions are acquired through

as well. Higher educational levels were also linked

enculturation (Menon, 2000). Emotional develop-

to egalitarian family structures both in Spain and

ment (expressiveness) is substantially influenced by

Finland, where otherwise the hold of traditional

cultural attitudes related to gender roles. Caregivers

gender segregation and division of house work and

respond to biological differences in cultural ways,

responsibility were highly valued despite macro-

and these press for gender-differentiated emotional

level changes in familial policies in these welfare

expression to a large extent (an example being the

states (Mınguez, 2010). Notwithstanding evidence

extensively prescribed rule that boys should not

of atypical gender socialization, the cultural norm

cry, and girls should not be aggressive). Empirical

across societies favors gender-differentiated social-

research has addressed gender differences in emo-

ization. The following section discusses how gen-

tion socialization in parental teaching style, par-

der mediates child socialization and development

ent–child interactions, and display rules.

across select domains and cultures.

Mothers assume responsibility for the emotional

functioning of the family through gender-expected

The Gender Grip: Across Domains,

displays of and teaching about negative emotions,

Across Cultures

as well as through their contributions to children’s

All cultures prescribe gender norms that give

emotional knowledge. This was demonstrated in a

rise to gender stereotypes and together these influ-

study in the United States on gender differences in

ence development in direct and subtle ways. The

the socialization of upper-middle-class Caucasian

childhood years are formative for the development

preschoolers’ emotional competence. In this

of prejudices and stereotypes concerning gender

same study, fathers, by contrast, played the role

norms and sexuality (Bos, Picavet, & Sandfort,

of the loving playmate. Girls were also more

2012). Stereotypes give rise to behaviors that are

susceptible to parental socialization of emo-

“gender coded” (Shields, 2012a). Stereotypes are an

tion (Denham, Bassett, & Wyatt, 2010). This

integral part of the process of socialization because

trend is also evidenced in a cross-cultural study

k a Pa di a, G a l a

315

of mother–son and mother–daughter dyads in role with sadness socialization, which was reflected three cultures: Argentina, Italy, and the United

in their control of conversation with daughters.

States, and in two regions, metropolitan and rural.

With regard to the emotion of anger, mothers were

Gender stereotypic patterns in continuity of emo-

observed to have direct conversations with their

tional availability of the mother and child were

older daughters. The researchers attribute this to

indicated across cultures. From infancy to tod-

the plausibility that mothers are more aware of

dlerhood, there was a decrease in emotional avail-

the negative consequences associated with anger

ability in mother–son dyads, whereas it remained

among females. Overall, both mothers and fathers

steady for the mother–daughter dyads. Both coached their sons more than their daughters biological-maturational as well as cultural expla-

(Zeman, Perry-Parrish, & Cassano, 2010). Similar

nations are invoked to explain this gender differ-

gender differences were observed in Raval and

ence. Girls, because of their faster maturation, may

Martini’s (2011) research on mothers’ socialization

be expected to develop emotion regulatory ability

of child emotion in suburban middle-class fami-

more quickly than are boys. At the same time,

lies in Gujarat, India, wherein mothers reported

culturally, girls are more explicitly socialized to

less sympathy toward their daughters’ expressions

experience self-in-relation, in turn enabling them

of anger than their sons’. The cultural explanation

to engage in interactions requiring emotional skills

for this finding relates to less acceptance of anger

(Bornstein et al., 2010).

in women, as represented in Indian-Hindu folk

Gender differences in parental responses were

theories, along with the notion that women need to

also evident in relation to the display of the same

adjust to their husbands’ families and also uphold

emotion in girls and boys in the greater metropoli-

the highest moral standards for society.

tan Washington DC area (Root & Rubin, 2010).

In a departure from studies with middle- and

Mothers responded with more happiness to their

upper-middle-class groups in the United States,

daughters’ happiness than did fathers of sons and

Chaplin, Casey, Sinha, and Mayes (2010) focus on

fathers of daughters in a hypothetical story situa-

gender and emotion socialization in low-income

tion, probably a reflection of the notion that males

families, primarily African-American toddlers.

may not be as expressive as females or that parents

The emotions studied included anger, sadness,

respond according to their distinct parental roles.

and anxiety/fear. Findings suggest that caregivers

Mothers assume a central role in nurturing positive

responded in ways that encouraged boys’ anger

emotions in their daughters, whereas participation

and discouraged/punished girls’ anger. In addi-

in reinforcement of positive affect may not be a

tion, caregivers were more upset by girls’ displays of

priority for fathers, particularly in relation to sons.

anger, probably because such displays are inconsis-

With reference to anxiety, which is considered a

tent with their gender role. Boys’ sadness and anxi-

nonmasculine emotion, fathers reported that they

ety were ignored, which could lead to a decrease

would respond with surprise to their sons’ anxiety,

in these expressions over time. Contrary to the

indicating that displays of anxiety in boys are not

trend seen in the middle-class context, this study

expected. And yet fathers reassured sons’ anxious

demonstrated greater dismissing responses for

feelings more often than did mothers, who played

girls’ sadness. In general, fewer gender differences

a proactive role in daughters’ anxiety in terms of

in response to sadness/anxiety were forthcoming,

asking for more information to question feelings.

perhaps alluding to a view that softer negative emo-

Thus, the child’s gender and the type of emotion

tions should be discouraged for both boys and girls.

play a role in mediating parents’ gender-based

The culture–gender–emotion interface is

responses.

more clearly elicited by studies including differ-

Gender-specific teaching of emotions is dem-

ent ethnic groups and cultures. Cervantes (2002)

onstrated in yet another study in the United explored cultural variations in gender emotions States, this one with parents and 6 to 11 year-old

with two groups of Mexican-descent mothers

Caucasian middle- and upper-middle-class chil-

in the United States, Mexican immigrant, and

dren from an urban northeastern region. This study

Mexican-American. Gender differences were indi-

indicated that mothers adopted an emotion coach-

cated in the Mexican-American group wherein

ing approach (which refers to a style that views a

girls exhibited more emotional utterances than

child’s experience of negative affect as generally

did boys, whereas the Mexican immigrant group

healthy and an opportunity for teaching) more

did not reveal any gender differences. This is

than did fathers, whereas the latter played a unique

attributed to the centrality of the interpersonal

316

Gender aCross Cu lt ur es

values of familismo (commitment and connected-

gender-based division of child care tasks and

ness to family) and respeto (deference and affection

thereby influence gender inequities in the family.

to adult authority figures) in the Mexican culture,

Using a multimethod approach, the study dem-

which are emphasized for boys and girls alike.

onstrated that children make choices based on the

Mexican-descent mothers also tended to engage in

gender of the primary caregiver through strategies

conversations comprising nurturing advice about

such as emotional displays and protests geared

the social world that promotes empathy, aware-

toward obtaining mothers’ compliance and atten-

ness of familial expectation, and critical thinking,

tion and thereby rejecting fathers’ performance of

thereby providing children rich information about

tasks that are understood as belonging to mothers.

other people’s emotions. Along similar lines, gender

For example, children were found to share their

difference in expression of emotion in attachment

thoughts, feelings, and jokes with their mothers

practices is revealed in a five-country study includ-

instead of their fathers and even initiated fewer

ing Switzerland, Spain, Italy, Chile and Belgium.

conversations with the latter, perhaps because of

Across the cultures, preschool girls expressed a the “disciplinarian” image of fathers in Chinese more secure narrative than did preschool boys in

culture. As a consequence, fathers tend to retreat

terms of easier access to emotions in attachment

from such tasks, whereas mothers tend to give in

practices and more coherent articulation. However,

to children’s emotional displays, thereby reinforc-

the magnitude of gender differences differed ing the gender-differentiated pattern. Research across cultures. In comparison to Latin European

addressing such perspectives would offer a step for-

countries (Italy, Switzerland, and Belgium), girls

ward into understanding the complex area of gen-

in Hispanic countries (Spain and Chile) received

der emotion development.

higher security scores than did boys. The higher

On the whole, it is clear that the roles parents

family orientation and greater mother–infant prox-

play in socialization for emotion are influenced by

imity among Latinos is offered as a plausible expla-

cultural values and the parents’ own gender, as well

nation for this pattern.

as by the child’s gender and the type of emotion.

Apparently, to a greater or lesser extent, empiri-

Across cultures, gender stereotypic emotion social-

cal research across cultures has reported similar

ization is evident to a greater or lesser extent.

gender differentials in emotion socialization and

development. In this context, Shields (2012b) raises

Gender and Social Identity

a more fundamental issue of the role that beliefs

Social development refers to the acquisition of

about gendered emotions play in the maintenance

the ability to display socially appropriate patterns

of structures of status and power. Beliefs that of behavior. Cultural ideologies are shared models people carry about gender-emotion have profound

of values and norms that guide people’s behavior

impact on self-perception and evaluation of others.

and reasoning. These ideologies, passed on through

Critiquing the differences paradigm, she contends

generations, shape parents’ beliefs of child devel-

that such beliefs essentialize and fail to problema-

opment. The influence of the differences in these

tize gender-emotion stereotypes, thereby precluding

ideologies on child-rearing practices was explored

inquiry into the implications of the same. Echoing

by Suizzo and Bornstein (2006). They observed

the views of feminist scholars, she advocates for a

joint play between 20-month-olds and their moth-

“gender in context” (p. 429) approach that focuses

ers among 33 French and 39 European Americans.

on unraveling context-specific variables that play a

Parent–child play has been linked to the acquisition

role in shaping gender emotions. In addition, it is

and refinement of important cognitive and social

also necessary to consider the intersectionality of

skills, particularly pretend play that is directed

social identities such as age, ability, status, and reli-

toward others, and is related to advanced language

gion because these are intricately intertwined in the

and interpersonal skills. Cultural and gender dif-

lived experiences of gender, and they offer space in

ferences were found in the mothers’ solicitation

which to explore within-gender variability.

to engage in either symbolic or self-directed pre-

A relevant issue in this regard is the consid-

tend play. Also, differences existed in the amount

eration of children as active agents of their own

of verbal praises given by the mothers. Girls were

development, particularly emotional develop-

more often encouraged to engage in symbolic play,

ment (Ahn, 2010). Along similar lines, Lui and

and more frequently by American mothers. French

Choi (2013) investigated how Chinese children

mothers encouraged more of self-directed pretend

aged 4–13 years use emotional display to ensure

play. American mothers verbally praised their

k a Pa di a, G a l a

317

children more than did the French mothers, par-

differences exist in the richness and complexity

ticularly the boys.

of these gender schemas. This stems from the dif-

These differences in play and verbal praise were

ferences in one’s familiarity with and exposure to

attributed to the difference in the cultural ideolo-

gender-related material, giving rise to a distinction

gies of the European Americans and the French.

between gender-schematic and gender-aschematic

Child-rearing beliefs in the United States empha-

individuals (Lobel, David, & Gruber, 2000).

size individual achievement, competition, and the

Yu and Xie (2010) studied the multiple dimen-

perfectibility of the human being. A Lockenean

sions of gender identity and its effect on psycho-

“tabula rasa” philosophy seems to pervade US logical adjustment in Chinese children (aged developmental practices, one that believes parents

9–12 years) and found that Chinese boys were more

can shape the child’s development. Hence, the content with their gender, but felt more pressure to European-American mothers actively stimulate conform to their gender stereotypes. These findings their infants through verbal cues and praises. The

were consistent with that of previous research on

French uphold the innocent nature of the child and

American children, thus highlighting the favorable

the importance of social conformity. It is the par-

status held by men across societies and the superior-

ents’ responsibility to teach their children specific

ity and satisfaction associated with the possession of

social rules. They are expected to provide stimulat-

masculine traits over feminine traits. However, this

ing activities that will “awaken” the child. However,

felt pressure did not significantly affect the Chinese

unlike Americans parents, French parents play the

children’s psychological adjustment as predicted.

role of a spectator rather than a complementary

This was attributed to the ruling Confucianism

actor (Bornstein, Tal, & Tamis-LeMonda, 1991,

ideology in China that teaches children to obey

as cited by Suizzo & Bornstein, 2006). The gen-

social rules and discipline themselves to maintain

der differences found in the two cultures were

appropriate social conduct. Therefore, conforming

attributed to the role of different ideologies in to their gender roles is a natural process for Chinese shaping child-rearing practices right from infancy,

children, unlike for American children who are

and these differ based on the gender of the child

distressed by this type of conformity (Yu & Xie,

(Suizzo & Bornstein, 2006).

2010). Social development is therefore a concoction

Aydt and Corsaro (2003) found that children

that contains traces of potions from cultural ide-

create their own peer cultures, wherein they reor-

ologies, parental socialization beliefs and practices,

ganize the knowledge gained from the adult cul-

and children’s active engagement in these interac-

tures into which they are socialized and actively

tions, with the seasoning of gender sprinkled liber-

create their own interpretations (Aydt & Corsaro,

ally across these ingredients.

2003). These unique peer cultures negotiate gender

boundaries. Observations of same-sex and cross-sex

Gender and Cognitive Development

play among preschool children from the United

The grip of gender is thus evident in child

States and Italy showed how children actively cre-

socialization and development. Cognitive theories

ated their own boundaries, such as marking “boy”

on gender development are interested in study-

territories (like the gymnasium) and “girl” territo-

ing the early origins of gender schemas. As early

ries without any suggestive cues from the teachers.

as 14 months, even before they can talk, infants

Because established cultural differences exist in the

have consolidated categories of what is male and

adult cultures, it is expected to exist even within

female. This indicates that cognition about gender

the children’s peer cultures. The exact influences of

greatly precedes its manifestation in actual gender

these cultural differences have not been explicitly

stereotyping behavior (Martin & Ruble, 2004).

investigated. However, it sheds light on the agency

There is enough evidence to support the develop-

exercised by children in actively shaping their ment of gender stereotypic knowledge. Studies gender constructs and forming their own gender

have demonstrated that flexibility in stereotypical

identities.

thinking develops after 7 years and that it follows

Children construct their gender identities based

a U-shaped trajectory in childhood. Gender ste-

on their gender schemas. Gender schema theories

reotypes are strongly learned by the age of 3 and

maintain that gender-related information is orga-

continue to grow stronger until age 7, after which

nized into a schema, which is an abstract represen-

there is an increase in gender flexibility. However,

tation of the world around us. These schemas guide

research does not adequately demonstrate how

our attention and social judgment. Individual spontaneous gender stereotyping in children 318

Gender aCross Cu lt ur es

develops (Banse, Gawronski, Rebetez, Gutt, & spontaneous gender behavior that stems from auto-Morton, 2010). Studies conducted by Banse and

matically activated stereotypes remains unaffected.

colleagues (2010), as well as by Martin and Ruble

In other words, even when a person views stereo-

(2004) show stability in the development of strong

types as inadequate and inaccurate, the individual’s

stereotypes in toddlers and a corresponding stabil-

spontaneous behavior is guided by the automati-

ity in understanding gender flexibility from 5 to

cally activated gendered stereotypes that are learned

11 years of age. Yet the degree of gender flexibility

and “overlearned” very early in life. Adding to the

is insufficient to bypass overlearned gender stereo-

problem is that one is constantly bombarded with

types: these stereotypes are activated when children

stereotypical ways of thinking by the different agen-

have little cognitive control and lack the cognitive

cies of socialization, thus perpetuating the accumu-

resources, attention, skills, and time to evaluate

lated “knowledge” of gender (Banse et al., 2010).

these automatically activated stereotypes.

Serbin, Dubois, Colburne, Sen, and Eichstedt

Conclusion and Future Directions

(2001) studied the preferences of 12-, 18-, and

Gender is a fundamental, culturally univer-

23-month-old infants (of Euro-Canadian and sal social category. Its inclusion in developmental West Indies origin) for gender-typed toys such as

research is becoming more visible, albeit in an

dolls and vehicles, and whether they were matched

intermittent manner. Although the broad research

with faces and voices of male and female children.

patterns represent remarkable gender-differentiated

The study revealed that gender-typed preferences

similarities across cultures, scholars observe that

are established by 18 months and that girls could

empirical evidence accrued to date is inconsistent

match the faces and voices with girl toys and as

to establish gender differences in different domains

well as boy toys by 18 months, whereas boys could

of child development. Some psychologists claim

not do so even by 24 months. By 24 months, girls

inadequate research evidence of gender differences,

could select “gender-appropriate” female and male

whereas others argue in favor of great differences.

dolls for gender-typed tasks. This differential selec-

Reporting gender disaggregated results is empha-

tion was not evident in 24-month-old boys carry-

sized so as to dispel mistaken notions and address

ing out these same activities. Clearly, girls have a

gender differences in social planning. At the same

stronger cognitive component in understanding

time, some feminist scholars object to the treat-

gender; however, boys may have a stronger affec-

ment of men and women as homogenous unitary

tive component for gender schemas because they

categories because this reinforces stereotypes; at the

show strong preferences for male-typed toys and

same time, they argue about the futility of report-

activities but pay less attention to nonstereotypical

ing sex difference in and of itself because it has

or feminine toys and activities. A study in London

little explanatory value. A relevant observation in

of 4 to 8 year-olds revealed that children’s con-

this regard is that sex/gender differences research is

ventional gender schemas do not develop before

able to measure, at best, the effect of socialization

their unconventional gender schemas. These chil-

practices and not “true” psychological differences

dren were asked to supply reasons for identify-

(Magnusson & Marecek, 2012).

ing the gender of figures in a series of drawings.

Questioning the popular notion of gender

The researchers found that 4 to 5 year-olds pro-

differences, Hyde (2005), in her review of 46

vided unconventional reasons, such as “it is a girl

meta-analyses, found support for the gender simi-

because she is wearing a trouser,” whereas 6 to 8

larities hypothesis, which maintains that males

year-olds supplied more conventional reasons such

and females are similar on most, but not all, psy-

as “because she has long hair” (Tenenbaum, Hill,

chological variables. Most studies across a range

Joseph, & Roche, 2010).

of variables (such as mathematics performance,

The problem with stereotypical thinking is that

verbal ability, aggressive behavior, and moral rea-

children learn it very young, and this knowledge

soning) and age show a small magnitude of differ-

is automatically activated. In addition, the rejec-

ences. At the same time, exceptions are identified

tion of this automated knowledge, even in face of

in the domains of motor performance and sexual-

hardcore evidence against it, requires a cognitive

ity, and moderate differences are noted in physi-

interjection—a process that mandates active reflec-

cal aggression, along with illustrations that point

tion and effort. The problem is further compounded

to the fluctuation of gender differences across life

because, whether one perceives the automatically

span. She further discusses meta-analyses related

activated knowledge as accurate or inaccurate, to aggression, academic performance, and helping k a Pa di a, G a l a

319

behavior to emphasize context—specifically, social

long-term impacts on development in varying

norm expectations—as a significant factor in deter-

forms and degrees across cultures. Locating gender

mining the magnitude and direction of gender

inequities in the patriarchal context (prevalent in

differences.

majority societies of the world) reveals the harm-

Furthermore, Hyde (2005) contends that the

ful effects of systemic gender-based discrepancies

“overinflated claims of gender differences” (p. 590)

in power and decision-making that begin from

only reifies gender stereotypes (e.g., women as car-

childhood and persist throughout the life span. An

ing and nurturing and men as lacking in nurtur-

example is the near universal gender-specific cul-

ance). Certain widespread stereotypes, such as boys

tural attitudes toward sexuality, as exemplified by a

are better at math than girls, can result in parents

tolerance for men having multiple sexual partners,

overlooking a girl’s talent in math and thereby

which makes women vulnerable to HIV infection

undermine her confidence in succeeding in the sub-

(United Nations, 2010). A more culture-specific

ject. In the same vein, there is a tendency to short-

example is the varying nuances involved in social-

change boys in relation to issues of anxiety and

izing girls in the patrilineal Indian society that

self-esteem. The “Boy Code”—a set of rules and

hampers their development. Dube (1998) asserts

expectations that are internalized by males during

that, despite regional and class differences, girls are

development—defines masculinity in opposition

essentially socialized for feminine tasks around the

to femininity, thereby leading to ridicule of men

house, including child care, with a view to facili-

who may not display such traits and hence com-

tating their adjustment to the husband’s house-

pelling them to maintain the masculine stereotype

hold. “Girl” work is imbued with the notion of

(Pollack, 1999). Moreover, across societies, there

sewa—a sense of service and self-denial; qualities

is less tolerance for boys’ than girls’ veering away

that come to be regarded as “natural” and neces-

from gender stereotypes or for boys’ adopting and

sary and thereby interwoven in values and prac-

displaying “feminine” characteristics or behaviors.

tices. “The notions of tolerance and self-restraint

Not only does this compromise boys’ and men’s

are also rooted in a consciously-cultivated feminine

development in select domains, such as healthy

role which is embedded in and legitimized by cul-

emotional expression, but some of the deeply ture and cultural ideology” (p. WS 17). That the entrenched masculine values, such as aggression,

girl will leave eventually to become part of another

have a deleterious long-term impact in the form

family renders a certain tentativeness and ambigu-

of violence against women. Transformation in the

ity to the socialization process, in turn affecting

notion of a “typical” man with the inclusion of

the development of self-confidence and initiative.

qualities such as empathy and nurturance would

For example, all the allegiance and loyalty that the

go a long way in reducing gender-based violence

girl is trained for in her natal family has to later be

(Kapadia, 1999).

shifted to the family of her husband, and this is

Much psychological research studies gender conveyed through messages like “a woman should as an “individual-difference or person variable” be like water which does not have any shape of (p. 260), which precludes deeper exploration of

its own and so can take the shape of the vessel in

its impact on child development. In this context,

which it is poured; nor does it retain any mark on

Hyde (2007) discusses how gender needs to also be

it.” Thus, rather than emphasizing absolute quali-

posed as a social-stimulus variable because an indi-

ties, the capacity to “adjust” in the affinal home

vidual’s gender mediates others’ responses to that

is encouraged and embedded in the socialization

person. Basu (2009), for instance, draws attention

process, with a sanction for manipulative strat-

to leadership positions wherein most women expe-

egies to achieve this goal so as to secure a living

rience a “glass ceiling” that prevents their prog-

space for the self in the new household (Dube,

ress to top-ranking positions in management. The

1988; Ganesh, 1999). “The double-speak of gen-

problem is attributed to mindsets colored by gen-

dered socialization” (Ganesh, 1999, p. 249) hence

dered stereotypical inaccuracies. In such cases, the

imparts a mélange of messages to the girl child that

conceptual image—that is, the stereotype—limits

is likely to undermine her development.

the perception and assessment of reality.

Such explanatory accounts of gender socializa-

In supporting the gender-similarities argument

tion in different cultures and the social structures

however, we draw attention to the need to continue

therein not only enable understanding of “what”

to look for and unearth those gender differentials in

beliefs are promoted but also “how” and “why” cer-

early socialization that have detrimental short- and

tain gender beliefs are constructed and maintained

320

Gender aCross Cu lt ur es

(Pendleton et al., in press). Developmental research

would bring us closer to understanding the cul-

has, to a large extent, addressed the “what” of devel-

ture–gender–development interface. A related

opment and provided useful gender-disaggregated

issue is the emergence of multiple worlds of child-

data on different domains and highlighted how

hood in the globalizing context. Although family

gender identities influence developmental out-

remains the primary site of socialization, children

comes. Nevertheless, this body of knowledge lacks

today are growing up in a world that presents

explanations of how these identities are formed,

increasing access to and interaction with “multiple

are contested, and intersect with other sociode-

worlds” through media, both within and outside

mographic factors in different cultures (Jackson,

their own culture. Research conceptualizations

2002).

need to address these contexts to elicit insight into

Gender intersects in a complex way with age,

how the new intersections between one’s culture of

social class, caste, ethnicity, and religion. For origin and the global culture impact gender devel-instance, the lived experiences of gender tend to be

opment, especially as these relate to alterations in

vastly different for a girl growing up in an urban

traditional gender precepts and prescriptions.

upper-middle-class context and a girl living in a

There is also a need to interweave multidisci-

low-income rural or tribal context. Such insights

plinary perspectives in gender–culture–develop-

are relevant from the perspectives of knowledge

ment research. In this regard, Jackson (2002) aptly

enhancement, as well as application. Studies observes that gender inequality is inherently multi-addressing such intersections are few and far dimensional and hence cannot remain within the between. In the same vein, it is necessary to under-purview of any one discipline. Along with multidis-

stand how contexts and situations impinge on gen-

ciplinary perspectives, multiple methods, including

der socialization that can also unravel behaviors

both quantitative and qualitative approaches, are

that depart from traditional gender stereotypes. For

needed to capture the nuances of gender social-

example, girls on the street are found to be involved

ization and development. Whereas quantitative

in antisocial activities with peers, including experi-

methods yield macro trends and make us aware

menting with drugs and drinking alcohol, and, at

of the magnitude of an issue (e.g., sex ratio), eth-

the same time, these same girls show positive quali-

nographic methods unravel the “how” and “why”

ties such as high self-esteem, self-efficacy, and resil-

questions that are most pertinent in changing gen-

iency. The street context thus evokes both negative

der inequities.

and positive characteristics in girls (Sharma &

Just as culture is indispensable to the study of

Verma, 2013). Such aspects are likely to come to

development, so is gender; gender is inherent to

the fore as studies address gender-in-context.

human beings, and it shapes development right

In a critical departure from the principal dis-

from birth or even before birth (as evidenced in

course of gender discrimination in India, Sreenivas

sex-determination tests in India) and persists until

(2010) contends that real-world caste- and death. Like culture, gender is suffused with values community-based inequalities are largely disre-and beliefs. As Kanner (2002) observes, it is imper-

garded in interpretations of gender-based oppres-

ative that developmentalists “engage in the inten-

sion/discrimination. Presenting the narratives tional, reflective process of making the cultural of two dalit women, she cautions against liberal

values that frame their conceptions of development

feminist discourses set in a secular framework that

explicit. This is because the values we have as devel-

extricate the girl from “her contexts her worlds and

opmentalists direct what phenomena we look for;

her people” (p. 269). Treatment of gender as a cat-

and frame how we judge, categorize and explain

egory abstracted from material circumstances in

what we find”(Kanner 2002, p. 144). This perspec-

a woman’s life fails to address all the complexities

tive has significant implications for understanding

that characterize gender and its complex enmesh-

gender and creating culturally sensitive models of

ment with caste and community, thereby impeding

gender equity.

effective resolutions toward social equity.

Finally, studies aiming to understand the

In the same vein, cross-culture (-country) stud-

culture-gender-development interface need to guard

ies need to move away from treating culture as a

against adopting a static view of culture. Gender

unitary category, a premise that fails to divulge the

ideology is entrenched in cultural traditions and

complexities existing within cultures, especially religion, and any attempt toward gender-equitable in vastly diverse societies such as India. Deeper

transformation requires a critical analysis of tra-

exploration of culture-specific gender ideologies ditional cultural precepts and practices (Kapadia, k a Pa di a, G a l a

321

1999). This is especially so in societies in which cul-

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P A R T 4

Adolescence

C H A P T E R

Leaving Childhood: The Nature

20 and Meaning of Adolescent

Transition Rituals

Alice Schlegel and Herbert Barry III

Abstract

The transition from childhood to adolescence is marked by various kinds of rituals. Personal rituals are determined by the individual to indicate his or her new age stage. Adolescent initiation ceremonies are planned events that include one or more rituals. They range from private, family-based ceremonies with one initiate, to large communal ones that involve all or most people of the community and initiate several to many boys or girls. The presence or absence of initiation ceremonies is not random; they are distributed by type of society and by which gender gets ceremonial recognition. Ceremonies that transform children into adolescents are absent in modern industrial societies, and attempts to introduce them have not been very successful. This chapter explores these issues.

Key Words: initiation, social adolescence, life-stages, circumcision, ritual, cultural complexity In the weeks leading up to his circumcision,

During the first author’s field research on

Mohammed looked forward to being one of the big

the Hopi Indian Reservation in Arizona in the

boys, but he feared the pain of the operation and the

1970s, women told of their adolescent initiation

soreness he would suffer later. Teasing by his older

ceremonies, which took place in their homes.

brothers and cousins did not help, with their ter-

They went through a 4-day ceremony of grind-

rifying stories of searing pain, gushing blood, and

ing corn, a domestic skill every Hopi girls learns

frightening hints of things that could go wrong.

(cf. Beaglehole & Beaglehole, 1935). Corn was the

Mohammed was 12 years old in 1983 and lived in

staple food, but it was also a sacred substance, both

Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The first author was a guest

symbolizing and containing the essence of life.

in his home there, a witness to his anxiety. His par-

They sang as they ground. Afterward, their moth-

ents responded by reassuring him that it was a very

ers arranged their hair around two wicker hoops,

minor operation with little pain and not much later

one over each ear, to resemble butterfly wings.

soreness, and they scolded the older boys for frighten-

They wore their “butterfly wings” on important

ing him. They drew his attention to the celebration

occasions in the village, a lovely way of announcing

that would fol ow, when scores of relatives and fam-

that they were no longer children but were adoles-

ily friends would gather for the feast in his honor.1

cents preparing for marriage and adult life. Their

He would no longer be a child, but would have the

brothers had no adolescent initiations: in his very

responsibilities of an adolescent preparing for his

late teens or early 20s, a boy was initiated into one

future as an adult. His sisters did not have an initia-

of the four men’s societies in a communitywide

tion ceremony; after menarche, they were expected

ceremony, after which he ceased being a boy ( tiyo)

to fol ow the restrictions placed on menstruating girls

and became a man ( taka). A girl ( mana) became a

and women and to be modest in dress and demeanor.

woman ( wuhti) at marriage.

327

In the Malay and Hopi cases, the initiation

often of ethnic minority communities, still hold

ceremonies have religious components along with

these ceremonies, at least for adolescents from more

their social meaning as indicating a transition from

traditional families.) The initiates in the ceremo-

one stage of life to another. In modern societies,

nies were not necessarily of the same age, and when

religious initiation rituals do not have this broader

these ceremonies were held at intervals of several

social meaning. Christian confirmation, the Jewish

years for a number of initiates, the children might

bar and bat mitzvah, and the Hindu sacred thread

have been at different levels of development as well.

ceremony all celebrate the initiate’s new status as a

In the majority of cultures, marriage signaled the

person ready to take on religious responsibilities,

end of adolescence, although there were excep-

but they have no significance for the larger society.

tions, such as the adulthood initiation for boys in

This only happens when the religious community

the Hopi case described earlier.

is also the social community, and religious rituals

Some traditional cultures recognized a post-

are rituals of the culture at large. Modern cultures

adolescence, preadult youth stage, particularly for

do not have such rituals that receive societywide

boys. These were generally urban societies, like

recognition, with some exceptions such as the ancient Rome or Europe of the Late Middle Ages Malaysian ceremony. Attempts to construct them

and later, and those with a warrior age-class, like

have not been very successful, as we show in a later

ancient Sparta and the African militaristic states of

section.

the Swazi and Zulu. Marriage generally marked the

Biological adolescence is a characteristic of

transition between this youth stage and adulthood.

our species, a period following puberty when In modern societies, the transition between youth the individual is capable of reproduction but has

and full adulthood is gradual and depends on sev-

not yet attained full maturity in bodily growth

eral factors such as full employment, marriage, and

and cognition. Individuals of both sexes remain

parenthood, with no single one being the definitive

heavily dependent on adults for socialization and,

signifier of adulthood. Arnett (2000) refers to the

with few exceptions, sustenance. Their behavior

transition stage of modern postadolescent youth

alters as they move, more so than younger chil-

as “emerging adulthood,” a gradual change rather

dren, into the larger world of adults. Peer rela-

than one defined by a specific event or activity.

tions are even more important than they were

Not all traditional societies had adolescent cer-

in middle childhood, but at the same time their

emonies. In many cases, there were simpler rituals

responsibilities to their families, and often to

for indicating a change in age status. One example

their communities, increase as they prepare for

is the Hindu sari party, a gathering of female rela-

adulthood. These patterns are found across the

tives at the girl’s home. They celebrated this change

range of human societies.

by giving her new half-sarees, which she wore until

Social adolescence, however, is a product of her marriage when she put on a full sari. Unlike cultural beliefs and expectations. When it begins

adolescent ceremonies, these were not obligatory.

and ends, the norms of adolescents’ behavior, and

This custom was practiced by most castes in south

how adults are expected to treat adolescents are

India (Saraswathi Tharakad, personal communica-

culturally defined (Schlegel & Barry, 1991). The

tion, 2013).

beginning of social adolescence generally coincides

Another kind of adolescent ritual is the boy’s

roughly with early biological adolescence, the crite-

solitary retreat, during which time he sought a

rion being some sign of reproductive maturity such

vision or other encounter with the supernatural.

as girls’ breast development or, most commonly,

These might have been part of a larger ceremo-

menarche, and boys’ development of secondary sex

nial process, or they might have stood alone as

characteristics such as facial or body hair and voice

rituals. The vision quest, widespread among North

change. In societies that do not keep calendars,

American Indian tribes, served to move the boy

physical development rather than chronological into adolescence in some cultures, whereas in oth-age is the criterion for the start of adolescence.

ers it took place in late adolescence and moved the

Many societies marked the transition from boy out of adolescence into the next social age stage childhood to adolescence with initiation ceremo-

(Markstrom, 2008).

nies for these children. These were preindustrial

Often, the transition out of childhood was

cultures, those that existed before the Industrial

effected by personal rituals like a simple change

Revolution or before most of their customs had

in appearance. Shortly before puberty or in early

been affected by it. (A few contemporary cultures,

adolescence, girls on the East Indian island of Alor

328

L e av ing ChiLdhood

in the 1930s had their faces tattooed to enhance

Ceremonial Activity

their beauty; the slightly older boys let their hair

Ceremonial cooperation seems to go beyond

grow long and began to appear with items worn

simply working toward a common goal with a

or carried by older boys and men, such as swords

common purpose, for ceremonies frequently elicit

and cases for combs and hair ornaments (DuBois,

strong emotions. These emotions express deeply

1944). Sometime around the age of 14, European

held beliefs and values, cultural components of

and American girls let down their skirts, from

the participants’ personal identities. Ceremonial

above to below the ankle, and pinned up their hair,

cooperation often involves large expenditures of

while their brothers of the same age or slightly older

time, labor, and goods with no necessary return

exchanged the knee pants of childhood for long

on investment, although the hope often is that the

trousers. This single definitive change in appear-

gods or ancestors will reciprocate with blessings.

ance continued to be customary in European and

It sometimes seems as if highly elaborate and dra-

European-derived cultures well into the industrial

matic ceremonies are held simply for their own sake

period, as seen in paintings and photographs of

because they provide a sense of purpose and struc-

girls and boys in the late 19th century.

ture and add drama and color to otherwise hum-

The transition from childhood to adolescence is

drum daily life. Ceremonies, like games and the

marked by a variety of ritual activities. The sim-

arts, fall within the domain of expressive culture,

plest marker is the personal ritual like a distinc-

and games, theatrical performances, and arts are

tive change in clothing style, its timing determined

often involved in ceremonial production.

by the individual, perhaps in cooperation with

The weight given to ceremonies, however, sug-

parents who supply the resources. There may be

gests that they satisfy more than a need for struc-

a celebration that is customary but not obligatory

ture or a desire for entertainment and emotional

for the transition to be socially recognized, such as

stimulation. Along with any psychological needs

the sari party. Private ceremonies, like those for the

they may satisfy, ceremonies require coordinated

Malaysian boy and the Hopi girl in earlier times,

action, often on the part of many individuals or the

are obligatory. The most elaborate transition ritual

entire community. Activities that reinforce social

event, demanding the greatest expense of time,

ties provide a sense of security in the knowledge

labor, and goods for the community, is the com-

that one is part of a larger, cohesive group. The

munity ceremony.

heightened emotions that accompany involvement

Modern societies lack adolescent initiation cer-

in ceremonial activity are probably reinforced by

emonies and other forms of obligatory rituals. This

emotional contagion among the participants, creat-

is not to say that they lack transition markers. The

ing a sense of emotional unity.

12th or 13th birthday might be recognized as such

Ceremonial cooperation, in and of itself, is a

by some families; confirmation and the bar and bat

means by which a loosely integrated community

mitzvah may be taken to introduce new seriousness

can attempt to create or reinforce social coopera-

in not only the religious, but also the social respon-

tion through unified purposeful action that arouses

sibilities of the young person; entrance into high

strong emotions in the participants. Wiltermuth

school may be considered a transition into a stage

and Heath (2009) found that any synchronous

with greater responsibilities and freedom. But these

activity led to a greater feeling of unity, and this feel-

are individual and family interpretations, and none

ing led to an increase in future cooperation, at least

stands out as a definitive ritual. In a later section,

in the short run. Some form of synchronous activ-

we look at the reason for this.

ity, such as singing, chanting, shouting, or speaking

in unison, probably became a cultural universal or

What Ceremonies Do

near universal as our hominin ancestors gained the

Following Durkheim (1995[1912]), scholars in

cognitive capacity to be aware of this unity and rec-

several fields—psychology, sociology, archaeology,

ognize the heightened emotions they felt when they

cultural anthropology—have seen ceremonies as

engaged in synchronic activities. They were able

ways of expressing and reinforcing social solidarity.

to harness these feelings and emotions by invent-

It is well understood that working together toward

ing ceremonies. However, although ceremonies

any common goal, ceremonial or not, promotes a

may be momentarily effective in rallying emotional

sense of unity, possibly because people have to work

responses, they have to relate to beliefs and values

together, and the reciprocity of cooperation helps

that are part of the participants’ cultural or personal

engender trust.

identities if they are to have long-term effects.

SChL egeL, Ba r ry

329

Atkinson and Whitehouse (2011) conducted a

implications. The individual is then expected to

cross-cultural study of what they define as the two

take on new responsibilities and to behave in new

modes of religiosity: doctrinal and imagistic. The

ways, in both private and public life. Community

doctrinal mode is one of frequent rituals of low

rituals indicate that this transition is important to

intensity and a body of doctrine passed on through

the community, at least to its male members (boys’

oral tradition or writing; the imagistic mode is

ceremonies) or female members (girls’ ceremonies),

based on infrequent, climactic rituals of high because it brings new members into the male or emotional intensity, in which ritual knowledge is

female cohorts that are responsible for community

created and transmitted through collective partici-

action.

pation. Adolescent initiation ceremonies are imag-

Van Gennep did not ask about the worldwide

istic, in that they are infrequent and involve the

distribution of adolescent initiation ceremonies.

initiate in transition rituals that have deep personal

The sections that follow look at where adolescent

meaning. However, the size, location, and length

initiation ceremonies occur, how to account for

of ceremonies vary considerably across cultures,

their presence or absence as a cultural practice, and

as does the emotional intensity of the participants

how they affect the participants. The data come

and spectators. These imagistic ceremonies can be

from a cross-cultural study of these ceremonies

either community or private ceremonies.

using ethnographic reports on a sample of 186 tra-

Large dramatic community ceremonies involve

ditional cultures (Schlegel & Barry 1979; 1980).2

multiple participants, as well as many spectators

Additional information comes from descriptions

during the public portions of the ceremony. They

of the ceremonies by anthropologists and others

may contain synchronous singing, chanting, danc-

who witnessed them. To avoid confusion, we use

ing, and costumes or masks worn by initiators.

the present tense when describing the ceremonies,

These have been well-described and are highlighted

referring to them as they existed at the time the

in most discussions of adolescent initiation. Other

information was collected. Many of the cultures no

adolescent initiation ceremonies are private, involv-

longer conduct these ceremonies, whereas in some

ing the initiate, his or her family, and possibly some

other cases they are conducted rarely or by families

others at the ceremony itself or at a celebratory feast.

wishing to preserve traditions in face of the decline

This type generally causes less intense emotional

of the old ways.

arousal in participants, other than the initiate,

Finally, we ask why attempts to introduce such

and spectators. Both the Malaysian circumcision

ceremonies have not gone very far in modern cul-

ceremony and the Hopi corn-grinding ceremony

tures. Even the individual rituals that character-

are of this type. Both foraging cultures and literate

ized the transition from childhood to adolescence

urban-centered ones tend to have private ceremo-

in early 20th-century European and other modern

nies, if they have any; but these are found widely

nations, such as specific and distinctive changes in

distributed through other kinds of cultures as well.

clothing to a more mature style, no longer exist.

Why is this? How is the transition from child-

Recognizing the Transition

hood to adolescence signified for contemporary

out of Childhood

adolescents?

Van Gennep (1960/1908) was the first to address

the question of the transition out of childhood. He

Where Adolescent Initiation

proposed that the ceremonies celebrate the sepa-

Ceremonies Occur

ration from an asexual (or pre-reproductive) state

Africa and the Pacific region, especially aborigi-

and the incorporation into a sexual (reproductive)

nal Australia and New Guinea, are the principal

one. He made it clear that this is a social transition,

regions of large, dramatic boys’ ceremonies com-

not necessarily tied directly to biological puberty.

prising many rituals, often those that cause pain,

Unfortunately, his work was largely ignored by

like circumcision, or induce fear in the initiates.

those writing about adolescent ceremonies, who

Girls are the initiates in the majority of societ-

continued to refer to them as “puberty” ceremonies.

ies with ceremonies in native North and South

All adolescent rituals and private ceremonies

America. Europe is a world region in which few

recognize a new stage of life for the adolescent.

societies since ancient times3 held these ceremonies,

The simple personal rituals have meaning primar-

although they may have existed in European tribal

ily for the individual and his or her family. Private

cultures before the Roman conquest (Mitterauer,

ceremonies signify a transition that has wider 1992). From what is known about the kinds of 330

L e av ing ChiLdhood

cultural features found across the preindustrial political complexity, in communities of foragers, world, this regional distribution offers clues to those with incipient agriculture, and those with other cultural features, such as cultural complexity,

extensive agriculture. Foragers predominantly hold

that can predict the presence or absence of these

ceremonies for girls, whereas those practicing exten-

ceremonies.

sive agriculture predominantly hold them for boys.

Pastoralists are evenly divided between those with

Distribution by Cultural Complexity

ceremonies for boys only and girls only. Consistent

Adolescent initiation ceremonies can be plot-

with the distribution by subsistence economy, com-

ted along a trajectory of cultural complexity: small

munity ceremonies are more likely to occur when

mobile hunting and gathering bands; politically

the local community does not belong to a larger set

independent villages that produce their own food

of communities linked together under a single ruler

with simple farming and care of domesticated ani-

or bureaucracy.

mals; groups of food- or craft-producing communi-

Ceremonies are held for boys only, girls only, or

ties under the control of a political authority; and

both boys and girls separately. No society initiates

states, in which tribute and some form of taxation

girls and boys together, although some men may

support the state and the specialized political and

participate in girls’ ceremonies. and some women

religious authorities who control civic activities. The

may participate in boys’ ceremonies. In sum, ado-

largest states are those with urban centers, and these

lescent initiation ceremonies are more likely to

generally have a written language. Some examples

occur in the less complex societies; the more com-

of these are the states of the ancient world, the tra-

plex the society, the more likely they are to hold

ditional Asian states, and the pre-Columbian states

ceremonies for boys if they hold any.

of Mexico. Modern industrial societies, with their

These ceremonies may be small family-based

great variety of occupations, trade networks, large

ones, like the Hopi girls’ and Malaysian boys’

political bureaucracies, and specialized institutions

ceremonies, or they may be community ones that

for everything from education to the military and

involve everybody as participants or spectators. The

police, represent the greatest degree of complexity.

latter kind are important primarily in less complex

The subsistence economy is a crude but useful

societies, where sex and age are among the most

index of social complexity. The five major tradi-

important determinants of one’s social responsi-

tional types are foraging (hunting and gathering);

bilities and status, and gender is a major organiz-

pastoralism; incipient agriculture; extensive agri-

ing principle for social action. Young (1965), a

culture (horticulture or hoe agriculture); and inten-

sociologist, calls the ceremonies “sex-role dramati-

sive agriculture, which relies on either animal labor

zations.” He explains the dramatic boys’ ceremo-

(to pull the plow) or highly specialized techniques

nies as emphasizing the importance of solidarity

like the Aztec chinampas, the man-made island

among the men of these communities, where deci-

gardens of Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico.

sions are generally made and actions carried out by

These types represent a general scale of control over

men collectively. These are communities without

food resources. Pastoralism is an exception: sub-

centralized authority and are fragile and open to

sistence pastoralism, as in earlier African cattle

fragmentation. It is likely that the collective action

pastoralism, was small-scale, and animals were is an attempt to counteract any tendency to fis-exchanged through political and social networks;

sion. In other words, the community ceremonies

traditional commercial pastoralism, such as most

may be designed as much to reinforce cooperation

of the pastoralism historically found in Eurasia and

among the adult men as to induct boys into the

North Africa and now worldwide, is generally on

male cohort.

a larger scale and links the pastoral community to

In more complex societies, other social catego-

agricultural and urban communities. These types,

ries, determined by wealth, rank, class, or caste,

indicators of the general level of productivity, are

override sex and age as defining one’s social posi-

associated with the size and density of the local

tion. The private ceremonies or personal rituals that

population. Along with a higher level of produc-

are found in such societies express the assumption

tivity and a larger and denser population goes the

by the individual of a new social role rather than

need for more complex forms of social and political

a movement into a gender-based cohort. At the

organization.

other end of the complexity scale, forager bands

Adolescent initiation ceremonies occur most are usually too fluid in composition to have strong often at the lower levels of technological and same-sex cohorts because it is quite common for SChL egeL, Ba r ry

331

individual families to move from one camp to

and other adult male supporters, he walked to the

another where they have kin, to take advantage of

Forum where a priest performed a small ceremony.

better hunting or gathering opportunities. Both

Following that, they walked to the boy’s home,

foragers and urban civilizations (those that have

where his family had prepared a feast in his honor.

initiation ceremonies) more often initiate girls or

After this, he was expected to participate in the civic

boys singly in ceremonies organized by the initi-

activities of older adolescent boys and unmarried

ate’s family. In all cases, however, the ceremonies

youths (Harlow & Laurence, 2002). There were no

emphasize gender and preparation for culturally

comparable ceremonies for girls.

defined gender roles and activities.

In its outline—a ceremony for a single initiate

conducted by a ritual specialist and attended by a

Exceptions to the General Pattern

small number of observers, followed by a feast at

Some cases do not fit this distribution by cul-

the boy’s home—the Roman ceremony is similar

tural complexity. Private ceremonies also occurred

to the Moslem Malay boy’s ceremony. Both are pri-

in small independent horticultural villages like the

vate ceremonies, cultural customs of highly com-

Hopi. Gender was a major theme in Hopi symbols

plex societies.

and ritual, and much of the community action

was conducted by men’s and women’s ceremonial

Distribution by Gender

societies, but girls were usually initiated into one of

The predominance of girls’ ceremonies where

the three women’s societies when they were small.

communities are very small and the level of pro-

Boys’ initiation into one of the four men’s societies

duction is relatively low expresses the high value

came after adolescence.

placed on female health, strength, and reproduc-

The Tiwi, an Aboriginal tribe living on islands

tive capacity in such populations. The foraging

off the coast of northern Australia, were foragers,

band or the very small settlement independent of

and yet, like some other Aboriginal peoples, they

a larger organized political system can survive only

had a series of rituals for boys that included several

as long as it has enough healthy, fertile females to

large public ceremonies (Hart, Pilling, & Goodale,

perpetuate it, a condition that is not problematic

1988). The adolescent ceremony was but part of a

in larger settlements. Girls’ ceremonies emphasize

long set of activities that took the boys away from

well-being and responsibility.

the family camps to camps in the bush, where

Brown (1963) proposed that features related

they lived under the supervision of adult men and

to the division of labor explain the presence of

hunted and gathered their own food. This lasted

girls’ adolescent initiation ceremonies. She found

for about 10 years. In practical terms, this period

that societies with a high level of female contri-

of isolation solved the problem of dealing with pos-

bution to household production, as in foraging

sible troublemakers, adolescent boys and youths

societies and those practicing horticulture, are

whose female agemates were married to older men.

more likely to have ceremonies for girls than are

Tiwi men did not marry until they were in their

those with a low level of contribution, as in the

30s, so isolating boys and youths removed the

more technologically advanced societies, where

threat of adultery, at least for this period of height-

these ceremonies are for the most part absent.

ened sexual interest combined with lesser social

Although cross-cultural data (Barry & Schlegel,

and emotional control.

1982; Schlegel & Barry, 1986) support that, only

11 of 85 ceremonies for girls have them for more

Ceremonies in Complex Societies

than one initiate; that is, they tend to be small,

Adolescent initiation ceremonies in literate pre-

private ceremonies organized by the girl’s family

industrial societies with urban centers are generally

rather than large communal ones. In small forag-

private rather than communal. An example is initia-

ing bands, although the ceremony is private in

tion in early Imperial Rome (and presumably other

that it is organized by the initiate’s family, the

cities of the Empire), where a ceremony was held for

entire small community is invited to the celebra-

young male citizens but not for the many foreigners

tion, sharing in the girl’s step toward adulthood.

or slaves who also lived in Rome (and other Roman

In the larger settlements, this is not the case.

cities). The Roman boy put aside the clothing of

Girls’ ceremonies were once widespread among

childhood and assumed the toga virilis (the “manly”

American Indian peoples. Outside of the urban

toga) when his father deemed he was ready, before

civilizations of Mexico and Central America and

age 17 at the latest. Accompanied by his father

the Andes, most of these were foragers or practiced

332

L e av ing ChiLdhood

incipient agriculture before Europeans colonial-

sleeping arrangements and a long postpartum

ism introduced horses, sheep, wheat, and other

taboo on sexual intercourse promoted an excep-

goods. One girls’ ceremony still practiced is the

tionally strong emotional dependence of the child

Apache Sunrise ceremony, put on by traditional

on the mother who devotes herself to her child’s

families after a daughter’s menarche (Markstrom,

needs. When the father re-enters the picture, the

2008). Formerly obligatory, it is now optional and

child sees him as a rival and resents him. (Although

requires access to the necessary resources. The

this hypothesis grew out of Freudian psychology,

ceremony covers several days and includes public

the authors did not assume a sexual basis to the

rituals, with general feasting and distribution of

rivalry.) A function of the ceremonies is to prevent

goods. Greater access to goods and more efficient

open revolt against paternal authority. In a later

means of transport—first wagons, now cars—have

revision of this theory, Burton and Whiting (1961)

made what was once a local event into one attract-

focused on the ceremony as breaking the boy’s

ing many people, often from long distances.

identity with his mother so that he could identify

with other males. These studies used a sample of 56

Summary

traditional societies, and initiation was only con-

Adolescent initiation ceremonies occur where sidered present if it included at least one of the fol-adolescents enter a stage of life that has important

lowing features: painful hazing, genital operations,

social or cultural meaning. The community ceremo-

seclusion from women, and tests of manliness.

nies generally induct children into gender-specific

Thus, they excluded other forms of ceremonies that

cohorts that take an active role in civic life; that is,

mark the transition out of childhood.

all the men or all the women of the community act

It is true that the need to break the boys’ depen-

as a unit in performing important civic activities.

dence on their mothers is emphasized in some of

Where social responsibilities are divided in other

the highly dramatic boys’ ceremonies, especially

ways, such as by class or wealth, or are under the

those of New Guinea (Herdt, 1982), but this is not

authority of a special institution, such as the state or

universal. Although our data supported an associa-

the Church, community ceremonies are less likely

tion between mother–child households and pres-

to occur. Community ceremonies are more com-

ence of boys’ ceremonies, we proposed a competing

mon for boys than for girls because civic action is

explanation (Schlegel & Barry, 1980). In societ-

more often controlled by men in the kinds of com-

ies with these taboos and sleeping arrangements,

munities that hold these ceremonies, giving the

the sexes lead quite separate lives as adults, rarely

male cohort of the community greater social impor-

working together or interacting much in daily life.

tance than the female cohort (cf. La Fontaine, 1985,

The ceremonies induct boys into the male cohort

p. 163). The private ceremonies emphasize the new

of the community, but they also prepare boys for

responsibilities of the initiate and are focused on

an adulthood that requires greater loyalty to the

one or a very few initiates, the individual rather

male cohort than to wives and domestic inter-

than the group. They are a formal recognition of

ests. Cultures with mother–child households are

a new stage of life. Both the community and the

a subset of a larger set of cultures that highlight

private ceremonies emphasize the separation of the

gender-based cohorts.

sexes and their different responsibilities and behav-

In New Guinea, the rituals are often designed

iors, as culturally defined.

to remove pollution from the close contact with

females so that boys could grow into men (Keesing,

Initiation and the Individual

1982). These occur in cultures that denigrate women

Descriptions of initiation ceremonies often and consider them polluting and often danger-include their effects on the initiates, particularly

ous. Community initiation ceremonies emphasize

if the ceremonies involve pain or fear, but no one

same-sex unity, but not all cultures require the deni-

attempted to generalize and explain these effects or

gration of females in order to reinforce male unity.

use them to account for the presence of ceremonies

As to the need to create a break with identifying

until anthropology became heavily influenced by

with the mother, by the time boys are 7 or 8 years

psychological theories. The first such attempt was a

old, they spend much of their time with their

study of boys’ ceremonies in a sample of traditional

agemates in same-sex peer groups (Rogoff, 2003;

societies (Whiting, Kluckhohn, & Anthony, 1958).

Weisner, 1996) and observe older boys and men

These authors proposed that ceremonies for boys

in their households and the surroundings. A male

occur in societies in which exclusive mother–child

identity is already well formed by adolescence.

SChL egeL, Ba r ry

333

Rather than affecting a break in identity with the

Themes Underlying Symbols and

mother, these dramatic ceremonies of New Guinea

Actions in Adolescent Rituals

were instilling fear and denigration of women into

Sexuality and fertility are important themes in

boys who previously saw women as loving and

the ceremonies of many cultures, represented by

nurturing.

visual symbols and symbolic actions. Responsibility,

often conveyed through exhortations as well as sym-

Symbolic Approaches to Adolescent

bolic activities, is the most common theme in boys’

Initiation Rituals

ceremonies worldwide (Schlegel & Barry, 1979). In

Some recent studies of adolescent initiation cer-

girls’ ceremonies, both fertility and responsibility

emonies have taken a symbolic approach in describ-

are represented as themes in the ceremonies of forag-

ing the ceremonies of individual cultures (Herdt,

ers. They reflect both kinds of contributions women

1982). The initiation ceremony is analyzed in rela-

make, as mothers and as important economic con-

tion to other ceremonies of the culture, especially

tributors, in communities with small, vulnerable

life cycle ceremonies. The focus is on what these

populations and a high dependence on women’s

ceremonies mean within the culture’s set of beliefs

food gathering. Tests of endurance, like running or

and how these beliefs are transmitted through other physical activities, are demonstrations of the words, material symbols, and symbolic action to

initiate’s ability to carry out the strenuous demands

the initiates.

of adult responsibilities such as physically taxing

Many of these symbolic messages concern beliefs

work or warfare.

about gender: women’s and men’s adult productive

Even though women do much of the produc-

and reproductive activities and responsibilities. tive activity in some parts of the world— in Africa Often, these symbols are explicitly sexual. Some

women farm, milk animals, and process milk; in

ceremonies include rituals that mimic childbirth,

New Guinea women farm and tend pigs—their

the meaning being that the boy has been socially

productive contribution is unrecognized in girls’

reborn as a member of the male cohort. A rebirth

ceremonies. The overriding focus is on fertility,

ritual is not limited to Africa or the Pacific but

not responsibility or health and well-being. Even

was also found in North America, among the though women do much of the labor, men control Powhatan Indians of Virginia (Rountree, 1989).

the resources and all or most trade. At the same

For upper-caste Hindu boys, the sacred-thread cer-

time, they depend on wives to produce the sons

emony is one of spiritual rebirth, and the boys are

and daughters they need to succeed economically

referred to as “twice-born.”

and socially. Men depend on sons for labor where

A rebirth ritual in cultures that have such rituals

paid employees, servants, or slaves are not available,

only for boys expresses the belief that a boy must

and it is to their advantage to keep older adolescent

be made into a man by men, whereas a girl natu-

boys and postadolescent youths under their control.

rally grows into womanhood without the need for

Men expand their social power and prestige in these

intervention. However, rebirth rituals can occur

small-scale societies by expanding their body of

for girls as well, as among the Luiseño Indians of

supporters. Some of these are their sons and kins-

California. Girls were buried up to the neck in

men; others are men in their social networks. These

heated sand for several days, as in both a grave and

networks are maintained in various ways, but a very

an earth oven (Bean & Shipek, 1978), after which

common way is by creating ties of kinship through

they emerged both reborn and “cooked,” a meta-

marriage: men give daughters as brides to other

phor for transformation by cultural means.

men, and they take the daughters of other men as

Another gender-related belief in some cultures

wives for their sons or, in polygynous societies, as

is that boys or girls or both sexes retain a body

secondary wives for themselves. A focus on fertility

part belonging to the opposite sex that must be

in girls’ ceremonies reflects the value of their fertil-

removed for them to be fully male or female. This

ity to their fathers, who have daughters to bestow on

is achieved by circumcision, removing the “female”

future sons-in-law and to their future husbands as

part of male genitals comparable to the labia, and

the mothers of these valuable offspring.

clitorectomy, removing the “male” part of female

genitals comparable to the penis. These operations

Do Adolescent Ceremonies Mark

are adolescent transition rituals in some cultures,

a Sharp Break with the Past?

whereas in others they may occur at other times

Whether or not children go through an ini-

before adulthood.

tiation ceremony, their new status as adolescents

334

L e av ing ChiLdhood

results in many changes. There are likely to be some

emphasized in many ways prior to the ceremony,

changes made in appearance, such as new hair

and there are significant difference in the socializa-

styles, different clothing or ornaments, and perhaps

tion of girls and boys for obedience, industry, and

bodily alterations like tattoos or piercings. There

responsibility (Barry, Child, & Bacon, 1959; Barry

are certain to be changes in how they are expected

& Schlegel, 1980). Preparation for adult gender

to behave and in how adults treat them. Peers

roles begins much earlier than puberty.

become even more important in their lives than

That being said, there are cases in which the

when they were in middle childhood, and same-sex

concept of cognitive reorganization seems apt. The

peer groups coalesce when there are enough ado-

highly dramatic public ceremonies, such as those

lescents in a settlement to form a cohort (Schlegel

vividly described in ethnographic reports on some

& Barry, 1991). These peer groups generally have

cultures in New Guinea and Africa, in which boys

a distinct adolescent culture, which can include a

are forcefully ripped from their mothers’ arms,

special vocabulary, games, and civic activities like

frightened, treated harshly, even subjected to

clean-up projects or performances that entertain

repeated pain or disgusting substances, would seem

the community. As they mature into adulthood,

to require cognitive reorganization, particularly

the succeeding adolescent cohort adopts this sub-

when boys learn that their tormentors are their own

culture and adapts it to its own circumstances

fathers, uncles, and neighbors, men who otherwise

(Schlegel, 2000).

would treat them kindly. This may add a sense of

Adolescent girls often have closer contact with

betrayal to the trauma of the rituals. After they

their mothers as their responsibility for domestic

have recovered, if not during the ceremony itself,

tasks increases and as they accompany their moth-

the purpose of the ceremony is explained in terms

ers to female work or leisure-time gatherings. Unless

of their cultural beliefs. These “higher purpose”

girls’ adolescence is very short, this stage is a time

explanations make the rituals comprehensible to

for strengthening the relationship between mothers

the boys, who then are expected to interpret them

and daughters. Of course, closer contact may mean

as a necessary hardship rather than cruelty on the

more surveillance, which can result in some ten-

part of the initiators. Such explanations also jus-

sion if daughters resent constrictions on their earlier

tify the pain and fear the initiators inflict on the

freedom, as did Hopi girls (Schlegel, 1973).

initiates and make it possible, even imperative, for

Adolescent boys most commonly work with adults to hurt and frighten defenseless boys.

their fathers or other men on productive tasks,

Cognitive reorientation does seem necessary

often doing menial labor as they learn the skills

in those cultures that denigrate women and use

and develop the strength necessary to do the work.

the initiation procedures to affect this change in

Forager boys, however, hunt alone or with other

beliefs and attitudes. A loving mother now is seen

boys until they have had several years of practice

as belonging to a class of dangerous beings, and the

because an unskilled hunter might endanger the

girls whom the initiates now find sexually attrac-

success of the hunting party. In Africa and else-

tive can cause them much harm. We wonder if the

where, adolescent boys may be given the job of

performance is not as much to reinforce this mes-

herding cattle or other animals away from the com-

sage in the minds of the initiators as it is to instill

munity, alone or in groups. Boys do not participate

it in the initiated, as a way of controlling the doubt

much in men’s leisure-time activities. In a number

and ambivalence that the men themselves may feel

of cultures, adolescent boys sleep away from home

about denigrating the women they love and depend

or may even live away from home with kin or other

on (cf. Schlegel, 1990; Tuzin, 1982).

people.

This break with the habits of childhood might

Pain and Fear in Boys’ Adolescent

imply that adolescence represents a sharp break

Initiation Rituals

from earlier socialization, one that requires a cog-

Rituals that inflict pain, induce fear, or both

nitive reorganization. In fact, however, initiation

occur in about two-thirds of boys’ adolescent cer-

ceremonies mediate continuity, rather than con-

emonies for which there is information (Schlegel &

trast, with the socialization of young children. By

Barry, in preparation.). They occur in about

adolescence, children are quite familiar with the

one-third of girls’ rituals. Painful procedures

same-gender cohesion and opposite-gender dif-

include genital operations, beating, scarifying, and

ferentiation that is expressed in the ceremony and

tattooing. Initiates might be frightened by such

practiced in adult life. Sex differences are already

things as masked figures that threaten them or

SChL egeL, Ba r ry

335

warnings of dangerous spirits lurking about ready

Schlegel and Barry (in preparation) found a signifi-

to do them harm.

cant association between the presence of such ritu-

The literature on boys’ ceremonies has tended

als and strong training for obedience in childhood,

to emphasize harsh rituals, which are more likely

indicating that obedience is being reinforced, not

to occur in community than in private rituals, and

instilled. In societies without ceremonies or those

these bear examination apart from the general dis-

whose ceremonies do not include harsh rituals,

cussion on adolescent rituals. Girls’ painful rituals

subordination of younger males may not be a mat-

have not been as well described because they are

ter of special concern. This may be because boys

often shorter rituals held in the home. Aside from

and young men live apart from their fathers and

genital operations, widespread in African cultures,

older men, as did the Nyakyusa boys and youths of

the pain girls suffer is usually severe discomfort

Tanzania, where there were no ceremonies for boys

during a period of seclusion, painful procedures

(Wilson, 1963). In other cases, such as in ancient

such as tattooing, or sometimes a fairly light beat-

Rome, boys and youths are subordinate because

ing, the last of which may be a fertility ritual (simi-

adult men control the resources they need, backed

lar to the one depicted in the famous mural in the

up by laws and institutional arrangements that

Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii). In foraging soci-

ensure that this control is maintained. Harsh ritu-

eties, these are often tests of endurance, assessing

als are not needed to enforce control.

girls’ strength and capacity to persevere.

Atkinson and Whitehouse (2011) pointed Ordeals

out that initiation ceremonies of all kinds often

Personal ordeals for boys, undergone by each

inflict pain on initiates or force them to undergo

boy individually, sometimes occur in societies that

an ordeal. In many cases, this can be interpreted

lack initiation ceremonies. These were widespread

as costly signaling (Cronk, 1994), an indication to

among North American Indian peoples in the form

others of the worthiness and the loyalty of the ini-

of vision quests (Markstrom, 2008). A quest might

tiate (cf. Sosis, Kress, & Boster, 2007). This inter-

include a period of solitude in a sacred location,

pretation holds true for rituals voluntarily endured

remaining for 4 days and nights or longer with-

by older individuals, particularly if they initiate the

out food. Although boys in some cultures might

person into an honored group such as an esteemed

undertake a vision quest in early physical adoles-

religious cult or a warrior society. However, it is

cence, which then functioned as a transition ritual,

difficult to think of this interpretation applying to

in other cultures this did not happen until the boy

young adolescents because it is the fathers of the

was in his late teens or early 20s. Vision quests

boys who subject their sons to the ceremonies. The

might also be undertaken at other times later in life.

boys do not do this voluntarily. It is true that some

Various exercises designed to toughen boys, such as

adolescents, possibly those who are more mature

forcing them to plunge into icy water in winter-

physically than their agemates, wish to be initiated

time, were also widespread in North America and

so that they can join the bigger boys, as reported

occurred throughout the boys’ adolescence. Hopi

in some of the descriptions of African initiation

boys endured this form of fortitude training by

ceremonies. But most of the reports speak of boys

fathers and uncles, while their sisters were endur-

frightened by what they know will be painful or

ing sore backs and arms from all the corn-grinding

upsetting. Children have died during their ordeals,

they had to do.

the explanation being some variant of “the spirits

took him,” so the fearfulness of boys, the anxiety

Initiation into Adolescent Youth Groups

of their mothers, and the wariness of their fathers

Initiation into a youth group by members of

even as they participate in the initiation of their

the group is somewhat different from the kinds of

sons, are well-founded.

ceremonies and rituals we have discussed (those

Painful rituals, at least for boys, seem to express

organized by communities or families or under-

the special concern of older men about the author-

gone by the individual with cooperation of the

ity they exert over younger men. They are some-

family). Youth group initiations are organized

times explained as instilling the habit of obedience

by the groups themselves, like the initiations of

in adolescent boys, which, it is expected, they adult brotherhoods or religious associations. Such will carry into postadolescence until they reach

youth associations were common in preindustrial

full adulthood. In an unpublished study of harsh

Europe (Gillis, 1974; Roubin, 1977). In villages,

rituals in boys’ adolescent initiation ceremonies,

they included all boys or sometimes all adolescents;

336

L e av ing ChiLdhood

along with confirmation, they served as transition

This may be particularly important in small-scale

rituals. In cities, such groups were often differenti-

societies that lack strong institutions that enforce

ated by occupation and entered when one became

social cooperation.

an apprentice in that trade or profession. Initiation

In traditional societies, adolescents are brought

for boys often included some hazing to test the

into the company of adults of the same sex, social-

worthiness of the candidate.

izing them for their adult gender roles and provid-

ing attainable models for appropriate behavior.

Conclusion

Where there is considerable separation of the

Adolescent initiation ceremonies are a lens sexes, adolescent initiation ceremonies formalize through which many of the important social fea-that separation. However, same-sex cohesion does

tures are projected. They are found in traditional

not necessarily imply a lack of common purpose

societies and are absent in modern industrial ones.

between the sexes or the absence of public activities

Rituals of transition frequently occur in traditional

that include both women and men. Cultures may

societies that do not have full initiation ceremo-

recognize the complementarity of the sexes in spite

nies, and these often take the form of a sudden and

of very different gender roles.

distinctive change in clothing style or body decora-

Even without a ceremony, adolescents in tra-

tion as a public declaration of the person’s new age

ditional societies experience the transition into a

stage. In Europe and European-derived societies,

new stage of life, one in which their responsibilities

these private rituals persisted into the industrial

increase and they are seriously preparing for adult-

period.

hood. They are judged by their behavior to a much

Large, dramatic community ceremonies occur

greater extent than they had been as children, and

in small-scale societies where gender is a major

their actions could have consequences that will

organizing principle of community action, and determine their future: whom they might marry, they dramatize both the transition into adolescence

the social networks that would support them, the

and the incorporation into gender-based cohorts of

honor or shame they would bring on themselves

the community. These involve most of the commu-

and their families. In this period of socialization

nity’s adults as participants or observers.

for adulthood, in most cultures, adolescents spend

Private ceremonies are usually shorter, held for a

more time with adults and are included as junior

single initiate, and require the participation of only

participants in adult gatherings. That is how boys

the family and perhaps kin, neighbors, and fam-

learn to be men, girls learn to be women, and both

ily friends. In this, they are similar to other private

girls and boys learn how to be responsible adults.

ceremonies, like modern weddings. The initiation

Initiation ceremonies in traditional societies

rituals of complex traditional societies generally

focus on gender roles. The theme of responsibility is

are of this type. These are societies in which the

the most common for boys and for forager girls. In

internal divisions are not gender-based but depend

more complex societies, sexuality and fertility are

on such features as occupation, social class, caste,

frequent secondary themes for boys and primary

and possibly religion or ethnicity. The major civic

ones for girls. Early adolescence is an appropriate

activities are not conducted by all the men or all

time for such ceremonies because young people

the women of the community, but are organized by

now have, or soon will have, the physical and men-

state bureaucracies, by economic institutions such

tal capacity for adult activities and can be trained

as guilds, by political institutions like factions or

for marriage and their future occupations.

civic districts, or by religious institutions.

Many initiation ceremonies, especially com-

One purpose of large communal ceremonies

munal ones with harsh rituals, demonstrate the

may be to bring together into cooperative action all

authority that seniors have over their juniors.

the men (or, rarely, all the women) of the commu-

Adolescents are often expected to contribute their

nity. When there are a number of initiates and the

labor and skill to benefit the family or the com-

ceremonies consist of multiple separate rituals, the

munity, yet they are still under the control of their

preparation for the ceremonies and participation

elders. This authority may last beyond adolescence,

in them by all or most adult men of the commu-

when marriage or other markers of full adulthood

nity require a large commitment of time and effort.

are delayed, sometimes for boys into their middle

Their bonding with other men may be a conse-

or late 20s. Harsh rituals express this authority and

quence of this investment because it compels men

reinforce the obedience training the children have

to cooperate for a common ideological purpose.

already received.

SChL egeL, Ba r ry

337

The private ceremonies also emphasize gender

reach age 18. These were originally announcements

activities and responsibilities, but they are orga-

of readiness for courtship and served as rituals

nized by the initiate’s family and do not involve an

that marked the end of social adolescence and the

investment by the community. Such ceremonies

transition into the postadolescent, preadult stage

are usually more elaborate and expensive in terms

of youth. After her “coming out,” the girl formerly

of goods and labor for richer or higher status fami-

was expected to attract suitors and prepare for mar-

lies than for poorer ones or those of lower status.

riage. Now, both celebrations are simply parties

that have little effect on how the girl is treated or

Initiation Ceremonies in Modern

behaves. They serve more as signs that her family

Industrial Societies

can afford the expense of the event.

Initiation ceremonies for adolescents seem

The decline of transition rituals in modern soci-

to have no place in the modern industrial world

ety reflects the changing nature of the transition

because the community ceremonies that initiate

from childhood to adolescence. It is gradual and

children into gender-based cohorts would have no

may begin as early as the first signs of puberty,

meaning. Transition ceremonies within a commu-

when a girl in the United States may get her first

nity of religious faith have no broader social sig-

brassiere (oddly called a “training bra”). There are

nificance. The personal rituals that occur only have

various events along the way, each a small step into

significance to the individual and are not required

adolescence, such as the 12th and 13th birthdays,

for him or her to be recognized as an adolescent.

entering high school, starting to wear distinctive

There have been attempts made to invent ini-

“adolescent” clothing, taking ballroom dancing

tiation ceremonies appropriate to more modern

lessons, and various other small markers specific to

times. The Jugendweihe, or “youth consecration”

region, ethnic community, or social class.

for 14-year-old children, was one such ceremony

The transition to adolescence has strong simi-

(Isemeyer & Sühl, 1989). In some German com-

larities to the transition to adulthood as an emerg-

munities, especially Protestant ones, confirmation

ing state rather than one entered in a specific,

at age 14 became a de facto community initiation

culturally defined way. We could call it “emerg-

ceremony for the local parish, but its significance

ing adolescence,” a counterpart to what Arnett

did not extend beyond that population. It was,

(2000) calls “emerging adulthood.” The gradual

however, an occasion for celebration, one that was

nature of the transition, marked as much by per-

absent in the lives of young people unconnected

sonal choices as by cultural dictate, expresses the

to a church. The Jugendweihe was established individualistic nature of modern society and the by humanist associations in the 19th century to

diversity of cultural practices. Where beliefs and

replace confirmation for these adolescents.4

values are diverse, there is little appetite for confor-

Jugendweihe was co-opted by the Nazis as mity to a single set of ritual practices unless they

“Youth Day” and continued under the commu-

have clear political meaning, such as a presidential

nist regime of the German Democratic Republic.

inaugural ceremony, or economic benefits, such as

Although it was designed to create a sense of the rituals of the Olympics. The transition from belonging to the state and readiness to undertake

childhood to adolescence is an individual matter,

the responsibilities of membership, the participants

and each child, or his or her family, marks it in

saw it primarily as a festivity at which they received

individual ways.

presents. Today, there are Jugendweihe associations,

and about one-third of adolescents in the states

Notes

that formerly constituted the GDR sign up for the

1 According to Muslim belief, circumcision can take place

ceremony.

at any time before the boy is age 13. In some Muslim com-

There are other secular transition rituals in

munities of Southeast Asia, it has become a ritual in an

modern society, in addition to the Jugendweihe and

adolescent initiation ceremony, or a circumcision ceremony

may have replaced a different kind of initiation ceremony

rituals connected with school. These are private rit-

that existed before these areas were converted to Islam

uals without larger social significance. Some Latin

(for circumcision in Indonesian initiation ceremonies, see

American communities, in their home countries or

Geertz [1960] and Mikarsa [2012]). Some authorities spec-

in the United States, celebrate the girl’s quincea-

ulate that Jewish circumcision of infant boys was originally

ñera, a party given for the girl when she is 15. This

part of an adolescent initiation ceremony in early Israelite

culture (Marcus, 2004). It is possible that both Muslim and

is her introduction to society, much like the debut

Jewish circumcision originated as an adolescent ritual prac-

for some girls in Europe and America when they

tice of ancient Semitic peoples.

338

L e av ing ChiLdhood

2 The code includes the information that some societies

Herdt, G. H. (Ed.). (1982). Rituals of manhood: Male initiation

interpret initiation as moving children into full adulthood.

in Papua New Guinea. Berkeley: University of California

That coding was based on claims made in the ethnographic

Press.

descriptions of those ceremonies from which the coders

Isemeyer, M. J., & Sühl, K. (1989). Feste der Arbeiterbewegung:

retrieved the data. Based on later research (Schlegel &

100 Jahre Jugendweihe. Berlin: Elefantin Press.

Barry, 1991), this interpretation is incorrect; the ceremony

Keesing, R. M. (1982). Introduction. In G. H. Herdt (Ed.),

marks the transition to an adolescent stage, even though it

Rituals of manhood: Male initiation in Papua New Guinea

is brief in some societies.

(pp. 1–43). Berkeley: University of California Press.

3 Research available after that code was completed reveals

La Fontaine, J. S. (1985). Initiation: Ritual drama and secret

that the ancient Romans had a ceremony for boys

knowledge across the world. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin

(Harlow & Laurence, 2002). The inclusion of Rome would

Books.

not change the findings in any significant way.

Marcus, I. G. (2004). The Jewish life cycle: Rites of passage from

4 Descriptions of the Jugendweihe in English are found under

biblical to modern times. Seattle: University of Washington

that heading in Wikipedia and on the website of Calvin

Press.

College: www.calvin.edu/academic/cas/gal/jweihe.html.

Markstrom, C. A. (2008). Empowerment of North American

Indian girls: Ritual expressions at puberty. Lincoln: University

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340

L e av ing ChiLdhood

C H A P T E R

Adolescent Risk and Resiliences

21 Across Cultures

Marcela Raffael i and Maria I. Iturbide

Abstract

This chapter examines adolescent risk and resilience across cultures. It provides an overview of resilience theory and identifies constructs applicable to the study of adolescence as a developmental period. It then examines the role of culture in adolescent development. Next, the chapter examines how issues of risk and resilience play out in three specific adolescent populations: children growing up in immigrant families in the US, impoverished and homeless Brazilian youth, and war-affected children around the world. The final section contains recommendations for future research synthesizing the study of resilience, culture, and adolescent development. Integrating the study of resilience and the study of culture can result in a more nuanced way of understanding developmental risk and resilience.

Key Words: adolescence, culture, development, immigration, poverty, resilience, risk, violence, war In 1990, as a new Ph.D. whose doctoral training

highway overpasses, in cardboard boxes in a store

emphasized issues of development and culture, the

lobby. But it was not until I returned to Brazil in

first author (Raffaelli) joined an international, mul-

1990 that I began to see street youth as a culturally

tidisciplinary team of researchers developing and

embedded phenomenon. For example, I quickly

evaluating an HIV/AIDS intervention for home-

started to pay attention to how cultural views of

less and working street youth in Brazil. I was not

gender were evident on the street. Whereas street

hired because I had specific knowledge relevant to

boys were sometimes described in the academic

the project but because I had lived in Brazil while

literature as freedom-loving adventure-seekers,

growing up (my father is Brazilian). For 2 years,

girls were seen as vulnerable because of the tradi-

I spent about half my time in Brazil working with

tional division of the world into male and female

the local research team. During this time, I filled

spheres represented by the street and the home

a number of notebooks with field notes, impres-

(see Raffaelli et al., 2000). The prevailing view

sions and questions, records of meetings with the

was that to stay safe on the street, girls had to

research team, and ideas for future research. Going

pair up with a strong male; in the words of one

back through these notebooks, I see how themes

young woman, “A woman needs a man to take

relating to culture and development emerged early

care of her. He has the strength to defend her.”

on and quickly assumed prominence.

But I soon learned that some girls found other

Having lived in Brazil, I was used to see-

ways to protect themselves. During one visit to a

ing poorly dressed children unaccompanied by

drop-in facility, I met two young women (aged 15

adults in public settings, typically doing odd jobs

and 17) who had teamed up years earlier for pro-

or begging. Driving around town, we would see

tection. Calling themselves parceiras (partners),

where these children slept (sometimes with their

they described a variety of strategies they used

families, often alone)—in shanty towns, under

to keep safe—staying together while working as

341

street vendors, sleeping together in hostels, teach-

world are dealing with a range of challenges (Diers,

ing each other how to fight. Another example of

2013). Some of these represent normative life events

how issues of culture emerged related to the use

that accompany the transition from childhood to

of kinship terms. I noticed that young people liv-

adulthood (e.g., embarking on a career, finding a

ing on the streets often addressed adults as tio

life partner). Others are the result of large-scale

(uncle) or tia (aunt). The use of kinship terms

social changes resulting from (among other things)

with unrelated adults is common for Brazilian

rapid urbanization; increased educational expec-

children interacting with family friends but not

tations; economic interconnections among world

with strangers. By using these kinship terms,

regions; and globalization of media, consumption,

impoverished children seemed to be making a

and technology (e.g., Blum, Bastos, Kabiru, & Le,

culturally appropriate claim for strangers’ care

2012; Larson, Wilson, & Rickman, 2009; Raffaelli,

and attention—and many adults accepted this

Lazarevic, Koller, Nsamenang, & Sharma, 2013).

form of address and responded positively.

These global changes make adolescence a time of

Inevitably, given my developmental background,

potential risk, yet many young people successfully

I began to wonder about the long-term impact of

transition into adulthood (UNICEF, 2011).

street life. During an early visit, I gave a workshop

In this chapter, we examine factors contributing

to the research team on adolescent development,

to risk and resilience among adolescents, paying

and we discussed the applicability of mainstream

particular attention to issues of culture. The chap-

developmental theories to street kids. That day

ter is organized into four sections. The first focuses

(and subsequently), the group pondered how street

on resilience theory and its relevance to the study of

youth might experience adolescence—for example,

adolescents. The second section examines the role

how might psychosocial development be affected

of culture in adolescent development. The third

by the fact that many youth had been responsible

section reviews existing literature to illustrate how

for their own survival for years, so that becoming

issues of risk and resilience play out in research and

“independent” of parents was not a salient issue.

interventions conducted in three adolescent popu-

We explored the possible impacts of street life on

lations: adolescents in immigrant families, impov-

normative development, including negative aspects

erished and homeless youth, and war-affected

(e.g., pubertal delays due to undernutrition, effects

youngsters. In the final section, we make recom-

of inhalant use on cognition) and potential positive

mendations for future efforts to integrate the study

ones (e.g., formation of strong peer bonds). We also

of resilience, culture, and development.

discussed the possible long-term implications of

street life for development (e.g., how lack of formal

Resilience Theory and Constructs

education might affect future job prospects, issues

The study of resilience began more than

of physical health and well-being). And we talked

40 years ago in an effort to understand positive

about the resources young people on the street

developmental outcomes among children at risk of

draw on as they negotiate daily life. These note-

developing psychopathology (e.g., Garmezy, 1970;

books hold the seeds of a research program on the

Rutter, 1979). The field soon broadened to con-

developmental impact of poverty that has spanned

sider children experiencing other forms of adversity

more than 20 years. This work has been informed

(e.g., poverty, abuse, parental death; Masten, 1994,

by several intellectual traditions, including the Werner & Smith, 1982), and, since then, count-study of resilience and development-in-context.

less articles and multiple edited volumes have been

This chapter brings together these strands and

published. In a recent review, Wright, Masten, and

examines issues of adolescent risk and resilience

Narayan (2013) summarized four waves of research

across cultures and contexts. This is a timely topic

on resilience. We draw on their review in the fol-

because adolescents represent a greater share of lowing paragraphs and refer readers to the full the world’s population than ever before, and they

chapter for a comprehensive overview of key trends

face unprecedented challenges. The estimated

and controversies.

1.8 billion young people aged 10–24 comprise about

The first wave of resilience research focused

a quarter of the global population (Sawyer et al.,

on describing the phenomenon of resilience and

2012), with most living in low- and middle-income

delineating key constructs and methodologi-

countries. Although generally healthier than previ-

cal approaches (Wright et al., 2013). A consensus

ous generations of adolescents due to improvements

emerged that resilience should not be considered

in global public health, young people around the

a characteristic of the individual but rather as “a

342

a doL eSCent r iSk S a nd r eSiLienCeS aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

process or phenomenon reflecting positive child

stability and change in resilience, and the impact of

adjustment despite conditions of risk” (Luthar &

timing of adversity (see Wright et al., 2013). Second

Zelazo, 2003, p. 510). There was general agree-

wave work highlighted the need to consider indi-

ment that two “fundamental judgments” must be

vidual adaptation within a larger context, in keep-

made before inferring resilience: a person has to

ing with ecological models of development (e.g.,

be “doing okay” in spite of exposure to “signifi-

Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998).

cant risk or adversity” (Masten & Powell, 2003,

Building on first and second wave investigations,

p. 4). Conceptual refinements and clarifications

the third wave consists of interventions to foster

were made over the years. For example, scholars

resilience (Wright et al., 2013). These translational

increasingly recognized the need to differentiate

activities were designed to bring about improve-

between risk as a group-level phenomenon (e.g.,

ments in the lives of vulnerable individuals, but

being homeless) and how risks were experienced

also served to test models of resilience. The fourth

in the life of an individual (e.g., specific hardships

(current) wave of research integrates biological pro-

associated with being homeless). Consensus was

cesses into models of resilience and is “focused on

also sought on what to call factors associated with

multilevel dynamics and the many processes link-

positive adaptation among risk-exposed individu-

ing genes, neurobiological adaptation, brain devel-

als (Wright et al., 2013). Current resilience scholars

opment, behavior, and context” (Wright et al.,

emphasize the need to differentiate protective fac-

2013, p. 30; see also Cicchetti, 2010).

tors (those that diminish the negative impact of risk

The field of resilience research has generated

among exposed individuals) and promotive factors

valuable information about issues of risk, protec-

(those that are positively associated with adjust-

tion, and resilience across developmental periods.

ment regardless of level of risk exposure). Although

Much early work on resilience focused on young

different factors may ameliorate risk exposure in

children, but considerable effort has been devoted

specific populations, accumulated evidence from

to the period of adolescence. This is due in part to

decades of research has yielded a “short list” of

the growing availability of studies that followed

potential protective and promotive factors oper-

children from early life into adolescence and adult-

ating at the level of the individual (e.g., cognitive

hood (see Werner, 2013). This work has yielded

skills, self-efficacy), family (e.g., supportive caregiv-

insight into resilience across the life span. Some

ing, warmth), community (e.g., effective schools,

work suggests that certain types of risks may have

safe neighborhoods), and culture (e.g., protective

a greater impact in later life than is apparent at the

child policies, shared values regarding equity and

time of exposure. For example, there are indications

nonviolence; see Wright et al., 2013, Table 2.2).

that survivors of child sexual abuse may experience

By the end of the first wave of resilience research,

a range of difficulties with adult relationships—

scholars had generated a shared language for talk-

they lack sexual assertiveness, have multiple sexual

ing about resilience and identified a common set of

partners, have difficulties in interpersonal relation-

factors associated with resilience.

ships, and are at risk for sexual revictimization (see

During the second wave of resilience research,

DiLillo, 2001; Messman-Moore & Long, 2003, for

scholars focused on understanding the processes

reviews). Other work indicates that major life tran-

leading to resilience (Wright et al., 2013), in keep-

sitions may offer opportunities to break earlier (per-

ing with a broader movement toward understand-

haps dysfunctional) patterns. For example, scholars

ing development from a systems perspective. of developmental continuity and discontinuity Scholars shifted their focus from identifying factors

have introduced the notion of a “turning point”—

associated with resilience to examining the dynamic

a pivotal moment that can result in a shift in an

transactions between individuals and their contexts

individual’s trajectory (Schulenberg & Zarrett,

that lead to resilience. Taking advantage of new

2006). Potentially life-altering situations include

longitudinal datasets and increasingly sophisticated

attending a new school, entering the military, get-

statistical techniques, researchers studied pathways

ting married, and becoming a parent. These major

of resilience over time and examined how specific

changes in life contexts can help young people

factors operating at various time points might fos-

recover from past difficulties.

ter positive adaptation. These studies have yielded

A parallel development to the study of resilience

information about the contextual specificity of was the emergence of the study of adolescence as risk and protective factors, the role of individual

a distinct developmental period (e.g., Dornbusch,

appraisals in the resilience process, factors linked to

Petersen, & Hetherington, 1991). Much of this

r a ffa eLLi, it ur Bide

343

work focused on understanding normative devel-

places cultural factors in the macrosystem (out-

opment, but the accumulated literature on adoles-

ermost layer). This placement may lead to culture

cence in primarily North American and European

being operationalized as a background or exog-

contexts led scholars to conclude that adolescence

enous variables—but (as Bronfenbrenner stressed),

represented a time of heightened risk. For example,

culture is not an external force but rather plays out

one influential book published in 1990 proposed

during everyday interactions, within the proxi-

that one in four US adolescents was at risk for

mal processes that shape development. Because of

involvement in serious problem behaviors (e.g., this, cultural theorists argue that culture should school drop-out, delinquency, substance abuse, be thought of as a “medium” for development—a teen pregnancy; Dryfoos, 1990). Scholars of ado-rich, all-encompassing environment that nurtures

lescent development noted that normative life and sustains growth. In this view, culture cannot changes during this age period (including physical,

be thought of as separate from the person—cul-

cognitive, and social transitions) were often associ-

ture permeates all aspects of development and

ated with increased stress, particularly when they

results in divergences in how individuals experi-

occurred simultaneously (Compas & Reeslund, ence themselves and their worlds (e.g., Shweder & 2009). Moreover, in many industrialized nations,

Sullivan, 1993).

adolescents are granted increased freedoms (e.g.,

Given the challenges of defining and measur-

later curfews, driving privileges, autonomy in ing cultural constructs, many scholars engaged decision-making) that “encourage individual-in quantitative developmental studies (including

ism, independence, and self-expression” (Arnett,

examinations of resilience) often do not incor-

1995, p. 617) but also provide opportunities for

porate cultural constructs as measured variables.

increased risk-taking. As the study of adolescence

Instead, they address issues of culture in the intro-

has evolved, constructs and terminology from the

ductory and concluding sections of their articles

field of resilience research have been increasingly

and (perhaps) include one or two proxy measures

applied (e.g., Schulenberg & Zarrett, 2006; see

of cultural constructs as variables in their studies

Compas & Reeslund, 2009, for a comprehensive

(e.g., language, rural/urban residence). Another

review).

common approach is to compare cultural groups

Scholars studying resilience have long noted and attribute group differences to cultural factors.

that both risk and protective factors may be rooted

A number of prominent scholars have critiqued

in cultural beliefs or practices (Luthar, 2006; these approaches because they do not allow for an Wright et al., 2013; Ungar, 2012). We turn next to

explication of how specific cultural variables may

a selective discussion of culture and its integration

play out during development (e.g., Cauce, 2002;

in research on adolescent risk and resilience.

Feldman & Rosenthal, 1994; McLoyd, 2004). In

an effort to move the field forward, scholars have

Culture, Risk, and Resilience

worked to identify measurable ways that culture

During Adolescence

may operate in human development, three of

Despite a long-standing interest in under-

which are reviewed here.

standing how culture influences human behav-

First, the same factors may be relevant for all

ior, little consensus has emerged in how best to

groups, but differ in levels (e.g., means) and/or

define and operationalize culture within devel-

salience (e.g., strength of association with other

opmental research. In their chapter published in

variables). For example, there is cross-cultural

the Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Lonner

evidence that support from family members and

and Adamopoulos (1997) noted that more than

friends can serve as a protective factor, buffering

200 definitions of “culture” existed in the social

adolescents from the negative impact of stress. But

science literature. This lack of definitional consen-

cultures may vary in the extent to which individu-

sus has resulted in lack of precision in the opera-

als receive support from different social partners;

tionalization of culture within empirical research.

Feldman and Rosenthal (1994) reported that

One issue is that theories differ in where they

adolescents from Australia and the United States

locate culture. Some theories view culture as a

reported higher levels of accepting/engaged parent-

contextual factor that shapes the environment in

ing than did Hong Kong youth. The role of support

which the individual develops. An example of this

from different social partners in reducing distress

is Bronfenbrenner’s widely used ecological model

may also vary across groups. For example, in con-

(e.g., Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998), which trast to some US studies indicating that support 344

a doL eSCent r iSk S a nd r eSiLienCeS aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

from peers becomes more salient than support

These examples illustrate some of the ways that

from family members as adolescents move into

cultural factors may play out in studies of adoles-

adulthood, a recent study of Mexican adolescents

cent risk and resilience. We turn next to a selective

and young adults indicated that the protective role

examination of the empirical literature on adoles-

of family support remained strong across this age

cent risk and resilience in varied cultural contexts.

period, with family support playing a unique role

Given space constraints and limitations of the

in buffering youth from the harmful effects of

available literature, our analysis and examples are

stress (Raffaelli, Andrade, et al., 2013).

illustrative and selective.

Second, the same variables may be relevant

across groups, but variables may differ in structure

Risk and Resilience in Diverse Groups

and form. An example would be religious or spiri-

of Adolescents: Three Exemplars

tual beliefs and practices that facilitate coping in

In this section, we focus on three populations

times of stress (Wright et al., 2013). Although reli-

of young people and provide examples of how risk

giosity may serve as a protective factor for members

and protective factors operate in their lives. We

of different cultural groups, there are variations

draw on existing research and intervention studies

in the content of spiritual beliefs and the form of

to examine the experiences of youth facing signifi-

spiritual practices. Similarly, a study of resilience

cant threats to their well-being as a result of family

conducted in 11 countries revealed common pro-

migration, poverty, or exposure to armed conflicts

tective factors (e.g., nurturing relationships, sense

and violence.

of belonging) but little consistency in how these

protective factors were structured and expressed

Balancing Old and New Ways: Sexual

across groups (Ungar, 2012). In terms of risk fac-

Socialization in Immigrant Families

tors, environmental factors that threaten youth’s

The number of international migrants world-

well-being (e.g., violence, substandard living situa-

wide is currently estimated at 214 million people—

tions) can take different forms in different cultures

approximately 3% of the world’s population

(e.g., Rutter, Champion, Quinton, Maughan, &

(International Organization for Migration, 2010).

Pickles, 1995).

In some countries, migrants make up a significant

Finally, risk and protective factors may be portion of the population. For example, 13% of the unique to a specific cultural or ethnic group. For

US population is now foreign-born (Grieco et al.,

example, different risks may be present due to

2012). About one-quarter of US children are grow-

unique historical experiences, such as colonization,

ing up in immigrant families (defined as having

genocide, or forced migration. One study of Native

at least one foreign-born parent), and more than

American Indian adults examined the role of his-

half (60.5%) of Latino children have at least one

torical loss, conceptualized as personal loss (e.g.,

foreign-born parent (Clark, Glick, & Bures, 2009).

land, language), familial loss, and symptoms asso-

Accumulating evidence indicates that although

ciated with loss (e.g., anxiety, shame; Whitbeck,

migration affords new opportunities, it may stress

Chen, Hoyt, & Dams, 2004). Historical loss medi-

families due to loss of support networks, disruption

ated the positive association between perceived of family roles, and acculturation-related strains discrimination and alcohol abuse (i.e., the relation

(e.g., Hernandez, Denton, & Macartney, 2007). One

became nonsignificant once historical loss was important factor in immigrant families is the differ-entered into the model). Culturally specific protec-

ential pace and extent of acculturation among adults

tive factors have also been identified. For example,

and children. Given differences in experiences and

in South Africa, it is believed that all individuals

exposure to the larger society, immigrant parents are

are interdependent and responsible for sustaining

slower to adopt values, attitudes, and behaviors of the

interdependence (Mokwena, 2007), which sup-

host society than their children (Gonzales, Fabrett,

ports the belief of ubantu (i.e., “humanity, compas-

& Knight, 2009; Phinney, Ong, & Madden, 2000;

sion, and kindness”; Mokwena, 2007, p. 71). In a

Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001). The result-

qualitative study, ubantu was demonstrated when

ing acculturation gap can potentially contribute to

displaced South African children were taken in by

either family and individual well-being or distress,

extended family members and through the shar-

depending on the domain of functioning (see Telzer,

ing of resources such as food, basic necessities, and

2010, for review).

knowledge by community members (e.g., relatives,

Some research supports the notion that accul-

neighbors, teachers; Theron et al., 2011).

turation gaps may represent a potential source of

r a ffa eLLi, it ur Bide

345

family strength. For example, young people who

up (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2001). This was followed by

are more fluent in English and familiar with US

quantitative and mixed-methods analyses of spe-

culture than their parents can serve an impor-

cific topics, including gender-related socialization

tant role as cultural brokers, helping their parents

(Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004), adolescent dating expe-

navigate the new environment and gaining status

riences (Raffaelli, 2005), and parent–child com-

within the family (e.g., Chao, 2006; Morales &

munication about sex (Raffaelli & Green, 2003).

Hanson, 2005), which can contribute to family

These studies confirm that socialization in

and individual well-being. Yet acculturation gaps

many immigrant Latino families is marked by

also have the potential to lead to family or indi-

expectations and practices that are consistent with

vidual distress. In two studies of Latino families,

traditional Latin American norms, including dif-

parent–child language discrepancies negatively ferential treatment of sons and daughters, limited affected family communication (Tseng & Fuligni,

communication about sexual topics, and curtail-

2000), and acculturation gaps were associated with

ment of girls’ romantic activities. Quantitative

lower levels of family cohesion, adaptability, and

analyses indicated that socialization practices were

familism (Smokowski, Rose, & Bacallao, 2008).

linked to parental acculturation and demographic

One domain in which acculturation gaps appear

variables, such that increased familiarity with US

to be potentially problematic relates to gender and

culture and a higher level of formal education were

sexual socialization. Immigrant parents face the

linked to more “American” socialization practices.

challenges of balancing their expectations (which

The studies conducted by Raffaelli and colleagues

were shaped in their home country) with the new

did not permit systematic examination of whether

influences their children are exposed to in the

acculturation gaps were linked to sexual behaviors

United States (e.g., Azmitia & Brown, 2002; Grau,

of adolescents. However, a longitudinal investiga-

Azmitia, & Quattlebaum, 2009; Kwak, 2003). tion by Schwartz and colleagues (2012) revealed Socialization of children in many Latino families

that parent–child acculturation gaps (in the areas

is organized in ways that fit with descriptions of

of practices, values, and identification) were linked

traditional cultural norms and values. For exam-

to Latino adolescents’ greater involvement in sexual

ple, Latino parents typically grant less autonomy

risk taking.

to and place more responsibilities on daughters

This work on sexual socialization in Latino fam-

than on sons (Domenech-Rodríguez, Donovick, &

ilies has served as the foundation for interventions

Crowley, 2009). Discontinuities between the cul-

with Latino families. It has long been recognized

ture of origin and the new context are likely to

that individuals are more receptive to interventions

be heightened during adolescence (Kwak, 2003),

that reflect cultural realities and are matched to

which represents a time of growing freedom from

participants’ language, values, attitudes, and stage

adult supervision in many US families. Immigrant

of acculturation (see Castro, Barrera, & Martinez,

parents are typically unfamiliar with aspects of US

2004). For example, Lescano and colleagues devel-

youth culture that their children encounter, such

oped a family-based intervention aimed at reduc-

as slumber parties, overnight camps, and prom

ing sexual risk behaviors of Latino adolescents (see

night rituals. Concerns about dating are common,

Lescano, Brown, Raffaelli, & Lima, 2009). The

particularly among parents of girls (for review, see

intervention was specifically designed to respect

Raffaelli & Iturbide, 2009). Latina adolescents parents’ values regarding teen sexuality while help-report stricter rules about dating and sex, and ing them understand typical US norms, which more conservative maternal expectations regarding

their teens are exposed to through peers and the

sexuality, than do their male counterparts (Hovell

media. To address issues related to differential

et al., 1994).

acculturation, parents and children are encouraged

These dynamics are illustrated in a series of

to discuss the social norms found in schools and in

studies the first author conducted with student

the community, such as norms regarding sexuality,

collaborators over the years. Through retrospective

teen romance, and parental monitoring. Parents

qualitative and quantitative studies, we examined

also have opportunities to interact with other

explicit and implicit strategies used by immigrant

Latino parents, including parents who are more

Latino parents to shape and control their children’s

acculturated or who hold different perspectives.

behavior. We investigated a range of topics, starting

Also, while recognizing that maintaining cultural

with an exploration of how Latinas describe their

values and practices is important, interventions can

experiences of sexual socialization while growing

stress the importance of parents learning English

346

a doL eSCent r iSk S a nd r eSiLienCeS aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

(and children maintaining their Spanish) to facili-

structural challenges still affect the lives of Brazil’s

tate family communication.

impoverished adolescents.

Taken together, this work highlights the

The risks that impoverished and homeless youth

importance of understanding the role of culture

confront have been associated with negative out-

in immigrant families’ adaptation to life in their

comes in several studies conducted in Brazil. In a

new environment. Research is needed that includes

shelter-based study involving 25 male street youth

careful delineation of cultural variables, identifica-

(aged 13–19), boys who experienced high levels of

tion of theoretically based processes that may serve

childhood adversity and recent negative life events

as potential risk or protective factors, and consider-

reported a greater number of physical health symp-

ation of multiple domains of functioning.

toms and lower levels of positive affect than boys

who had experienced less past or current adversity

Impoverished and Homeless Brazilian

(Raffaelli, Koller, & Morais, 2007). A large-scale

Youth: Risk and Resilience on the Street

study of more than 900 14- to 19-year-olds from

Children and adolescents who spend their impoverished neighborhoods revealed that greater time in street settings unaccompanied by adults

exposure to risk factors in the domains of family

(i.e., street youth) represent a highly vulnerable

(e.g., parental death, abuse), community (e.g., drug

subgroup of impoverished young people. The pro-

trafficking, violence), and economics (e.g., fam-

portion of people living in extreme poverty (less

ily unemployment, going hungry) was associated

than $1.25/day) has fallen since the adoption of

with psychological and behavioral maladjustment

the Millennium Development Goals, from 47%

(Raffaelli, Koller, Cerqueira-Santos, & Morais,

in 1990 to 24% in 2010 (United Nations, 2012).

2007).

Yet more than a billion people worldwide continue

Scholars have also noted evidence of resilience

to live in extreme poverty and may be unable to

in this population. For example, Brazilian street

care adequately for their children. The presence of

youth in one study had similar levels of depression

youth on the streets of major cities in the global

to impoverished children living at home (DeSouza

South is a visible result of this poverty. For exam-

et al., 1995). Young people on the street may have

ple, despite striking improvements in Brazil’s eco-

access to resources that are not otherwise avail-

nomic situation in recent decades, many Brazilian

able to them, such as money-making opportuni-

children and adolescents are growing up in situa-

ties (Hutz & Koller, 1997), social support (often

tions that threaten their immediate and long-term

in the form of peer networks; Ennew, 1994), and

well-being (for review, see Raffaelli, Koller, & institutions that provide food, shelter, and other Morais, 2013).

services (Hecht, 1998). Few systematic examina-

There can be little doubt that impoverished and

tions of these potential protective factors have been

homeless street youth are at physical and psycho-

conducted, but there is emerging evidence that

logical risk. Many of these risks are shared with

social and individual factors can buffer youth from

other populations of disenfranchised youth. For

the negative impact of poverty. In one quantita-

example, many street youth report high levels of

tive study, formal tests of moderation were con-

negative life events, face physical threats in their

ducted to examine whether family support, school

daily lives (e.g., traffic accidents, violence), engage

attachment, and self-efficacy diminished the asso-

in risky behavior (e.g., alcohol and drugs, unpro-

ciation between risk exposure and problem behav-

tected sex), and are involved in illicit survival activ-

ior among more than 4,700 impoverished 13- to

ities (e.g., Campos et al., 1994; Hecht, 1998; Pinto

17-year-olds from seven Brazilian cities (Raffaelli,

et al., 1994). Other risks appear to be culturally or

Koller, & Cerqueira-Santos, 2012). Composite

contextually specific. For example, Brazil’s repres-

measures of risk exposure were associated with

sive military dictatorship (which lasted from 1964

increased involvement in problem behavior, but

to 1985) was associated with the creation of institu-

protective factors diminished that association.

tions designed to contain and control impoverished

Other studies have focused on protective factors

youth (Diversi, Moraes, & Morelli, 1999). In the

that may be unique to street youth. For example,

1970s and early 1980s, Brazil’s external debt and

youth with higher ratings on “street smarts” (a

high inflation triggered a major economic crisis

measure of self-reported ability to obtain food, a

that curtailed government investments, resulting

place to sleep, clothing, protection, and a place to

in widespread poverty and lack of infrastructure

bathe/wash clothes) reported fewer physical health

(e.g., housing, schools). These institutional and symptoms than did those with lower scores on this r a ffa eLLi, it ur Bide

347

measure (Raffaelli, Koller, & Morais, 2007). These

impact from internal strife and insurgencies (e.g.,

studies provide suggestive evidence that many small groups in opposition to the government) to youth growing up under conditions of extreme

full-fledged civil wars to international wars involv-

poverty, including homelessness, may demonstrate

ing different countries. Scholarly studies of young

resilience.

people involved in and affected by armed conflicts

This work highlights potential avenues for began in the late 1970s (see Barber & Schluterman, intervention. Qualitative studies conducted in 2009, for review), but this population has only youth-serving agencies provide emerging evi-recently received sustained attention from devel-

dence that culturally based individual and social

opmental scholars. In this section, we examine the

resources serve as important protective factors.

experiences of these youth.

In her dissertation study, Morais (2010) con-

Most youth affected by armed conflict are non-

ducted observations and ongoing engagement combatants. It is estimated that three-quarters of with youth and staff in a shelter serving home-those killed or wounded in modern armed con-

less youth. Findings indicated that youth main-

flicts are noncombatants (Global Security, 2013).

tained positive functioning by using an array of

Conflict also leads to widespread displacement of

resources to cope with difficult life situations.

families who may be forced to leave their homes

Field notes contained numerous examples of (and sometimes their country) in search of safety.

youth playing with one another or the program

The United Nations estimates that 42.5 million

staff, smiling, singing, joking, and expressing people (about two-fifths younger than 18) are cur-positive emotions. Observers frequently noted rently displaced by conflict or prosecution (United examples of solidarity and companionship among

Nations, 2012).

youth and between youth and adults present in

Scholars have examined risk and protective fac-

the field site (e.g., the shelter staff, researchers).

tors among young people displaced or affected by

In an earlier study, Morais (2005) described the

war. One study conducted in Afghanistan illus-

varied survival strategies used by youth, includ-

trates how cultural values and norms may serve as

ing the “choice” of the street as an alternative to

both risk and protective factors for families when

a difficult home environment, the formation of

war disrupts traditional ways of life and exposes

peer groups that provide material and emotional

families to violence, poverty, and social inequality

support, the use of formal institutions to meet

(Eggerman & Panter-Brick, 2010). In this context,

material needs, and the ability to muster individ-

conflict between family members can occur when

ual creativity to give meaning to life (e.g., artistic

attempting to meet the needs put forth by cultural

talents, prowess in sports).

values and traditions. This qualitative study, which

These studies suggest that individual youth involved 1,011 Afghan child–caregiver dyads, can draw on contextually and culturally relevant

found that the inability to meet social and cultural

strengths to overcome the challenges of street life,

obligations (such as owning a home or arranging

and provide information that can be used to cre-

a marriage for a child) resulted in psychological

ate supportive environments for these youth. In

distress for parents, as well as in a loss of honor

the long term, however, addressing the situation of

for the father. Family relationships in turn become

street youth will require implementation of social

strained, in some cases resulting in violence against

policies that lead to structural transformation (e.g.,

oneself or other family members. However, partici-

poverty reduction, job creation, affordable hous-

pants also reported cultural values and social hope

ing, improved school quality). Key tasks for policy

themes as methods of improving their lives: iman

makers will be to examine how social, political,

(faith), wahdatand ittifaq (family unity and har-

cultural, and economic factors shape and con-

mony), khidmat (service), koshesh (perseverance

strain the life choices and attitudes of youth, and to

and effort), and akhlaq (morals); see Eggerman and

identify what can be done to alter these factors in

Panter-Brick (2010). These served as potential pro-

ways that improve the well-being of children from

tective factors for war-affected families.

impoverished families.

Other work calls attention to the importance

of considering how war-affected youth interpret

Children and Armed Conflict

their situation. For example, a program of research

There are an estimated 40 armed conflicts on youth and political violence conducted by currently being fought around the world (Global

Barber and colleagues (summarized in Barber,

Security, 2013). These conflicts range in scope and

2008) showed that Bosnian and Palestinian youth

348

a doL eSCent r iSk S a nd r eSiLienCeS aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

perceived the political violence they experienced

see UNICEF (2009). Children become involved

differently, with implications for their identify for-

in armed conflicts for various reasons and through

mation. Almost three times as many Palestinian

various means (Wessells, 2006; 2009; Wessells &

youth (85%) felt that “the conflict was worth the

Kostelny, 2009). In many cases, some degree of

effort” than did Bosnian youth (27% males; 33%

coercion is common. In extreme cases, children are

females), and a larger proportion of Palestinian

kidnapped or forced into joining by being given the

youth (75% males; 66% females) disagreed with

“choice” to die or become a soldier. In other cases,

the statement that “the struggle was hopeless” than

the “choice” is between joining and either killing a

did Bosnian youth (41% males, 35% females). The

loved one or being killed along with one’s family.

difference in how youth responded was attribut-

Some youth join up voluntarily or by choice, but

able to not only differences in the type of violence

the decision to volunteer often stems from necessity

encountered but also how they made meaning of

(e.g., nowhere else to go, need for food and pro-

the conflict. Whereas Bosnian youth found the war

tection) or a desire to be with family members. In

inexplicable and senseless, the Palestinian youth

some cases, children may decide to join a conflict

had access to “a realm of meaning that comprehen-

to avenge a loved one or support the cause. Finally,

sively detailed for them their identity and justified

some young people are drawn to this life because of

and legitimized the goals and tactics of their fight”

its attractions (e.g., money, power, or glamour) or

(Barber, 2008, p. 307).

the appeal of finding a surrogate family.

Another group of young people exposed to vio-

Once they are involved in armed groups, young

lence are those associated with armed groups as

people are often (but not always) at risk of physi-

“child soldiers.” These children (whose ages may

cal, psychological, and sexual abuse. However,

vary considerably) take on a range of roles—as

it has been noted that child soldiers’ experiences

combatants, spies, providers of sex to adult fight-

vary widely, and multiple potential risk and pro-

ers, and servants (e.g., cooks, porters) (UNICEF,

tective factors have been identified. These include

2009). Although children and adolescents have long

the “type and frequency of exposure to the vio-

served in the world’s armies, the phenomenon of

lence, motivation for involvement in the conflict,

child soldiers has only recently come to the world’s

cognitive and emotional processing of the conflict

attention. In the 1990s, the United Nations com-

and its violence, and [child soldiers’] response to

missioned a report on the impact of armed conflict

it” (Barber, 2009, p. 3). For example, a potential

on children; the resulting document, known as the

source of individual variation in adjustment is how

Machel Report (after lead author Graça Machel),

and why child soldiers joined up (e.g., force, vol-

focused attention on the situation of these young

untarily). These variations are associated with the

people (UNICEF, 2009). Other reports and books

type of incidents in which youth are forced to take

by rights workers, researchers, and clinicians fol-

part (e.g., rape, killing others). Despite the frequent

lowed (e.g., Wessells, 2006). In the early 2000s,

use of coercion and abduction to “recruit” and con-

several documentaries and feature films drew pub-

trol child soldiers, some scholars have pointed out

lic attention to child soldiers; one prominent exam-

that youth are not simply mindless participants but

ple was Invisible Children, filmed in 2003, about

may be active agents in their choices, although the

the insurgent group Lord’s Resistance Army in

options they have to choose from are often very

northern Uganda. A few years later, Ishmael Beah

limited. For example, a 14-year old-girl was given

published a book describing of his time as a child

the “choice” of engaging in sexual services or hav-

soldier in Sierra Leone ( A Long Way Gone: Memoirs

ing her arm cut off—her decision to refuse to have

of a Boy Soldier). Taken together, this growing body

sex would allow her to maintain her moral integ-

of work is yielding a picture of a small but highly

rity, but losing an arm will clearly have long-term

vulnerable population of youth.

effects (Wessells & Kostelny, 2009).

The exact number of child soldiers is unknown

The effects of being a child soldier can be psycho-

(estimates range from tens of thousands to several

logical (e.g., fear, depression, post-traumatic stress

hundred thousand), and no reliable statistics are

disorder), physical (e.g., loss of limbs), social (e.g.,

available. What is known is that boys and girls as

community stigma), and economic (e.g., poverty;

young as 6 or 7 years old have participated in armed

Annan, Blattman, & Horton, 2006; Betancourt,

conflicts around the world, including in Africa

2012; Haroz, Murray, Bolton, Betancourt, & Bass,

(e.g., Sierra Leone, Uganda), Asia (e.g., Myanmar,

2013; Wessells & Kostelny, 2009). Community and

Philippines), and Latin America (e.g., Colombia);

family acceptance and support have been found to

r a ffa eLLi, it ur Bide

349

be associated with positive psychosocial adjustment

opportunities to evaluate the role of culturally rel-

among former child soldiers (Betancourt, 2012;

evant risk and protective factors.

Wessells, 2009). Rehabilitating child soldiers often

involves addressing culturally specific beliefs that

Future Directions

may serve as both risk and protective factors. For

In this chapter, we examined issues of adoles-

example, in some African countries, child soldiers

cent risk and resilience across cultures. The basic

who have killed people may see themselves (and

and applied study of resilience across cultures has

be seen by others) as “spiritually contaminated”

uncovered a range of “global, as well as culturally

or “haunted” by those they have killed (Wessells,

and contextually specific aspects to young people’s

2009). This spiritual contamination is believed to

lives that contribute to their resilience” (Ungar,

affect the larger community (not just the individ-

2008, p. 219). The literature on youth growing

ual), and former child soldiers may be stigmatized

up in a range of challenging situations provides

and ostracized. But indigenous beliefs also provide

insight into individual, social, and cultural factors

an avenue for intervention, such as the use of tra-

that may protect young people from (some of) the

ditional cleansing rituals that promote community

negative impacts of adversity. This work has impli-

reintegration (Wessells, 2009).

cations for theory refinement, methodological

Applied and intervention programs designed for

advances, and intervention development. In clos-

children of armed conflict must consider personal,

ing, we offer recommendations for future basic and

cultural, societal, and economic challenges. For

applied research.

example, the Child Fund/Sierra Leone developed

First, there is a need for integration across

a community-based program (Sealing the Past, the often divergent fields of resilience, adoles-Facing the Future; Sefafu) to integrate girls and

cent development, and culture. As noted early in

young women who were former children of con-

the chapter, the study of resilience within devel-

flict back into their communities (Wessells, 2011).

opmental psychology has a long history, and

This program demonstrates the complex set of scholars have developed considerable consensus interrelated needs former child soldiers experience.

regarding constructs, terminology, and meth-

Because program participants were girls—some of

odology. In contrast, scholars who approach the

them mothers—issues of gender and culture are

study of resilience from other disciplines may use

also salient in this example. Through Sefafu, girls

different frameworks and approaches. For exam-

were provided with medical services and tradi-

ple, cross-cultural studies of resilience often

tional cleansing that allowed them to reintegrate

incorporate mixed methods, including observa-

in to the community, which in turn elevated the

tions and in-depth case studies, that provide rich

community’s acceptance of the girls. To further

information about how adolescents negotiate the

strengthen community bonds, the program built

challenges they confront (e.g., Ungar, 2008).

community awareness about the experiences of However, it is difficult to compare the results girls in armed conflict by meeting with chiefs and

of such studies with those utilizing the type

community members. The program participants

of quantitative analyses favored by researchers

lived in an agricultural area and were taught about

working from a developmental psychopathology

crop production; however, when this did not pro-

perspective (e.g., Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker,

vide enough income, girls were trained to make

2000). Dialogue and cross-fertilization across

crafts (e.g., sewing, weaving) that they could sell.

disciplines would yield greater coherence in the

To start their small businesses the girls were pro-

field and result in a more robust body of work

vided with loans (which they had to pay back).

(see Jensen, 2011, for discussion of the value of

With an income, girls were able to pay for school.

approaches that “bridge” cultural and develop-

Furthermore, by having an income the girls were

mental approaches). On a related note, there is a

seen as good mothers and were perceived as more

need for longitudinal investigations that incor-

marriageable.

porate an explicit examination of developmental

As these examples illustrate, basic and applied

processes and examine the interplay of risk and

research with children involved in and affected by

adjustment over time. At the most basic levels,

conflict is yielding important information about

developmental changes (e.g., physical and sexual

factors that foster resilience among highly vulner-

maturation, cognitive development) affect how

able youth. Given the diversity of contexts in which

young people interact with the world around

conflict occurs, this work provides important them, and thus one would expect developmental 350

a doL eSCent r iSk S a nd r eSiLienCeS aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

differences in how risk and protective factors

be important to pay careful attention to cultural

operate (Wessells, 2009). Moreover, as noted implications, developmental stage, and resources earlier in this chapter, exposure to risk may have

available for intervention. Remaining attentive to

a delayed effect (negative effects emerge at a later

these issues will avoid the creation of “one size fits

developmental stage), or major developmental

all” approaches that may work in one setting but

transitions may afford opportunities to alter not another (see Wessells, 2009, for a discussion of developmental pathways. Explicit consideration

this issue with respect to child soldiers). By inte-

of developmental issues within studies of ado-

grating concepts and methods from these diverse

lescent risk and resilience could provide valu-

fields of inquiry, scholars can generate culturally

able information about processes contributing

nuanced knowledge about adolescent risk and resil-

to resilience in the face of a range of threats to

ience across cultures.

development.

A major challenge for researchers and prac-

Acknowledgments

titioners is that the theoretical, empirical, and

Work on this chapter was supported by the

applied literatures in the three areas of culture,

USDA National Institute of Food and Agriculture,

risk and resilience, and adolescent development

Hatch Project #600108-793000-793323 (to

are all complex and constantly evolving. For M. Raffaelli). The authors thank Michael Wessells example, scholars working from a developmen-for his input on the chapter.

tal psychopathology perspective are increas-

ingly considering biological factors in their work

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C H A P T E R

Global Concerns in Adolescent

22 Health with a Case Study of India

Suman Verma and Anne C. Petersen

Abstract

Although much has been learned about global adolescence and especial y global adolescent health over the past decade, research has focused more on minority than majority world adolescents.

Further, more attention to adolescents has been paid by global policy and practice organizations than by researchers. Young people aged 10–24 years constitute 25% of the global population and demand our best research efforts. Although significant, global statistics fail to convey the importance of cultural and social contexts for their roles in shaping adolescent health and development. This chapter attempts to summarize what is known from global research and complements this relatively disembedded information with cultural y embedded knowledge from India.

Key Words: context, culture, positive youth development, demographic opportunity, India, reproductive health, mental health, HIV/AIDS, interventions

I still remember Salim, an adolescent with cere-

rich spiritual and cultural ethos. She was lucky to

bral palsy who, one day while he was paint-

get quality schooling in different states of the coun-

ing, suddenly looked straight into my eyes and

try. The Delhi University and the MS University of

said: “You know, my father thought I was

Baroda provided the foundation for higher educa-

asleep when he abandoned me in the garbage

tion and preparation for transition to the realities

dump.” My heart skipped a beat, but Salim only

of the world of work. Her initial work experience

paused, smiled, and continued with his work.

in the child welfare sector provided a sound base

My real-life training in resiliency started here,

in the ground realities of the state of children and

with these children who were living with pain-

adolescents in India. As she moved on to academics

ful memories—yet rising up with dignity to life’s

at Panjab University, she became more of an “aca-

challenges.

demic activist” in her orientation (Verma, 2014).

—(Verma, 2014, p. 523)

Her research focus was on various child protection

issues, social deprivation, child work, life skills edu-

Personal background

cation, time use, resiliency, and coping among ado-

Both of us have significant experience in study-

lescents in adversity. Her long-term association with

ing and engaging the research of others focused

International Society for the Study of Behavioral

on adolescent development in varied settings. For

Development (since 1993), with its interdisciplinary

the first author, Verma, working with children and

membership, helped her to network and connect to

adolescents in adverse conditions across countries

the international community of scholars while also

provided a rich sensitivity to cross- cultural issues.

expanding her worldview of adolescence.

She was born and brought up in India, a multicul-

For Petersen, global experience with adolescence

tural country, and she grew up in a family with a

has been through travel and global philanthropic

355

work and, for research, through reviews and interna-

in early childhood, (2) globalization of science,

tional meetings (e.g., Petersen, 2014). This interest

and (3) adolescent-specific issues. Interest in early

in learning about others began when growing up in

childhood has lasted now for a couple of decades

a small town in Minnesota but spending summers

and is still going strong (e.g., child survival in the

in a tourist area that drew people from much of the

Millennium Development Goals [MDGs], the

US Midwest. College at the University of Chicago

eight human development goals established by the

provided another huge leap in experiencing and

United Nations (UN) in 2000 to provide targets for

learning about diverse lives, supplemented by an

countries goals and funder priorities, www.un.org/

excellent education in “learning how to learn” from

en/development/desa/millennium-development-

a broader set of sources, including travel outside the

goals.html). The interest in health has been focused United States. Petersen became a researcher in that

on child survival and has more recently extended to

intense environment and attended her first major

early childhood education (e.g., Britto et al., 2012).

meeting outside North America in 1985, when

In addition, it is likely that earlier investments will

she participated in the meeting of the ISSBD in

continue, especially where children are concerned;

Tours, France. At that meeting, she met scholars

that is, as the health of children has improved with

from many parts of the world (although especially

investments, attention to continuing health over

from Europe because of the venue). She became

the life course, and particularly into adolescence,

curious about global variations in social contexts,

has surfaced (e.g., Diers, 2013). Among studies

even when focusing on puberty. From that time

with longitudinal samples that began before or

forward, her outlook was certainly broader than

since birth, many are now being continued into

her sample or even the United States. Her curios-

adolescence.

ity and knowledge has expanded since that time,

As for the globalization of science, scholars and

fueled by learning from global colleagues.

science leaders (e.g., Suresh, 2012) have noted that

all science is now global, and developmental science

Introduction

is definitely following this same trend, as evidenced

We now know much more than ever before

by this volume and others cited later. Most scientific

about adolescence and adolescent health glob-

societies have been extending their membership

ally. Yet there is uneven research coverage across

scope, as well as their program scope, to be more

the globe, with adolescent health research (cf., international (e.g., the SRCD strategic plan, http://

special issues in Lancet, 2007, 2012) and related

www.srcd.org/sites/default/files/strategicplan.pdf).

fields (Arnett, 2008) almost entirely based on data

Although some developmental science societies

from the minority world. Much of the attention

began with an international focus (e.g., ISSBD,

to the topic of global adolescence has been led or

http://www.issbd.org), other global structures

stimulated by service providers ranging from local

are also surfacing (e.g., International Consortium

nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to mul-

of Developmental Science Societies, http://

tinational government organizations (e.g., World

www.srcd.org/advancing-field/srcd-initiatives/

Bank, UNICEF). Although early childhood con-

international-consortium-developmental-science-

tinues to receive the greatest attention on a global

organizations). Media and electronic communica-level (e.g., Britto, Engle, & Super, 2012), major

tions also add to the globalization of knowledge

organizations such as the United Nations Children’s

and communication in developmental science.

Fund (UNICEF; Diers, 2013), USAID (2012), the

Among the specific phenomena for adolescents

World Bank (2007; Lundberg & Wuermli, 2012),

is the “youth bulge” or, as Diers (2013) terms it,

and the World Health Organization (WHO; 2001)

the “demographic opportunity.” In part because of

recognize that adolescence must be a focus if major

the efforts made in child survival, many more chil-

global health issues are to be addressed. Given this

dren are now reaching adolescence, although with

attention by significant global practice and policy

increased morbidity and mortality (e.g., Diers,

organizations, researchers must have a clear focus

2013). Diers (2013) cites the example of Brazil,

on the issues and opportunities of learning from

in which efforts such as those cited in the UN’s

adolescents from the majority world (e.g., Wuermli,

MDGs have reduced infant mortality by 26,000

Tubbs, Petersen, & Aber, In press).

lives over the decade from 1998 to 2008, yet 81,000

There are several likely drivers of this recent

more adolescents aged 15–19 died during the same

interest in global adolescent health. Three seem

decade. Too often, nations have shifted resources to

relevant to mention here: (1) extension of interest

meet those MDGs enhancing survival of children

356

gLoBa L ConCer nS in a doL eSCent he a Lt h

and have put these same children (or their older

trends in adolescent development from a global

siblings) at risk during adolescence. Because of

perspective (Brown, Larson, & Saraswathi, 2002;

situations like this, UNICEF is now looking at

Larson, Brown, & Mortimer, 2002; Mortimer &

the prospects of taking a life span perspective and

Larson, 2002).

thinking systemically about its efforts (Diers, per-

The most recent Lancet review of adolescent

sonal communication, 2014).

health (e.g., Sawyer et al., 2012) articulated clear

The increased population of adolescents (or

conclusions about adolescent health, some of

youth in some data) is especially concentrated in

which were highlighted in other reports cited ear-

the southern hemisphere, particularly in Africa.

lier: (1) the population of adolescents (defined as

Another issue emerging from the youth bulge is

those aged 10–24 years) constitutes a significant

youth unemployment, with its related social and

proportion—about one-fourth—of the world’s

health issues. Even countries with higher enroll-

population; (2) global attention to childhood has

ments at the secondary and tertiary education

increased survival to adolescence, with improved

levels are experiencing high rates of youth unem-

health status; (3) inattention to adolescence has

ployment (International Labour Organization meant that this group has not improved over the

[ILO], 2014).

same period of time, despite starting healthier;

In 2007, The Lancet published its first series on

(4) given that lifelong health behavior patterns

adolescent health, focusing primarily on a few key

are established in adolescence, it is imperative that

areas (e.g., sexual and reproductive health, men-

attention be paid to healthy adolescent behavior;

tal health, and substance use). More recently, in

and (5) more challenges to health now confront

2012, The Lancet updated the earlier information

adolescents than ever before. Thus, it is crucial to

but, more importantly, shifted focus to the young

know more about how to support adolescents to

people themselves, rather than only on their health

become healthy, productive adults.

problems. This shift toward considering young

In this chapter, we review what is known and

people in context is very important and one more

identify what is not. We suggest highest priority

likely to support more comprehensive policies and

topics for research over the next decade. Central

programs.

to our recommendations is a more systemic con-

Other recent major publications have also ceptual frame that recognizes key issues but also focused on adolescent health. For example, considers important context factors that are likely Arnett (2012) edited a volume on adolescent key leverage points in supporting positive behav-psychology in which almost all of the chapters

ior or changing negative trajectories. We begin by

(organized into four sections representing five

briefly examining models for development and

continents, with the Americas organized within

research, the sociocultural context, and key global

one section and including 24 countries) included

health indicators for adolescents across the globe.

health as a component. This volume was abridged

As a case example, we review evidence from India

from the two-volume International Encyclopedia

focusing on some key health issues that pose a chal-

on Adolescence (Arnett, 2007). The importance of

lenge to the healthy development of adolescents in

considering adolescence globally had been rec-

that country.

ognized for at least a decade before these recent

reviews (e.g., Larson, Brown, & Mortimer, 2002).

Models for Development

As early as 1999, a Study Group on Adolescence

Developmental models are inevitably systems

in the 21st Century brought together an inter-

models. The classic Bronfenbrenner ecological the-

national set of scholars (largely involved with

ory for development (e.g., Bronfenbrenner, 1979),

the Society for Research on Adolescence, the for example, is a systems model (Bronfenbrenner, International Society for the Study of Behavioral

2005). The developing individual is embedded

Development, and the Society for Adolescent within a set of social systems, all of which inter-Medicine—now the Society for Adolescent act with the individual in complex transactions.

Health and Medicine) to consider possible life sce-

Developmental science has advanced enormously

narios for adolescents over the next 30–50 years.

over the past couple decades, achieving greater

Researchers engaged in issues of global adoles-

understanding of the developmental process and

cence at a set of conferences called “Adolescence in

identifying rigorous prevention approaches to

the 21st Century: A Worldwide Perspective.” This

keep adolescents healthier. For example, we have

resulted in three publications on major issues and

moved beyond stage theories for development to

v er m a, Peter Sen

357

understanding the importance of environment and

Increasingly, developmental scientists also rec-

contexts (e.g., Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Sameroff, ognize that work in other sectors, such as global 2010, 2012; Rutter, 2014) and examining environ-human development as undertaken by UNICEF,

mental transactions at every level (Sameroff, 2012).

UNESCO, and similar organizations, is important

Research tests hypotheses about developmental for us to understand and value. In particular, basic processes using all available methods—both quali-data evaluations conducted by such implementa-

tative and quantitative measures at the biological,

tion agencies in the multinational government and

psychological, cognitive, and social levels, as well

nongovernmental sectors provide crucial informa-

as probabilistic statistics and rigorous research tion that cannot easily be obtained from more con-designs (e.g., Rutter, Kim-Cohen, & Maughan,

ventional research (e.g., Wuermli, Tubbs, Petersen,

2006; Sameroff, 2010). Rather than assuming that

Aber, & In press).

there is a “normal” process for development, as

stage theories did, current developmental research

Importance of Sociocultural Context

has found that “continuity is an epiphenomenon

Basic Global Demographics

of stable organism-environment relationships”

There are no universally accepted definitions

(Sameroff, 2012). The concept of developmental

of adolescence and youth. However, for statistical

cascades also represents an advance and refers to

purposes, the UN considers adolescents to include

the idea that functioning in one domain or at one

persons aged 10–19 years and youth as those

level of adaptation can spread to influence other

between 15–24 years. Following some scholars

domains or levels of adaptive function (Masten &

(e.g., Diers, 2013) we sometimes refer to adoles-

Cicchetti, 2010). Developmental science is clearly

cence as the combined period of 10–24 years. We

a systems science (also see Petersen, 2006, 2009).

have tried to indicate when data are based on a dif-

Also key to developmental science is a diversity of

ferent age span.

methods and multidisciplinary perspectives. Given

Today, there are 1.2 billion adolescents aged

that developmental science is a systems science, all

10–19 across the globe comprising approximately

the subsystems—from cell biology to macro social

18% of the world’s population (UNICEF, 2011).

systems and culture—are inherently involved, The majority of adolescents (88%) live in devel-requiring both quantitative and qualitative meth-

oping countries (i.e., the “majority world”) where

ods. Although longitudinal designs and analyses

they tend to make up a large proportion of the

are essential to documenting change, experiments

population (see Figure 22.1). Current trends sug-

also play a key role in understanding causal factors.

gest that the regional composition of adolescents is

A few decades ago, developmental science of ado-

going to alter by 2050 (see Figure 22.2). In 2050,

lescence began integrating biology and behavior as

sub-Saharan Africa is projected to have more ado-

complementary rather than competing perspectives

lescents than any other region. According to the

(e.g., Petersen & Taylor, 1980). Advances in preven-

UN World Population Prospects Report ( UN,

tion science have played a significant role in advanc-

2010), the number of adolescents and youth is at

ing developmental science by intervening with an all-time high. In the coming decades, if global developmental processes to improve outcomes (e.g.,

fertility continues to decline, then the propor-

Catalano, 2007; Catalano, Gavin, & Markham,

tion of young people aged 12–24 is actually set

2010; Dodge, 2011). Because most experiments that

to decline from 17.6% in 2010 to 13.5% in 2050.

one might engage with development are unethi-

Regional projections show that the proportion of

cal, natural experiments have proved valuable in

young people between ages 12 and 24 years liv-

increasing our understanding of developmental ing in Africa is expected to rise from 18% in 2012

processes, a research design probably best explored

to 28% by 2040, whereas the shares of all other

by Rutter (e.g., 2002, 2014). Research comparing

regions will decline. The region comprising Asia

cultural cases can be useful for hypothesis genera-

and the Pacific is expected to experience the sharp-

tion about the sources of variation in development

est decline, from 61% in 2012 to 52% in 2040.

(e.g., Arnett, 2008). Finally, animal model research,

India has the largest population of adolescents

especially from nonhuman primates, is an impor-

(243 million) followed by China (207 million),

tant source of developmental data, demonstrating

the United States (44 million), Indonesia, and

among many other important findings that social

Pakistan (both 41 million).

factors can override negative genes (e.g., Cole et al.,

In all regions, adolescent boys outnumber girls,

2012; Suomi, 1997; Sanchez & Pollack, 2009).

with the gender gap greatest in the Asia region.

358

gLoBa L ConCer nS in a doL eSCent he a Lt h

Eastern and

CEE/CIS

Southern Africa

58 million

91 million

Industrialized

countries

West and

118 million

Central Africa

94 million

Latin America

and Caribbean

Middle East and

108 million

North Africa

84 million

East Asia and Pacific

South Asia

329 million

335 million

Fig. 22.1 Adolescent population (10–19 years) by region, 2009

Source: UNICEF (2011) www.unicef.org/sowc2011, accessed March 2, 2014.

Urbanization shows an upward trend, with more

are striking. Many adolescents have benefited from

adolescents living in urban areas. In 2009, around

improved health care services, education, access to

50% of the world’s adolescents lived in urban areas.

safe water, and other targeted areas of human devel-

By 2050, this share will rise to almost 70%, with

opment that have been a part of the MDGs. In more

strongest trends projected for the majority world

developed regions of Northern Africa, Eastern Asia,

countries (UNICEF, 2011).

and Western Asia, only 1% or less of 15-year-olds do

Although adolescence is considered to be the

not survive to their 25th birthday. Concurrently, the

healthiest period of life, differences of mortality

odds of dying during youth are almost twice as high

and morbidity among adolescents across regions

in South Asia and four times higher in sub-Saharan

1400

1200

1000

800

600

Population in millions 400

200

0

1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

2020

2030

2040

2050

World

Least developed countries

Developing countries

Industrialized countries

Fig. 22.2 Trends in the adolescent population, 1950–2050

Source: UNICEF (2011) www.unicef.org/sowc2011, accessed March 2, 2014.

v er m a, Peter Sen

359

Africa (UN, 2010). Despite some regional varia-

500 million to 1.5 billion children experience

tions, there is commonality in the causes of violence annually. Violence happens everywhere, adolescent deaths worldwide, including communi-in every country and society and across all social

cable diseases (HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and lower

groups. Most violence occurs at the hands of

respiratory-tract infection) and noncommunicable

people whom children and adolescents know and

diseases related to problem behaviors (motor vehicle

trust: parents, step-parents, schoolmates, teachers,

fatalities; violence; self-harm; alcohol, tobacco, and

and employers. The most vulnerable groups are

other drugs; and risky sex leading to early or unin-

children with disabilities, minority groups, street

tended pregnancy; Patton et al., 2009).

children, adolescents in conflict with law, and refu-

In the past decade, the downturn in the global

gee and displaced children. Most children accept

economy has resulted in economic crises that have

violence as an inevitable part of life. Although the

affected social spending, particularly in some consequences may vary according to the nature industrial economies. The majority world countries

and severity of violence inflicted; the short- and

have also had their own set of challenges, leading

long-term repercussions for children are very often

to a paucity of attention and resources devoted to

grave and damaging, both to their physical and

adolescents. Adolescents in these countries have to

psychological health.

deal with the intergenerational implications of the

Certain repressive cultural practices continue to

prevailing economic crisis, including unemploy-

persist in many countries, and these have serious

ment, climate change, environmental degrada-

consequences on adolescent health. Globally, more

tion, urbanization and migration, aging societies

than 64 million young women aged 20–24 years

and the rising cost of health care, and the HIV /

were married before age 18, with half of them living

AIDS pandemic (UNICEF, 2011). Worldwide, in South Asia (UNICEF, 2009; see Figure 22.3).

children and adolescents are denied the elements

Within South Asia, one-third of the child brides

of a healthy childhood and are victims of abuse,

are from India (see Figure 22.4). Boys are also at

violence, and exploitation. Many are forced into

risk for child marriage, although to a lesser extent

hazardous working conditions or forced to fight in

than girls (see Figure 22.5). UNICEF (2009) esti-

conflict situations (UNICEF, 2006). Countries are

mates that more than 70 million girls and women

thus failing to provide the protection to which ado-

aged 15–49 years have undergone FGM/C in 28

lescents are entitled.

countries in Africa, plus Yemen. Some 60% are

The Progress for Children (UNICEF, 2009) is a

from sub-Saharan Africa, whereas 40% live in

compendium of data that serves as a report card on

Middle East and North Africa.

global and national efforts to protect the rights of

Child work and schooling are negatively corre-

children (younger than 18 years) and also monitors

lated. UNICEF (2009) reports that approximately

progress toward the MDGs. Data on child protec-

150 million children aged 5–14 years worldwide

tion issues are more readily available now, although

are engaged in child labor (estimates based on data

gaps remain in data on issues that directly impinge

from 102 countries). Child work is most common

on adolescent health, such as sexual exploitation

in sub-Saharan Africa, where more than a third

and abuse, trafficking, and domestic violence. This

of children work. Children in rural areas, espe-

report highlights how children and adolescents cially girls, begin agricultural labor as young as continue to be forced into work under harmful

5–7 years, but most are adolescents. Countries with

conditions and are subject to violence by individu-

high percentages of working children tend to have

als whom they most trust in their homes, schools,

low rates of children in school (see Figure 22.6).

communities, and in institutional care. They

At the international level, health information

are easy targets for illegal recruitment by armed

systems mostly focus on the early years, whereas

groups. Girls especially are subjected to sexual vio-

health and education information on adolescents is

lence and abuse, as well as to harmful traditional

not widely available in many majority world coun-

practices such as child marriage and female geni-

tries. There has, however, been a refocus on the

tal mutilation/cutting (FGM/C). Such experiences

second decade of life, and many efforts are being

infringe on child rights in the most fundamental

made by nodal organizations such as UNICEF,

ways, and children suffer both physical and psy-

UNESCO, and WHO to collect and consolidate

chological harm, with irreparable effects.

information on adolescent developmental indica-

The UN Study on Violence Against Children

tors. The State of the World’s Children Report 2011

(United Nations [UN], 2006) reports that (UNICEF, 2011) highlights some recent trends 360

gLoBa L ConCer nS in a doL eSCent he a Lt h

CEE/CIS

2.2 million

Middle East and North Africa

3.5 million

South Asia

32.6 million

East Asia and the Pacific

(excluding China)

5.6 million

Latin America and

the Caribbean

6.3 million

Eastern and

Southern Africa

6.5 million

West and Central Africa

7.8 million

Fig. 22.3 Number of women 20–24 years old who were married or in union before age 18

Note: Estimates are based on 96 countries representing 61% of the world population. The estimates were calculated using 2007

figures for the number of women 20–24 years old and 2000–2007 figures for the prevalence of child marriage. They do not include China and its population because data on child marriage for China are not available in the UNICEF database.

Source: UNICEF (2009) www.unicef.org/publications/files/Progress_for_children, accessed February 10, 2014.

India

Remaining

24.5 million

countries

31.9 million

Other countries in

South Asia

8.1 million

Fig. 22.4 Number of women 20–24 years old who were married or in union before age 18 (2007) Note: Estimates are based on 96 countries representing 61% of the world population. The estimates were calculated using 2007

figures for the number of women 20–24 years old and 2000–2007 figures for the prevalence of child marriage. They do not include China and its population because data on child marriage for China are not available in the UNICEF database.

Source: UNICEF (2009) www.unicef.org/publications/files/Progress_for_children, accessed February 10, 2014.

20%

16

15%

14

10

10%

10

10

11

11

5%

0%

India

Mali

Senegal

Bolivia

Madagascar

Mozambique

Nepal

Fig. 22.5 Percentage of men 20–24 years old who were married or in union before age 18, in seven countries where prevalence is 10% or higher

Source: UNICEF (2009) www.unicef.org/publications/files/Progress_for_children, accessed February 10, 2014.

in adolescent health across the world. Adolescent

Central Africa (aside from India), more than half of

health has improved due to the heavy investments

girls aged 15–19 are anemic (see Figure 22.7). India

governments have made in early childhood, infant

also has the highest underweight prevalence among

immunization, and nutrition, which has yielded

adolescent girls among the countries with available

physiological benefits that persist into adolescence.

data, at 47% (see Figure 22.8). The implication of

Injuries are a growing concern among adolescence,

this trend is serious for young girls in India since,

with accidents being the greatest cause of mortal-

in the given period (2000–2009), around 47% of

ity (Sleet, Ballesteros, & Borse, 2010). Substance

Indian women aged 20–24 were married by age

use and abuse pose serious health risks during

18 (UNICEF, 2011). Other issues highlighted by

adolescence due to adolescents’ tendency to experi-

the UNICEF report related to adolescent health

ment and take risks. A study on child poverty in

are that males are more likely to engage in risky

high-income countries indicated that adolescents

sexual behavior than are females, child marriages

who smoke are three times more likely to use alco-

continue to persist (although with reduced fre-

hol regularly and eight times more likely to use

quency), unsafe abortions and early pregnancies

cannabis (UNICEF, 2007).

pose health risks for girls, and the risk of HIV and

Adolescent females are at a greater risk for nutri-

AIDS poses challenges for survival and health in

tional deficiencies than their male counterparts.

high-prevalence countries. Adolescents with dis-

Data from developing countries show a consider-

abilities continue to suffer from discrimination and

ably higher incidence of anemia among female exclusion, and mental health problems account for adolescents aged 15–19 as compared to their a large proportion of the disease burden among male counterparts. In nine countries in West and

adolescents in all societies (UNICEF, 2011).

100%

80%

60%

School attendance 40%

20% 0%

20%

40%

60%

Child labour

Fig. 22.6 Percentage of children 7–14 years old who work and school attendance rates Note: The scattering of countries along the regression line in this chart indicates the association between child labor and school attendance. High percentages of labor among children 7–14 years old are associated with low rates of school attendance. Low percentages of child labor are associated with high rates of school attendance.

Source: UNICEF (2009) www.unicef.org/publications/files/Progress_for_children, accessed February 10, 2014.

362

gLoBa L ConCer nS in a doL eSCent he a Lt h

80

70

68

60

66

63

59

57

50

56

52

51

51

49

40

30

20

10

0

a

o

a

Mali

e

Senegal

Ghan

Benin

Cong

Indi BurkinaFaso Guinea SierraLeon

United Republic

of Tanzania

Fig. 22.7 Prevalence of anemia among adolescent girls aged 15–19 in a subset of high-prevalence countries with available data Note: The horizontal line at the 40% mark represents the threshold at which anemia is considered a severe national public health issue.

Source: UNICEF (2011) www.unicef.org/sowc2011, accessed March 2, 2014.

At the global level, universal primary education

sub-Saharan Africa, the most disadvantaged region

has not yet been achieved, despite significant prog-

(see Table 22.1). Millions of adolescents across the

ress made over the last decade. According to the

world have not completed their primary education,

State of the World’s Children 2011 report, primary

which would prepare them for secondary educa-

enrollment in developing countries was 90 % for

tion. More than 70 million adolescents of lower

boys and 87% for girls in the period 2005–09, with

secondary age are out of school, with sub-Saharan

much lower levels of 81% and 77%, respectively, in

Africa the most affected region.

50

47

40

40

35

30

34

34

33

30

29

28

27

20

10

0

a

r

a

Indi

Eritrea

Nige

Senegal

Chad

Ethiopia

Bangladesh

Cambodia BurkinaFaso

Namibi

Fig. 22.8 Percentage of adolescent girls aged 15–19 who are underweight (defined as a body mass index of 18.5 or less) in a subset of high-prevalence countries with available data

Source: UNICEF (2011) www.unicef.org/sowc2011, accessed March 2, 2014.

v er m a, Peter Sen

363

Table 22.1. Summary Indicators of Educational Status of Adolescents.

Youth (15–24 years)

Primary school enrolment Primary school attendance Secondary school enrolment Secondary school attendance literacy rate 2004–2008* (%)

ratio 2005–2009* (%)

ratio 2005–2009* (%)

ratio 2005–2009* (%)

ratio 2005–2009* (%)

Net

Net

Net

Net

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Africa

79

70

83

79

69

67

33

29

35

32

Sub-Saharan Africa

77

67

81

77

65

63

32

28

30

27

Eastern and Southern Africa

81

73

88

87

68

69

35

33

24

22

West and Central Africa

72

60

71

64

64

59

29

22

36

31

Middle East and North Africa

92

86

91

86

85

81

66

62

54

51

Asia

92

86

92

89

84**

81**

—

—

56**

50**

South Asia

86

73

88

83

83

80

55

47

East Asia and Pacific

98

98

98

97

89**

88**

65**

67**

63**

65**

Latin America and Caribbean

97

98

95

94

92

93

72

77

68

74

CEE/CIS

99

99

93

92

82

81

Industrialized countries

—

—

95

95

—

—

91

92

—

—

Developing countries

91

84

90

87

80**

77**

54**

53**

52**

48**

Least developed countries

76

67

85

81

67

66

33

29

30

28

World

91

85

91

88

80*

77**

61**

60**

53**

48**

DEFINITIONS OF THE INDICATORS

Youth literacy rate: Number of literate persons aged 15–24, expressed as a percentage of the total population in that age group.

Primary school net enrolment ratio: Number of children enrolled in primary school who are of official primary school age, expressed as a percentage of the total number of children of official primary school age.

Secondary school net enrolment ratio: Number of children enrolled in secondary school who are of official secondary school age, expressed as a percentage of the total number of children of official secondary school age.

Primary school net attendance ratio: Number of children attending primary or secondary school who are of official primary school age, expressed as a percentage of the total number of children of official primary school age.

Secondary school net attendance ratio: Number of children attending secondary or tertiary school who are of official secondary school age, expressed as a percentage of the total number of children of official secondary school age.

Notes:

— Data not available.

** Excludes China.

Source: UNICEF (2011) www.unicef.org/sowc2011, accessed March 2, 2014.

The barriers to school attendance at the second-

industries. They suffer from exploitation and abuse

ary level are more entrenched in the socioeconomic

in terms of lower pay, lesser security, and excessive

conditions of communities and include unafford-

occupational health hazards.

able costs, distance of school from home, transpor-

Ensuring the health, nutrition, and educational

tation costs, and early pressure to contribute to the

needs of its adolescent population, particularly

family income. Across the majority world, girls lag

girls, remains a key challenge for India. Female

behind in school attendance. This is compounded

health problems begin early, with higher mortal-

by other forms of disadvantage and discrimina-

ity and morbidity noted for girl children from

tion that girls face, such as domestic labor, child

infancy into adolescence (Greene, 1997; Jejeebhoy,

marriage, social exclusion, and early pregnancy 1996). Despite various initiatives undertaken by (UNICEF, 2010). According to the Education for

the government to improve the health status of

All 2012 report (UNESCO, 2012), the number of

girls, gender disparities persist (Ministry of Health

out of school children has stagnated for the first

& Family Welfare, Government of India, 2013).

time since 2000. Quality education still demands

These differentials in morbidity and mortality are

greater attention. There is greater urgency to ensure

directly related to discriminatory behavior between

equitable access to appropriate skills development

boys and girls. A recent study in four villages in

programs. This report reveals that around 200 mil-

the state of Haryana, India demonstrated the pre-

lion young people need a second chance to acquire

vailing trends in gender disparities in nutrition, in

the basic literacy and numeracy skills, which are

health-care seeking and in schooling among ado-

essential to learning further skills for work.

lescents 10-19 year olds. The researchers reported

a higher mean nutrition, out-patient median

Sample Cultural Variations: India

expenditure, and mean social score for boys when

As the country with the largest population of ado-

compared to their counterparts. Out of the 94

lescents, India makes a good case study for highlight-

households, 78 had gender disparity at least in any

ing issues in the majority world. India has more than

one of the three domains, with nutrition being pre-

243 million adolescents who comprise 20% of the

dominant (Selvaraj, et al., 2014).

country’s population (Census of India, 2011). The

Poor nutritional status during the childhood

steady growth in the country’s gross domestic prod-

years can have a long-lasting effect on the health

uct over the past two decades, along with greater

of the adolescent. Studies reveal a high prevalence

government investments in welfare schemes, has of undernutrition, nutritional disorders, anemia, improved the health and developmental indicators

and vitamin A deficiency among adolescent girls

of adolescents across the country. But despite posi-

in India (Agarwal, Ghildiyal, & Khopkar, 1999),

tive trends, challenges persist, particularly for girls.

with higher prevalence of anemia among girls when

There are stark gender disparities in education and

compared to boys (36% vs. 17%) at 6–15 years

nutrition, early marriage, and access to health ser-

of age (Iyer, Sanghvi, Saiyed, & Sharma, 1998).

vices, especially against girls from socially excluded

Another study conducted by researchers from the

sections of the society (UNICEF, 2011).

National Institute of Nutrition on nutrient intake

India ranked as high as 119 out of 169 coun-

among adolescent girls from low socioeconomic

try rankings in the UN Developmental Program’s

groups in rural areas of Rajasthan reported that

gender inequality index (GILL) in 2010 (UNICEF,

the diets of adolescent girls aged 10–18 years were

2011). The main indicators that reveal the extent to

deficient in calories by 26–36% and in protein

which females are disadvantaged are intake of few

by 23–32%. The nutritional status as assessed by

calories, low levels of participation in development

body mass index revealed that 8.1% of the girls

pursuits like education, low employment rates, suffered from grade I chronic energy deficiency and low income generation with limited access

(CED), 66% from grade II CED, and 78.8% from

to available information and resources. In spite

grade III CED. About 73.7% girls suffered from

of general acceptance of the International Labour

anemia, and 43.6% had signs of vitamin B com-

Organization (ILO) Convention on child work,

plex deficiency (Chaturvedi, Kapil, Gnanasekaran,

child labor is quite prevalent in the region (see also

Sachdev, Panday, & Bhanti, 1996). Similar trends

Koller et al., this volume). Economic pressure and

were observed in studies conducted later with rural

the needs of survival have been forcing school-aged

(Venkaiah, Damayanthi, Nayak, & Vijayragh,

adolescent girls to leave school and work in flour-

2002) and urban adolescent population groups

ishing export-oriented garment and electronics (Rao, Balakrishna, Laxmaiah, Venkaiah, & v er m a, Peter Sen

365

Brahmam, 2006). Adolescents’ knowledge about

demonstrate our earlier point about the importance

the causes and symptoms of nutritional deficiencies

of embedding adolescent development in a cultural

was found to be poor, irrespective of social class.

context. Increased investment in the country’s large

School- and community-based interventions con-

adolescent population will help prepare them to be

ducted to improve dietary awareness and reduce

healthy and productive citizens. Although religious

nutritional deficiencies among adolescents using

factors are often cited, it is the societal structures

varied interactive strategies have been found to be

and common patriarchal kinship systems that lead

effective (Kanani, 1995; Rao et al., 2006).

to the concentration of decision-making power in

Gender disparities continue to exist in the health

the domain of men and the elderly. Where kinship

and nutritional status of adolescents in India. Girls

patterns are matriarchal and the system of dowry

are at a greater risk for nutritional deficiencies than

is less prevalent, as in some southern states of India

boys. Underweight prevalence among girls aged

(Kerala and Karnataka), the position of women is

15–19 is 47%, which is the world’s highest. Close

much better (because of higher educational lev-

to 56% girls aged 15–19 are anemic (UNICEF,

els and greater decision-making power within the

2011). This has long-term implications for their

family) and gender differentials in mortality rates

reproductive health since many marry before age

are much less than in the northern states of India

18. Both anemia and underweight are risk factors

(Ramachandran, 1989). Among the critical factors

in pregnancy, leading to a high incidence of mater-

resulting in poor female health and higher female

nal mortality, which was 230 maternal deaths per

mortality are low levels of autonomy for women

100,000 live births in 2008. Studies conclude that

in personal and household decisions, such as those

gender discrimination at each stage of the female

relating to children’s health and schooling and the

life cycle contributes to nutritional deprivation and

intrahousehold allocation of resources, including

health disparity, sex selective abortions (Sharma,

food, access to medical treatment, and parental care

2003), neglect of the girl child, reproductive mor-

(Jejeebhoy & Sathar, 2001; Ramachandran, 2004).

tality and poor access to health care for females at

To summarize, the characteristics that affect

all ages (Jain, 1999; Rao et al., 2006; Subramanian,

adolescent health in India are son preference, gen-

et al., 2006, WHO, 2014).

der disparities, high population growth rates, poor

Significant progress has been made toward

sanitation, and low educational levels, all of which

gender parity in primary school attendance rates

contribute to lack of awareness of primary health

when compared to secondary school. According

care and nutritional deficiencies. Due to early ini-

to the Annual Status of Education Report 2012

tiation into adult roles and child bearing, many

(ASER, 2012), the net attendance rate for primary

adolescent girls experience high morbidity rates

school is 83.3% (Boys: 85.2%, Girls: 81.4%); the

(WHO, 2009). Diers (2013) draws attention to

rate for secondary school is 53.7% (Boys: 58.5%,

the current state of adolescent girls in the majority

Girls: 48.7%). Despite legal sanctions, 30% of

world and the recent thrust and initiatives under-

girls aged 15–19 years are married or in union,

taken by UNICEF in working toward improving

compared to only 5% of boys of the same age.

the status of adolescent girls in majority world

Variations occur in the age of marriage, with

countries such as India.

the incidence of younger age being higher in the

rural areas (56%) when compared to girls in the

Sexual and Reproductive Health

urban areas (29%; Census of India, 2011) Several

The State of World’s Children report (UNICEF,

government initiatives have been undertaken 2011) on adolescence highlights some critical issues to improve the health and nutritional status of

in sexual and reproductive health across the globe.

Indian girls and reduce the incidence of early

The first issue is the age of initiation into sexual

marriage. Several NGOs are working closely with

activity. Girls are more likely to have engaged in

the government and civil society to improve the

early sex in adolescence but are also less likely to use

health and nutrition of children, adolescents, and

contraception. Latin America and the Caribbean

women, with a special focus on the disadvantaged

region report the highest proportion of adolescent

groups.

females who have had their sexual debut before age

Gender discrimination and the social divide 15 (at 22%). The lowest reported levels of sexual among castes and tribes continue to act as barri-activity for both boys and girls under the age of

ers to advancing the development and protection

15 occur in Asia. The second concern relates to

of rights of young people in India and strongly

the gender disparity in practice and knowledge of

366

gLoBa L ConCer nS in a doL eSCent he a Lt h

sexual and reproductive health. In a study covering

adverse reproductive health outcomes with females

19 selected countries in the majority world, males

more likely than males to experience negative

aged 15–19 were more likely than females to have

outcomes. This review outlines a number of bar-

engaged in high-risk sexual activity with multiple

riers at the individual, family, and systems levels

partners. Boys were more likely than girls to use

that make young people vulnerable. These barriers

condoms, despite the fact that girls are at a greater

include: limited awareness among adolescents of

risk of sexually transmitted disease, including HIV.

sexual and reproductive health with limited agency

In India, the prevailing sociocultural norms among females; limited support and communica-in gender socialization are evident in child rear-

tion among adolescents and their parents on these

ing. During childhood, and particularly during

matters; and limited exposure to sexuality educa-

infancy, the reason for female disadvantage in sur-

tion in schools and colleges.

vival is directly based on differential behavior on

Youth sexual and reproductive health has

the part of the parents, families, and households

become a priority for policy-makers, programmers,

depending on who is at the center of decision mak-

and researchers in India due to the country’s large

ing in the family. The general trend suggests that

adolescent population and its high rates of child

women’s autonomy – in terms of decision-making,

marriage and child bearing. Given the high preva-

mobility, and access to and over their economic

lence of iron deficiency anemia and reproductive

resources is constrained (Jejeebhoy & Sathar, tract infections (Pande, et al., 2006) along with 2001). The health and nutritional needs of adoles-poor health seeking behavior among adolescents

cent girls are not only negatively affected because

related to reproductive health problems (Joshi, et

of restricted growth due to lack of adequate nutri-

al., 2006), there is need for youth-friendly services

tion (Seshadri & Kanani, 1992), but also because

in the community. Studies collectively endorse the

of strong norms in this region against premari-

need and significance of accessible reproductive

tal relations. Above all, the educational and skill

health services and knowledge available to both

training options available to girls are limited, and

boys and girls from early years (Gandhi & Arora,

there is a high probability that their families will

1993; Ghosh, Chowdhury, & Gill, 1997; Verma &

arrange an early marriage. Although with legal

Saraswathi, 2002a). To summarize, understanding

sanctions the age of female marriage is rising, the reproductive health needs of adolescents, both yet almost half of all women aged 20-24 were mar-physical and emotional, is crucial to their future

ried by 18 years in 2006 (International Institute

health and well-being. A spate of work is being

of Population Sciences & Macro International, produced in the area of sexuality and reproductive 2007). Thus, high rates of adolescent fertility per-health in India. This may be attributed to several

sist, especially in the rural areas. As a consequence,

factors, such as attention drawn to adolescent repro-

both maternal and neonatal mortality are higher

ductive health by international agencies, funding

among adolescents. According to estimates, 45% of

possibilities, and the HIV threat. Studies report an

all maternal deaths occur among those aged 15-24

increase in the sexual activity, incidence of sexually

(Office of the Registrar General, India, 2011) and

transmitted diseases, and clinical abortions among

neonate mortality rates range from 54 per 1000

unmarried adolescents in India. We are confronted

live births among those aged 15-19 to 34 and 38,

with problems related to premarital and marital

respectively, among those aged 20-29 and 30-39.

sex pertaining to largely rural and predominantly

Rural adolescents are particularly at risk, with illiterate groups on the one hand and the urban, neonatal mortality rates as high as 60/1000 when

literate, school- or college-going population on the

compared to 31/1000 among urban adolescents

other. The problem gets further compounded by

(International Institute of Population Sciences &

gender disparities and myths and misconceptions

Macro International, 2007).

associated with sexuality and reproductive health

In a recent in depth review of sexual and repro-

among adolescents, combined with reluctance on

ductive health situation of young people in India,

part of parents and schools to talk more freely

Santhya and Jejeebhoy (2012) highlight some of

about sex ( Mahajan & Sharma, 2005; Verma &

the concerns and issues affecting adolescents in

Saraswathi, 2002b). It is evident that fertility con-

this geographically and culturally diverse coun-

trol through stringent implementation of the legal

try. Youth residing in rural areas, with low edu-

age for marriage and sex education and protection

cational levels, from economically disadvantaged

of unmarried adolescent girls demand urgent atten-

households and socially-excluded castes report tion. It is important to note that there is paucity of v er m a, Peter Sen

367

available data on this topic related to out-of school

counseling services with appropriate monitoring

adolescents and street children and also on actual

and evaluation of program implementation.

practices among rural adolescent populations.

Studies with youth stress the need for sex edu-

Adolescent population is a heterogeneous group

cation in schools and colleges to increase aware-

whose strengths and vulnerabilities vary greatly,

ness about sexual issues and behaviors, knowledge

thus, health services and programs need to address

and perception regarding reproductive physiology,

these unique service delivery needs using a multi-

sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and con-

sectoral approach (Bhatia & Swami, 2000; Santhya

traception (Abraham & Kumar, 1999). Studies

& Jejeebhoy, 2012).

with urban college youth show a high prevalence

of myths and misconceptions regarding anat-

HIV/AIDS

omy, physiology, contraception, and STI preva-

Preventing the transmission of HIV/AIDS lence (Bahulekar & Garg, 1997; Francis, Gill, & is one of the most important challenges for ado-Chowdhury, 1997). Sexual activity increases with

lescent survival and health. The latest UNAIDS

age and peer socialization (Tikoo, Bollman, &

Report 2013 reveals that, globally, an estimated

Bergen, 1997). Religion, family, and educational

35.5 (32.2–38.8) million people were living with

institutions have limited influence on morality

HIV/AIDS at the end of 2012. More than 10 mil-

and regulation of sexuality among males, who

lion of them are young people aged 15–24 years.

explored their sexuality through multiple partners

Half of the 4.2 million new infections occurred

more than did females. The risk of STIs was high

in youth of this age group. Each day, 5,000–

among males because they practiced unsafe sex

6,000 new infections occur among young people.

and among females because of ignorance (Rahate,

Sub-Saharan Africa contains almost two-thirds

Zodpey, & Bhalkule, 1997). The need for sex and

of all young people living with HIV or AIDS

family life education in school and nonschool set-

(6.2 million); 76% of them are females. The tings is stressed and depends on the participation region with the second highest prevalence is Asia,

of schools, mass media, health care professionals,

which has an estimated 2.2 million young people

and community leaders (Abraham, 1998; Ahuja &

infected with the virus. The epidemic varies greatly

Tewari, 1995; Bahulekar & Garg, 1997).

in different regions of the world; however, in each

Adolescent ignorance about sexual and repro-

region, young people are at center stage, both in

ductive health is compounded by reluctance among

terms of new infections, as well as in being the

parents and teachers to impart relevant informa-

greatest potential force for change if they can be

tion (Bhende, 1994; Pande, et al., 2006). The edu-

reached with the right interventions (UNAIDS,

cational system is also ambivalent about imparting

2013). There is increasing evidence from several

sex education in schools and colleges. Several cul-

countries that where HIV prevalence is decreasing,

turally sensitive initiatives undertaken by the gov-

it is the young people who are driving the decrease.

ernment in collaboration with UNFPA and NGOs

They are much more likely to adopt and maintain

have successfully addressed the reproductive health

safe behaviors and respond favorably to preventive

information needs of adolescents (UNFPA, 2009),

interventions (WHO, 2006).

however, there is much scope for improvement in

In 2008, an estimated 2.27 million people the programs to make them truly need-based and between the ages of 15 and 49 years were living

adolescent friendly (Santhya & Jejeebhoy, 2012).

with HIV in India. India carries the largest bur-

Many interrelated and complex factors that put

den of HIV behind South Africa and Nigeria. The

adolescents at risk of STIs include poor socioeco-

Country Progress Report of India (CPR India,

nomic status, low levels of education and awareness,

2010) presents an overview of the epidemic, the stra-

unemployment, and migration (UNAIDS, 2013).

tegic national response and its impact, and future

Urbanization tends to disrupt family relationships,

challenges. India’s response to tackling the HIV/

social networks, and traditional values while gen-

AIDS epidemic is reflected in the policy framework

erating more opportunities for sexual encounters.

and approaches of the National AIDS Control Lack of information about sexual matters, as well Organization (NACO) through implementation as STI prevention, symptoms, and treatment, put of various programs across the country. There has

both male and female adolescents at high risk for

been a significant increase in coverage and infra-

STIs in India (NCPI India Report, 2012).

structure; targeted interventions among high-risk

Interventions with a focus on sex education,

groups; care, treatment, support, and services; and

including HIV/AIDS prevention, and life skills

368

gLoBa L ConCer nS in a doL eSCent he a Lt h

education with young people have been found

will, across parties, for HIV/AIDS program. The

to be effective. These interventions have resulted

NACP has extensively used folk media (traditional

in more frequent condom use, fewer sexual part-

folklore and forms of communication prevalent in

ners, and significantly reduced sexual risk-taking

a community) as an innovative tool for developing

behaviors among the adolescents (Center for an effective communication package to reach pop-Development & Population Activities (CEDPA),

ulations in rural, remote, and media-dark areas.

2001; Malhotra, 2003).

The campaign focusing on women and youth was

Several initiatives have been undertaken by implemented in two phases across 476 districts of the government of India under the aegis of the

24 states. Nearly 30,330 performances reached

National AIDS Control Organization, Department

about 0.5 million people with messages on HIV

of AIDS Control, and the Ministry of Health and

transmission, prevention, care, support, and treat-

Family Welfare. The convergence framework of

ment; HIV testing; and stigma and discrimination.

the National Rural Health Mission provides direc-

The immediate impact was a spurt in queries, espe-

tion for synergizing the strategies for prevention,

cially from youth, for further information on HIV/

control, and management for STI services under

AIDS and on access to testing facilities (NCPI

the Reproductive and Child Health Program India Report, 2012).

(RCH 2) and the National AIDS Control Program

(NACP 3). The RCH draws its mandate from the

Mental Health

National Population Policy (2000), which makes

There has been recent attention to global adoles-

strong reference to include STI and HIV/AIDS

cent mental health by both multinational NGOs

prevention, screening, and management in mater-

(e.g., WHO, 2012) and scholars (e.g., Patel, Fisher,

nal and child health services. The NACP includes

Hetrick & McGorry, 2007). These recent reviews

services for management of STIs as a major pro-

conclude that mental disorders beginning in ado-

gram strategy for prevention of HIV. The NACP

lescence place a significant burden of both physical

strategy and implementation plan makes a strong

and mental illness in adulthood. Even during the

reference to expanding access to a package of STI

relatively healthy period of adolescence, 20% in any

management services both in general population

year experience at least one mental health problem,

groups and for high-risk behavior groups, including

usually depression or anxiety (Patel, Fisher, Hetrick

youth, with active engagement of the private sector

& McGorry, 2007). Suicide is the most common

in provision of services (NCPI India Report, 2012).

cause of death during adolescence and youth in

India has been effective in reducing the number of

many countries, including the large countries of

new infections by more than 50% between 2001

India and China. Interestingly, a recent report on

and 2012 (UNAIDS, 2013).

child maltreatment concluded that this childhood

The Red Ribbon Express (RRE) is the world’s

experience leads to significant mental and physi-

largest mass mobilization campaign for HIV/AIDS

cal morbidity in adulthood (National Research

prevention. It is a special exhibition train that Council, 2014).

travels across India disseminating the messages on

As the prior discussion suggests, much of the

HIV/AIDS and general health in rural and remote

global research on mental health focuses on mental

areas of the country. Along with the train, special

illness. A review of treatment programs for men-

outreach programs are organized in the villages

tal disorders (Patel, Araya, Chatterjee et al., 2007)

through exhibition vans and folk troupes. The for all ages suggests that although there are treat-project received overwhelming response across ments that have been proven effective in low- and the country. Eight million persons were reached,

middle-income countries, the costs are usually pro-

and 81,000 district resource persons were trained.

hibitive. These authors recommend that preventive

The third phase of the campaign was launched

approaches would be more cost effective.

on January 12, 2012, on the occasion of National

A major reframing of the focus on treating men-

Youth Day. Keeping in mind the higher vulnerabil-

tal illness, especially for young people, has come

ity of youth to HIV infection, the third phase also

with the positive youth development movement,

focuses on youth. A special coach is designed to

largely driven by NGOs seeking programs that

address youth-specific issues in an interactive and

would help adolescents and youth become healthy,

youth-friendly manner. The RRE has reached out

productive citizens as adults (e.g., Benson, Scales,

to people in rural and remote areas and has also

& Syvertsen, 2011; Yohalem, Granger, & Pittman,

been successful in generating political support and

2009). Lerner has perhaps been the most prolific

v er m a, Peter Sen

369

contributor to theory on positive youth develop-

wide range were source of information, method

ment (e.g., Lerner, Lerner, & Benson, 2011; Lerner,

of elicitation, case definition, lower sensitivity to

Taylor, & vonEye, 2002) and is a leader in research

certain disorders, higher threshold of tolerance for

on the topic (e.g., Lerner, vonEye, Lerner, & Lewin-

certain symptoms, and certain sociocultural fac-

Bizan, 2009). The positive youth development per-

tors. Mental retardation, epilepsy, and enuresis had

spective has been broadly implemented and appears

the highest reported prevalence rates. Internalizing

to have many effective programs (e.g., Catalano,

disorders like anxiety and depressive and obsessive

Bergland, Ryan, Lonczak, & Hawkins, 2004). We

compulsive disorders were infrequently reported in

note, however, that this approach has been primar-

community studies. The authors attribute this to

ily implemented in the United States and is only

the cultural acceptance of internalizing symptoms,

beginning to spread more broadly. A conference on

particularly in girls, which may result in lower

positive youth development and responses to the

reporting. Furthermore, dependence on parent and

global economic crisis was held in Europe in the

teacher reports in many studies and the absence of

fall of 2014 (SRCD, 2014). We now examine the

self-reports from children could have accounted for

state of adolescent mental health in India.

underreporting of internalizing disorders. These

Population-level studies on mental health and

studies also offer little information about psychiat-

the prevalence and incidence of psychiatric disor-

ric disorders in late adolescence. In the school set-

ders in adolescents are hard to find. Based on an

ting studies, the total prevalence rates ranged from

extensive review of the prevalence of psychiatric

3.23% to 36.50%. The most prevalent disorders

disorders in school children in India, Malhotra

included enuresis, mental retardation, and exter-

(1998) used a three-stage assessment of the epide-

nalizing disorders such as conduct disorder and

miology of disorders in school children wherein

attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD).

teachers’, parents’, and clinical assessments were

There was a higher prevalence of externalizing dis-

compared. The evidence pointed to a prevalence

orders in boys and internalizing disorders in girls.

rate of psychiatric disorders ranging between 7%

The authors highlight (1) the need to provide an

and 20%. The wide range is accounted for by the

understanding of developmental thresholds and

nature of sampling designs and assessment mea-

changes in the prevalence of disorders by age and

sures used. Another study reported the prevalence

the need for multistage designs for more accurate

of mental disorders in child and adolescent pop-

prevalence rates and (2) the need to include the

ulation from Kerala as 9.4% (Hackett, Hackett,

psychosocial correlates of psychiatric morbidity

Bhakta, & Gowers, 2000). Srinath, Girimaji, among children and adolescents.

Gururaj, Seshadri, Subbakrishna, and Bhola

Hackett et al. (2000) identified multiple corre-

(2005) report a prevalence rate in 4- to 16-year-old

lates of psychiatric disorders in children and ado-

children from Bangalore of 12%, mainly due to

lescents in a sample from Kerala in South India.

enuresis, specific phobias, hyperkinetic disorders,

These included male gender, low socioeconomic

stuttering, and oppositional defiant disorder. status, less parental education, school failure, Overall, the most conservative estimate of severe

impaired reading and vocabulary, and life events.

psychiatric disorder in India is 10% of the popula-

They recommend the need for longitudinal studies

tion under age 14.

in this area, and these are almost absent in India.

Recurrent diagnoses across studies indicate

In another study on correlates of common men-

that mental retardation, conduct disorders, neu-

tal disorders (CMDs) among the youth in India,

rotic disorders, enuresis, and epilepsy are com-

Fernandes, Hayes, and Patel (2013) examined the

mon problems. Bhola and Kapur (2003), in their

risk factors associated with a probable diagnosis of

extensive review, evaluate available research on CMD in an Indian youth sample in select urban the prevalence of child and adolescent psychiatric

and rural areas of Goa. Analysis based on a com-

disorders in India and highlight significant con-

munity survey of 3,662 youth aged 16–24 years

ceptual and methodological trends. They identi-

reported the point prevalence of probable CMD as

fied 55 epidemiological studies conducted between

7.87%. Those living in urban areas had a higher

1964 and 2002 in community and school settings.

prevalence of CMD (9.12%) when compared to

The settings were both rural and urban, and the

those from rural areas (6.60%). Independent risk

age range was between 3 and 16 years. The total

factors for CMD were being older (between 22 and

child and adolescent prevalence rate ranged from

24 years); experience of physical abuse by parents,

0.48% to 29.40%. Reasons that accounted for this

teachers, and others; and sexual harassment and

370

gLoBa L ConCer nS in a doL eSCent he a Lt h

sexual abuse. Sharing personal problems with oth-

“prevention programs,” have been subject to rig-

ers was a protective factor. Sexual and recent physi-

orous testing in the minority world through con-

cal abuse were independent risk factors for CMD

trolled trials over the past 30 years and have been

in both males and females. In addition, being older

proven effective at reducing adolescent problem

and being able to discuss problems were associated

behavior and improving health. These programs

with CMD diagnosis in females but not in males.

focus on the factors that promote positive youth

Poor mental health is strongly related to other

development as well as reduce factors that pre-

health and developmental concerns among ado-

dict problems. There has been a lag in apply-

lescents, such as lower educational achievement,

ing these programs to low- and middle-income

substance abuse, violence, and poor sexual and

countries, in part because these countries are just

reproductive health (Patel et al., 2007).

beginning to recognize the period of adolescence.

In addition to substance abuse, suicide among

Preliminary research suggests that the established

young people has emerged as a major public health

programs will be broadly efficacious (Catalano,

issue in India (Reddy, Gupta, Lohiya, & Kharya,

Fagan, Gavin, et al., 2012).

2013). The National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB)

Several program initiatives in India address ado-

of India reported a 27.7% increase in the recorded

lescent health needs. In this section, we provide a

number of suicides among youth between 1995 and

brief overview of programs initiated by the Ministry

2005, with suicide rate of 10.5 per million (NCRB,

of Health and Family Welfare, Government of

2005). Nearly 35% of suicides occur among youth

India ( india.gov.in/topics/health-family-welfare).

(15–29 years), with a rate of 152 per 100,000 for

Most of the programs carried out in collaboration

girls and 69 per 100,000 for boys (Leo, 2003).

with UN bodies in the country target the adoles-

The effectiveness of some interventions for some

cent population. Many NGOs also are working

mental disorders in youth has been established;

on the health needs of adolescents, with a spe-

however, further efforts are needed to expand the

cial focus on adolescent girls and particularly on

spectrum of effective preventive interventions, to

reproductive health issues. The rationale for this

improve their effectiveness and cost-effectiveness

special focus is on improving the general repro-

in varied settings, and to strengthen the evidence

ductive health status of females and for reversing

base (WHO, 2004). To reduce the health, social,

the population trends. Other areas that these pro-

and economic burdens of mental disorders among

grams target are education, life skills development,

young people, it is essential that programs and poli-

employment, and the political and social empower-

cies in India pay greater attention to the preven-

ment of youth (Santhya & Jejeebhoy, 2012). Most

tion of mental health problems and the promotion

program-implementing agencies adopt a holistic

of mental health through greater resource alloca-

and multisectoral approach to addressing various

tion within the overall health care system, capacity

issues within the sociocultural context in which the

building of professionals at the grassroots level, and

adolescent lives.

greater availability of quality mental health services

The ILO is committed to the elimination of

at the primary health center level, both in rural and

child labor (which includes adolescents) through

urban settings.

its international program in the country. Several

program initiatives have been undertaken by the

Interventions

Indian government and NGOs for the protection,

Preventive interventions have become the pre-

education, and rehabilitation of working chil-

ferred approach taken globally for broad-scale

dren in different sectors and on the streets. The

reduction of problem issues, according to a recent

UNAIDS initiative Young People Talk AIDS is

Lancet review of adolescent health interventions

a nationwide campaign to educate and mobilize

(Catalano, Fagan, Gavin, Greenberg, Irwin, youth and school students around the issue of HIV/

Ross, & Shek, 2012). Although treatment is still

AIDS. UNAIDS is actively working with the gov-

the most common approach globally (e.g., Patel,

ernment to integrate the issue of HIV/AIDS and

Araya, Chatterjee, et al., 2007), this is likely to

reproductive health education into the school cur-

shift. The burden of illness among adolescents

riculum, and there is a special focus on high-risk

globally has shifted from communicable to non-

groups, such as children of commercial sex workers

communicable diseases, thus requiring a different

and street children.

approach to intervention. Preventive and promo-

Youth and adolescents are the main focus of

tive policies and programs, usually referred to as

the Community Wide Drug Demand Reduction

v er m a, Peter Sen

371

program in the northeastern part of the country,

multinational organizations such as UNICEF

where the percentage of adolescent drug users is

and the World Bank have recognized these issues

perceptively higher than in the rest of the country.

and are mobilizing resources to address them. But

This program targets adolescents both in and out

researchers of adolescence are minimally engaged.

of school settings. Another related program of the

We recognize the challenges of obtaining the

nationwide community drug demand reduction

multinational samples required to conduct the

program aims to use sports to divert attention away

large-scale research needed to illuminate these

from drugs and induce behavioral change among

issues. We know too little about which adoles-

youth.

cents are able to succeed in resource-constrained

Program initiatives with UNESCO focus on

contexts or the structures—both policies and

education for all, the involvement of adolescents

programs—needed to support them to do so. We

and youth volunteers in civic engagement activi-

know from research in the minority world that

ties, peer education, and HIV/AIDS awareness and

too much stress compromises the immune sys-

education for adolescents in schools and programs

tem, rendering individuals less able to fulfill their

run by NGOs in the community.

potential; this is likely to be happening in the

The reproductive health programs in schools

majority world, but at what scale? What would

and colleges aim to increase the awareness of popu-

change this picture? Those who immigrate create

lation issues among adolescents. The UNFPA sup-

a human resource loss for their nations and an

ports many NGO initiatives on adolescent health

uncertain future for themselves, yet this is what

promotion, particularly for girls. Several initiatives

many choose to do. What are the costs? What

undertaken by UNICEF in the country focus on

could be done to better capitalize on the potential

advocacy and information generation for protec-

of adolescents globally so that they can become

tion of child rights and on monitoring progress on

the “demographic dividend” for their nations

child protection issues, including those affecting

(Diers, 2013)? Much basic research is needed

adolescents. The Child Protection program facili-

from researchers and samples in the majority

tates collective action to eliminate child trafficking

world.

and prostitution, which affects many young girls.

Given that it seems urgent for researchers to

A World Bank-initiated program, the Women and

partner with those multinational NGOs that are

Child Development Program, aims to improve the

motivated to improve the situation for adolescents

health and nutritional status of adolescent girls

globally, many promising programs are available.

through activities such as supplementary feeding,

Studies involving broad-based partnerships among

access to health care, and awareness generation on

researchers, multinational government organiza-

health issues.

tions, and NGOs testing the most promising pro-

In India, a gap exists between investment and

grams in the majority world would yield many

need, and often the vulnerable youth popula-

valuable results. This cooperative undertaking

tion is excluded from the very programs intended

would advance knowledge about program effec-

to help them. The beneficiaries of youth poli-

tiveness on these important populations, engage

cies and programs are often adolescents who researchers from both the majority and minority are already advantaged (typically, urban, older,

worlds and provide learning for all, and form part-

male, unmarried, and attending school). Policies

nerships among all stakeholders, thus increasing

and programs repeatedly ignore large, neglected,

the likelihood that the research will be relevant and

and pivotal subgroups of adolescents, such as

also providing the opportunity to test fundamental

10- to 14-year-old out-of-school girls, girls at questions.

risk of child marriage, rural adolescents living

By increasing partnerships among universities,

without their parents, and young migrants at

governments, international organizations, and

risk of unsafe, exploitative work and trafficking

the private sector we can promote research that

(UNFPA, 2009).

examines public health programs that are close

to the supply of and demand for health services.

Conclusion

Researchers can provide answers to several cultur-

Adolescents/youth (aged 10–24 years) rep-

ally sensitive issues, such as how the system can be

resent the largest age group in the world, but at

structured, health-seeking behaviors, and how to

present they are experiencing numerous chal-

monitor developmental progress to build on the

lenges to becoming productive adults. Global efficacy of program implementation.

372

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C H A P T E R

23 Cultural Roots of Values, Morals,

and Religious Orientations

in Adolescent Development

Gisela Trommsdorff

Abstract

Values, morals, and religious beliefs are organizing factors in the development of self- and worldviews.

These factors are assumed to be a driving force in adolescents’ agentic regulation of development, which is embedded in the cultural context and influenced by universal and cultural y specific processes.

Adolescents regulate their individual development by integrating values, morals, and religious purpose in line with their self- and worldviews to achieve an optimal cultural fit. First, the relations among culture, self-views, and worldviews in adolescent development are discussed. Second, selected culture-informed studies on values, morals, and religious purpose as part of self- and worldviews are presented. Third, the focus is on the developmental conditions relating these aspects. In the conclusion, a model bridging the lens of culture and the lens of adolescent development is suggested, specifying some psychological y relevant factors in this process.

Key Words: culture, values, moral, religion, adolescent development, self-view, worldview, autonomy, relatedness

But the stranger that dwelleth with you shall

1989). The question is whether and how the respec-

be unto you as one born among you, and thou

tive subjective experiences are associated with the

shall love him as thyself, for you were strang-

prevailing cultural values of autonomy and related-

ers in the land of Egypt.

ness or with independence and interdependence. Is

—(Leviticus 19:32)

parental control experienced as threatening adoles-

cents’ autonomy in a context where independence

In our studies of Japanese and German ado-

is preferred? And is it experienced as fostering inter-

lescents’ experiencing parental influence attempts

dependence in a context where independence is less

(e.g., giving orders or instructions, objecting or

valued?

disapproving of an activity), Mary and John felt

In another study, we were interested in adoles-

rather rejected or at least not supported by their

cents’ emotional and behavioral reactions when

parents (like most German respondents). By con-

experiencing a frustrating or disappointing situa-

trast, Yukiko and Akira (like most Japanese respon-

tion (e.g., vignettes describing a peer who openly

dents) felt supported in cases of parental influence

criticizes the student for a bad performance or mak-

attempts. Different from their German peers, ing the student stumble and nearly fall down). In they felt rejected or deprived of parental support

this situation, Lisa (like most German adolescents)

in cases of no apparent parental influence (control

reacted with anger and frustration, explaining the

or monitoring). German and Japanese adolescents

peer’s behavior as motivated by aggressive inten-

obviously experience and evaluate seemingly simi-

tions; also, she was ready to retaliate. In contrast,

lar parenting differently (Trommsdorff & Iwawaki,

Japanese or Balinese adolescents, like Keiko or Sri,

377

usually reacted by explaining (excusing) the peer’s

sociocultural settings. Processes of adolescents’

behavior; they did not attribute negative intentions

development are conceived of here in line with the

to the peer, but instead they referred to their own

ecological model of development (Bronfenbrenner,

possibly unruly behavior that may have caused

1979), the concept of developmental niche (Super &

the peer’s misbehavior. As a result, their behav-

Harkness, 1986), and the cultural model of indepen-

ioral intention was not to retaliate but to restore

dence and interdependence (Markus & Kitayama,

a harmonious relationship (by ignoring the peer’s

1991). Accordingly, adolescents’ development is

behavior or mentioning “so sorry”; Kornadt, 2012;

embedded in the family, peer groups, school, work

Trommsdorff & Ibaraki, 1989, unpublished data).

place, media, institutions, and formal or informal

These observations indicate that harmful behav-

relationships, with cultural and biological factors

ior can be interpreted by the victim in very dif-

shaping the respective socialization processes.

ferent ways—as aggression or as a mishap— and

Furthermore, I view developmental processes as

thus shape either the hostile or harmonious qual-

motivated by agency-regulating needs of autonomy,

ity of further interactions. Here, the question can

competence, and relatedness (Ryan & Deci, 2000).

be raised whether the interpretation of the other

Different from Bontempo, Lobel, and Triandis

person’s behavior and the subsequent interaction

(1990), I do not assume collectivistic cultural pop-

sequence is based on generalized views about the

ulations to be less agentic than individualistic cul-

self, the world, and their interrelation; that is, tural populations (see Miller, Goyal, & Wice, this the belief that the world (other person) should be

volume; Trommsdorff, 2012 a; 2012 b).

changed according to one’s own wishes (primary

The cultural context, as well as biological and

control) or that the self should accommodate to the

psychological factors related to the specific devel-

world (other person; secondary control), or a bal-

opmental age, are assumed to structure the rela-

ance between both.

tive valence and contents of these basic needs and

In this chapter, I discuss whether such differ-

their impact on adolescents’ self- and worldviews.

ences in interpretations and behavioral reactions

Accordingly, inter- and intracultural differences

result from adolescents’ socialization of different

in adolescents’ self- and worldviews are assumed.

self- and worldviews that include individual values,

These self- and worldviews are basic orientations

morals, and beliefs in line with the prevailing cul-

that fit to the culturally preferred models and value

tural model of independence and interdependence

orientations (Trommsdorff, 2012 a; 2012 b). In this

that are assumed to shape the meaning of auton-

chapter, I discuss how adolescents’ self- and world-

omy and relatedness.

views are integrated in and resulting from adoles-

Culture-informed studies on adolescent develop-

cents’ development of values, morals, and religious

ment are rare. Most research on adolescent develop-

purpose in their respective cultural contexts.

ment has been carried out with European-American

From a culture-informed perspective, questions

samples, limiting generalizations of empirical arise as to which developmental processes are uni-results. Textbooks on adolescence tend to refer to

versal and which are culture-specific. On the one

culture in terms of adolescents’ subcultures or accul-

hand, adolescents universally are agents of their

turation. Even less is known about cultural aspects

development, actively construing and regulating

of values, morals, religious purpose, and their inter-

their development and dealing with various cul-

relations as part of adolescents’ self- and worldviews.

tural tasks, challenges, and boundaries. On the

Recently, worldwide globalization—including cul-

other hand, adolescents’ developmental conditions,

tural, economic, and demographic change—has tasks, outcomes, and trajectories differ across cul-widened the perspective of developmental psycholo-

tures, while cultural factors and individual agency

gists, as evidenced by culture-informed publications

interact in the process of development. Although

on adolescence (e.g., Arnett, 2006, 2012; Arnett &

adolescents regulate their motivational, cognitive,

Eisenberg, 2007; Brown, Larson, & Saraswathi,

emotional, and social development, the ecological

2002; Trommsdorff & Chen, 2012).

context and cultural models shape adolescents’ self-

Adolescence is characterized by significant bio-

and worldviews, including their values, morals, and

logical, psychological, and social changes, with religious purpose.

nature and nurture interacting in these dynam-

To summarize, the main question of this chap-

ics. Normative and history-graded factors struc-

ter is how adolescents from diverse cultural con-

ture person-context relations (“goodness-of-fit”) texts construe and regulate their development modified by adolescents’ socialization in multiple

by dealing with questions regarding the self, the

378

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world, and their interrelations. Although cultural

Sociocultural changes imply heterogeneity,

models are assumed to provide developmental tasks

diversity, and intracultural differences, all warn-

and answers to these questions, adolescents have to

ing against the fallacies of a simple typological

interpret and choose from these various tasks and

approach. Accordingly, simple dichotomies of cul-

answers. Therefore, adolescents attempt to develop

tural differences do not necessarily allow for the

reliable and valid orientations for guiding their

specific cultural meaning of individual values, mor-

goals, choices, and behavior as part of their identity

als, and religious behavior in the respective context.

development. Values, morals, and religious beliefs

When referring to a specific society, heterogene-

are organizing factors in this process underlying

ity should be assumed. Terms like “Eastern” and

the development of self- and worldviews—a pro-

“Western” culture are therefore used here as hypo-

cess assumed to be a driving force in adolescents’

thetical constructs. Concepts like independence

agentic regulation of development (Trommsdorff,

and interdependence imply a relative priority of

2012 a; 2012 b).

either value depending on the respective cultural

This chapter is organized into three parts: First,

context, situation, and developmental resources.

the relations among culture, self-views, and world-

Cultural contexts constitute major challenges,

views in adolescent development are discussed. opportunities, and limitations for adolescent devel-Second, I discuss selected culture-informed stud-

opment. The cultural contexts are often interrelated

ies on values, morals, and religious purpose as part

and based on different cultural models of agency

of self- and worldviews. Third, I focus on devel-

(Trommsdorff, 2012 a), shaping socialization pro-

opmental conditions relating these aspects. In the

cesses and influencing adolescents’ development of

conclusion, I suggest a model that bridges the lens

values, morals, and religious beliefs as part of their

of culture and the lens of adolescent development,

self- and worldviews.

specifying some psychologically relevant factors in

this process.

Self-Views

Self-views focus on the past self, the present self,

Culture, Self-Views, and Worldviews

and/or the future (possible) self of the individual per-

Culture

son in relation to his or her environment. Self-views

Definitions of culture abound, referring to ritu-

have been conceptualized as self-construals, giving

als, myths, symbols, or cultural practices (Cole &

higher priority to the individual self (independence)

Packer, 2011). Cultures are not seen as homogenous

or to the sociocultural related self (interdependence).

entities but rather as processes in interaction with

In their theoretical approach to culture and self,

individual development. In their often-cited com-

Markus and Kitayama (1991, 2004) assume that

prehensive meta-analyses, Oyserman, Coon, and

the cultural model of independence or interdepen-

Kemmelmeier (2002) have pointed out variations

dence shapes an individual’s self-construals, which

of psychological phenomena among and within

mediate the influence of culture on behavior. In

cultures in contrast to typological approaches individualistic cultures, people are assumed to view assuming homogeneity of cultures. While refrain-themselves as relatively independent from others; in

ing from a typology of cultures, the notion of inde-

collectivistic cultures, people are assumed to develop

pendence/interdependence has been fruitful for an interdependent self, viewing themselves in close generalizing typical differences in the cognition,

relation to others. For example, whereas people in

emotion, behavior, and self-construal of individu-

European-American contexts describe themselves

als from different cultural contexts (Markus &

in terms of their abilities, traits, and unique quali-

Kitayama, 1991). Such differences have been seen

ties, people in East-Asian contexts describe them-

as resulting from cultural tasks (Kitayama & selves in terms of their social roles and obligations in Imada, 2010) or from cultural models of agency

their various relationships with others (Markus &

(Markus & Kitayama, 2004).

Kitayama, 1991). The independent/interdependent

To capture more subtle differences in cultural

self-construal has been linked to a wide range of

contexts and related self- and worldviews of indi-

psychological and behavioral outcomes explaining

viduals, here I conceptualize culture in line with

cultural variations (e.g., with respect to cooperation,

Bruner (1990) as a historically grown, shared modesty, self-esteem; Oyserman et al., 2002).

meaning system transmitted across generations.

Distinguishing between individual-oriented

The cultural context and related frames of meaning

and social-oriented self-views should provide a

may change during adolescent development.

theoretical culture-informed approach for studying

trommSdor ff

379

adolescents’ values, morals, and religious pur-

in addition to getting higher education also study

pose. However, a simple dichotomy cannot fully

religious studies so that I can teach everyone to be

account for the interacting and rebounding fac-

close to religion and our nation.” These examples

tors in the dynamics of culture and development.

may illustrate that the development of self-views

The Hindu conceptualization of the self differen-

is shaped by the cultural model of self, including

tiating between the present and the transcendental

cognitive and motivational aspects of self-other

self (Mishra, 2013; Saraswathi, Mistry, & Dutta,

relations (e.g., autonomy, competence, relatedness)

2011) is an example for the close relations among

relevant for adolescents’ development of values,

self-construal and cultural values, morals, and reli-

morals, and religious purpose.

gious beliefs.

Across cultures, various other aspects of Worldviews

self-views and manifestations of the need for posi-

Self- and worldviews are influenced by the cul-

tive self-evaluation have been shown. Self-views

tural models for agency and include beliefs about

related to a promotion- or prevention-focused the fixed or malleable quality of the self and the motivation serve to enhance and protect one’s world and related control beliefs (e.g., primary and self-worth (and self-efficacy) in line with the cul-secondary control; harmony control; Morling &

tural model of self (e.g., Hepper, Sedikides, &

Evered, 2006; Rothbaum & Wang, 2010, 2011;

Cai, 2013). Individuals who prefer interdependent

Trommsdorff, 2012 a). Worldviews are generalized

values orient their self-system in a way to protect

beliefs about free choice (individualistic value) and

and enhance social harmony—a moral obliga-

acceptance of fate and circumstances (collectivistic

tion in East Asian cultures. Relationship harmony

value). Referring to the earlier narrative, German

allows for experiencing a positive self-concept and

adolescents’ beliefs about free choice activates

related well-being for Asian people (Kim & Tov,

their resistance to parental control; in contrast,

2011). East Asians have been observed to be more

the Japanese adolescents’ belief in acceptance of

likely than European Americans to take into con-

circumstances allows for acceptance of parental

sideration the perspective of other persons in their

control.

self-view (Cohen & Gunz, 2002). This tendency

Self-views and worldviews are interconnected

may affect the development of values and moral-

(Rothbaum, Wang, & Cohen, 2012). In the search

ity such that rule-oriented behavior is more readily

for orientation and identity, adolescents strive to

activated (cf. Gelfand et al., 2011).

find answers to questions about how the self and

Another aspect of cultural differences in the world are related. In some cultures, socializa-self-views is related to implicit theories of person-

tion fosters the child’s view of the world as fixed

ality, more specifically, the preference of a fixed

and as exerting causal agency while also fostering

(entity) or a malleable view of the self influencing the

a view of the self as malleable and accommodat-

person’s motivation and goal setting (e.g., regarding

ing to the world. This self- and worldview is the

achievement, aggression, or self-regulation; Dweck,

basis for secondary control, a behavior motivated to

1999; Rothbaum & Wang, 2010). A malleable or

change the self to fit the world. By contrast, social-

incremental view of the self motivates the person

ization experiences fostering the child’s autonomy

to engage in further efforts in case of failure in an

instead tend to foster the child’s view of the world

achievement situation. Accordingly, effort is highly

as malleable and as accommodating to the child’s

valued in Asian cultures.

needs. This view of the self and the world underlies

Adolescents’ development of self-views includes

primary control, a behavior motivated to change

the selection of possible selves (Markus & Nurius,

the world to fit the self (Rothbaum & Wang, 2010;

1986) as aspects of future orientation (Seginer,

2011). In the introductory example, Keiko and Sri

2009; Trommsdorff, 1983). Narratives from act according to a self- and worldview of second-Muslim girls how that collectivistic and individu-

ary control, refraining from retaliation and instead

alistic themes are combined, and collectivistic searching for their own mistakes, whereas Lisa themes were much more pronounced 10 years ago

intends to retaliate, acting in line with a self- and

(Seginer, personal communication, September 21,

worldview of primary control. However, it would

2013). An ultra-orthodox Jewish girl says: “I want

be wrong to conceptualize primary and secondary

to study nursing because I want to help people

control as mutually exclusive because both usually

and give them all the human kindness in me.”

are more or less available to the individual person,

A Muslim girl says: “I want to serve my people and

in balance, or one can have priority, depending on

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developmental age and the cultural and situational

the world, and the goals to which one should aspire

context. Worldviews can focus on the material and/

through socialization and interaction processes.

or the nonmaterial, supernatural world. The mate-

Values, morals, and religious purpose in part serve

rial world is structured according to one’s experi-

to answer these basic questions, which are of spe-

ences with other persons (parents, peers), social

cial importance in adolescence.

groups, social institutions, and the physical and

natural environment. The supernatural “other” Values

world is structured according to cultural values

Individual values are part of self- and world-

and intuitive theories about the nonmaterial world

views and function as a motivational force and as

related to religious beliefs and spirituality.

desirable goals. Schwartz defines individual values

When adolescents experience minor and major

as “trans-situational goals, varying in importance

threats to their self- and worldviews, they react

that serve as guiding principles in the life of a per-

depending on combinations of risk and resilience,

son” (Schwartz, 2011, p. 464). Schwartz applies

contextual, and personality factors (Eisenberg &

two theories of value-related constructs: a cultural

Silver, 2011). Different kinds of self-regulation—

level theory and an individual level theory. Cultural

primary control (changing the situation) and/or value orientations function to regulate and orga-secondary control (changing the self by acceptance

nize societies; they reflect historical, sociostruc-

of the circumstances, restructuring one’s goals)—

tural, economic, and ecological factors of societies.

allow for successful coping. An example for primary

Individual values are related to individual needs.

control in the case of experiencing major threats

The psychological function of individual val-

to their self- and worldviews is when adolescents

ues may vary according to the prevailing cultural

engage in disobedience or aggressive behavior in

model. For example, Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma,

order to protect their values and moral intuitions.

Miyake, and Weisz (2000) have pointed out

In our introductory narrative example, the that the different developmental trajectories of Japanese (or Balinese) youths’ focus on limited

US and Japanese adolescents are based on dif-

trust in their own efficacy (or on their own wrong-

ferent values of autonomy and relatedness. The

doing) results in secondary control—accommo-

authors characterize adolescents’ developmental

dating to the other person (controlling parent; path in the United States according to the val-disruptive peer) and attempting to foster a harmo-

ues of independence and self-direction and in

nious relationship. In contrast, the German youth

Japan by the values of interdependence and relat-

experiences a threat to the value of autonomy and

edness. Other studies suggest a cultural family

independence and reacts with primary control (and

model. Kagitcibasi’s (2007, 2012) family change

feels morally justified to react against parents or

theory distinguishes “independence” (prevail-

retaliate against peers).

ing in the urban Western middle-class family),

Self- and worldviews develop in the cultural

“total interdependence” (associated with obedi-

context and serve as foundation for agency, fuel-

ence and prevailing in the traditional rural fam-

ing individual values, morals, and religious beliefs.

ily), and “psychological interdependence” (with

Self- and worldviews provide meaning and guide

focus on the autonomous-related self, involving

adolescents’ agentic development. A Muslim girl

both autonomy and connectedness in moderniz-

from Seginer’s study says: “The things I would like

ing societies). Based on cross-cultural studies of

to happen to me is be a high achieving student and

adolescents’ family values (as part of the Value

peace between the Arab nations and especially the

of Children [VOC] Study), Mayer (2013) has

Palestinians and Israel” (personal communication,

recently challenged this family change theory

September 21, 2013). This narrative may illustrate

by reformulating the family model of emotional

the theoretical frame of this chapter: values of

(psychological) interdependence, taking into

autonomy and relatedness and moral and religious

account the weakening of emotional interdepen-

purpose are part of self- and worldviews in adoles-

dence in family relationships during modern-

cent development.

ization (see also Trommsdorff & Mayer, 2012).

In their cultural view on socialization, refer-

Values, Moral, and Religious Orientations

ring to the cultural model of agency, Rothbaum

as Part of Self- and Worldviews

and Trommsdorff (2007) argue that autonomy

According to Brewer and Chen (2007), culture

and relatedness coexist in Western societies,

provides answers to basic questions about the self,

whereas, in many East Asian societies, autonomy

trommSdor ff

381

is perceived as threatening relatedness and the

necessary to allow for better understanding of the

need to belong. Here, emotional interdepen-

relative meaning of the respective family values.

dence is seen as most relevant and as providing

For example, the narrative earlier related shows that

the basis for assurance, in contrast to trust, which

when the value of close emotional interdependence

has to be negotiated between separate parties

is not compatible with autonomy, the Japanese or

(Trommsdorff & Rothbaum, 2008). However,

Balinese adolescent instead feels supported by con-

empirical studies are needed to specify the degree

trolling parents. This is different from German

of emotional interdependence characterizing the

adolescents, for whom autonomy and relatedness

culture-specific meaning of autonomy and relat-

are associated based on less close emotional inter-

edness (and its mutual relationship) in different

dependence. Emotional interdependence may be

cultural and situational contexts and its function

fueled by shared cultural traditions. For example,

for adolescent development.

in Japan, amae (see Doi, 1973), a specific kind of

Individual values represent priorities in life and

(mutual) dependency between mother and child, is

have a motivational function. Therefore, individual

the basis for close emotional relatedness.

values guide adolescents’ identity development and

In Chinese (and other Asian) cultures, the value

goal setting (e.g., Saroglou & Hanique, 2006). of filial piety is an important part of the Confucian Although individuation and an increased prefer-value system; it involves obedience to parents and

ence for autonomous behavior have been reported

attendance to parents’ needs. Filial piety is based

for Western adolescents (Collins & Steinberg, on family values that refer to reciprocal relations 2006), inconsistent results have been reported between adolescents and their parents and to emo-for non-Western adolescents (Fuligni, 1998). tional and material responsibilities and obliga-With regard to family-related values, multilevel tions across the life span (Chao & Tseng, 2002).

cross-cultural studies based on data from the VOC

According to Confucian ethics, filial piety is

study (Trommsdorff & Nauck, 2005) show associa-

rooted in filial emotions of gratitude toward par-

tions among adolescents’ values and family-oriented

ents and filial values (Cheah, Bayram Özdemir,

future orientation (Mayer & Trommsdorff, 2010;

& Leung, 2012). Accordingly, filial piety can be

2012). For ultra-orthodox Jewish girls, keeping an indicator for family values of strong emotional a Jewish home, having a big family, and bringing

interdependence.

up children in the best of Jewish religious values is

Rural and urban Chinese adolescents differ in

seen as women’s most important destiny. Family

their attitudes toward family obligations and the

values (obligation, deference) are so obvious and

value of filial piety (Fuligni & Zhang, 2004),

self-evident that they are not even mentioned in

indicating heterogeneity of culture. Furthermore,

narratives about the future by adolescent girls. sociocultural changes may affect value changes.

Adolescents from cultural contexts promoting indi-

Cheah et al. (2012) discuss whether a decrease in

vidualistic as compared to interdependent self- and

reported filial behavior of Chinese-Malaysian ado-

worldviews prefer less close family relationships.

lescents indicates a process of individuation similar

This may affect their willingness to support aging

to that of Western adolescents. In their indigenous,

parents or which kind of support (financial, instru-

child-centered approach on filial beliefs and values,

mental, or emotional support) they would provide

Yeh and Bedford (2004) point out intracultural

(Schwarz & Trommsdorff, 2005). Further, parent–

variance by further differentiating aspects of fil-

adolescent relationships in wealthy modern societ-

ial values. They demonstrate that reciprocal filial

ies (with higher Human Development Index scores)

beliefs based on close, affectionate parent–child

are more characterized by conflict (Trommsdorff &

relationships decrease parent–child conflicts more

Mayer, 2012). Data from the VOC Study on cul-

than do authoritarian filial beliefs focusing on obe-

tural differences in the importance of traditional

dience and indebtedness to parents.

family values of interdependence at a cultural level

Chinese adolescents’ focus on duties and family

were associated with higher subjective well-being of

cohesion (Cheung, Lee, & Chan, 1994) is in con-

younger adolescents (Schwarz et al., 2012).

trast to the Western belief in children’s rights and

It can be assumed that a cultural model of inter-

independence (Kuczinsky, 2002). Research on filial

dependence fosters the importance that adolescents’

beliefs and values (e.g., Yeh & Bedford, 2004) pro-

give to family values. However, in line with the

vides specific cultural explanations for the impor-

approach by Rothbaum and Trommsdorff (2007),

tance of family relations, indicating communal

more specific definitions of this cultural model are

values that impact the development of value-based

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moral beliefs. Accordingly, filial piety characterizes

necessarily to primary control but, in the case of

the values and moral purpose of adolescents in most

a cultural model of relatedness, primacy is instead

Southeast Asian and East Asian countries, indicat-

related to secondary control. Self-regulation aim-

ing psychological conditions beyond the cultural

ing to serve goals of the social group contrasts to

model of interdependence (e.g., the motivating self-regulation aiming to promote one’s individual dynamics of adherence to moral purpose). Filial

goals of independence, separateness, uniqueness.

piety is part of a culture-specific self- and world-

Although this contrast is an oversimplification

view to which these adolescents are socialized.

that disregards intracultural variance and changes

As our studies on the value of children in dif-

in priority during adolescent development, research

ferent cultural contexts have shown, in most on the function of cultural values has shown con-countries, adolescents prefer to have children for

siderable differences between Western and Eastern

fulfilling their need for emotional bonds. The cultural contexts such as focusing on the individual emotional value of children has increased while

self versus focusing on others (on social rules, on the

the material (economic and social) value of chil-

environment, or on situational settings). However,

dren has decreased globally during moderniza-

individual values and related behavior can change

tion, remaining only important in traditional, less

when affected by sociocultural changes, the devel-

affluent societies with higher values of interde-

opmental age of the adolescents, and situational

pendence (Mayer & Trommsdorff, 2010; Mayer,

demands, as Chen, Wang, and Liu (2012) have

Trommsdorff, Kagitcibasi, & Mishra, 2012; shown for Chinese adolescents in their longitudi-Trommsdorff & Mayer, 2012). However, the emo-

nal study.

tional value of children, which is rather high in tra-

So far, values have been discussed as underly-

ditional and modern societies, may have a different

ing and fueling self- and worldviews. Values are

meaning depending on cultural values, as Mayer

aspects of cultural contexts and motivating factors

(2013) has pointed out.

for adolescent behavior in various domains of life.

Another value related to the cultural model of

Adolescent values are affected by sociocultural and

interdependence is the importance of self-regulation

economic changes (e.g., modernization, rising afflu-

in the service of the group; for example, by saving

ence); however, at the same time, they can affect

face and behaving in ways that will not cause oth-

sociocultural processes through group and indi-

ers (especially one’s family) to lose face or by pro-

vidual behavior in various social contexts. A self-

moting group harmony. Self-regulation according

and worldview focusing on independence and

to this value implies qualified knowledge of social

individual rights is related to emotions, cognitions,

(e.g., parental) expectations, as well as the ability

and behavioral reactions that are different from a

and motivation to self-regulate in the service of

self- and worldview focusing on interdependence

relatedness (e.g., following social rules, obeying

and relatedness. This can be seen in our example

parents’ orders, succeeding in school). Controlling

of German and Japanese adolescents’ reactions to

one’s own impulses is an important value in most

parental control or to a peer’s wrongdoing. In the

cultures and can be seen as an indicator of second-

next section, I discuss in how far moral emotions

ary control; however, it can serve different goals

are associated to the adolescents’ preference for val-

(Trommsdorff, 2012 a).

ues related to independence or interdependence.

Related to the value of saving face is the value

of focusing on others in contrast to focusing on the

Moral Purpose

individual self (Cohen & Gunz, 2002; Rothbaum

Moral development in adolescence has been

et al., 2012). Focusing on others serves the value

viewed as the period during which the moral iden-

of relatedness and strengthens empathy and per-

tity is established (Blasi, 1993). Morality develops

spective taking by striving for social harmony. in the cultural context, guided by cultural values.

Here, the worldview of secondary control (chang-

For example, dimensions of cultural values (mea-

ing the self) has priority. In contrast, focusing on

sured at the cultural level) are related to adoles-

the self promotes the values of independence and

cents’ development of self, morals, and religious

autonomy while accepting social conflict. Here, the

orientations (Bond, Lun, & Li, 2012; Kasser, 2011;

worldview of primary control (changing the world)

Schwartz, 2012). However, due to its universalistic

has priority. Accordingly, different from Western

stage-based cognitive approach to moral reason-

control theories (Heckhausen, 2002), a cultural

ing (Kohlberg, 1984), the majority of research on

approach to control beliefs attributes primacy not

moral development has, until recently, ignored the

trommSdor ff

383

role of culture. Other shortcomings of traditional

individuals, moral goals of the ethic of community

research on moral development are neglecting the

centers on the person’s duties and obligations to

roles of emotions and of situational and intervening

others, and the ethic of divinity follows the moral

variables influencing moral judgment and social

pursuit of connecting with the divine. The three

behavior (e.g., Gibbs, Basinger, Grime, & Snarey,

ethics have their roots in the Old Testament (Ten

2007; Turiel, 1983).

Commandments).

Research on moral emotions has been growing

A shortcoming of these culture-informed

recently, due in part to evolutionary psychologi-

approaches is the neglect of developmental issues.

cal approaches and their possible biological basis

Therefore, Jensen (2008) discusses a cultural per-

(“innate” morality). Topics of interest include the

spective on the development of morality. Starting

roles of altruism and empathy in prosocial behavior

from a critical evaluation of the traditional

(Eisenberg, Morris, McDaniel, & Spinrad, 2009;

cognitive-developmental approach to morality,

Rothbart, 2011) and the role of moral emotions

which ignores cultural values and worldviews per-

attributions for adolescents’ pro- and antisocial taining to spirituality, religion, or divinity, Jensen behavior (see meta-analysis by Malti & Krettenauer,

suggests a template model extending Shweder

2013). Haidt (2007) contrasts moral reasoning and

et al.’s (1997) notions of autonomy, community,

moral intuition, suggesting a Social Intuitionist

and divinity. The moral concepts may be related

Model that assumes automatic, affect-laden pro-

to each other. For example, a community-based

cesses resulting in positive and negative emotions.

morality may be fueled by spirituality, fulfilling

Anthropological and cross-cultural studies have

adolescents’ needs for security and belonging while

demonstrated the limits of the traditional univer-

not threatening their autonomy.

sal cognitive theory of moral development (e.g.,

According to Rothbaum and Trommsdorff

Miller 1997, 2001; Miller, Bersoff, & Harwood,

(2007), the value of autonomy and interdependence

1990; Shweder, Mahapatra, & Miller, 1990). The

may coexist, although the relationship between

traditional approach to morality does not take into

both depends on the cultural meaning of autonomy

consideration the various relevant community val-

and relatedness. Referring to our previous example

ues related to interdependence or collectivism (e.g.,

on parenting, adolescents may experience paren-

in Confucianism, Buddhism, or Hinduism). Also,

tal influence as aversive in the case in which their

notions of independence from formal behavioral

self-construal as an autonomous person is threat-

rules do not apply in cultures where the fulfill-

ened. This would also threaten a positive (trusting)

ment of one’s duties is the most important moral

relationship with their parents. However, when ado-

purpose (Mishra, 2012; Saraswathi et al., 2011).

lescents experience parental influence as indicating

Here, moral behavior implies accepting one’s duties

a close interpersonal relationship, this would foster

and obeying rules in everyday behavior (e.g., diet,

the belief in assurance and belonging. This is in

communication among family and nonfamily line with the moral concept of community induc-members). Obedience to rules and to authorities,

ing compliance. Accordingly, compliance based on

which differ in different cultural contexts, serves as

relatedness can indicate adolescents’ agency (see

a moral principle. Transgressions can evoke moral

also Miller, this volume; Trommsdorff, 2012 a).

emotional responses, with guilt following private

Jensen distinguishes between the degree and the

transgressions or shame following publicly exposed

types of moral concepts that persons of different

transgressions.

ages use within an ethic. For example, in adoles-

Recent theorizing on moral psychology focus-

cence, the salience of peers and collective social

ing on the role of culture enables the integration

contexts (e.g., school, work) may increase, shifting

of cognitive, emotional, and social aspects of community concepts more to nonfamilial groups moral purpose (e.g., Haidt, 2007; Jensen, 2011,

and broader social entities, at least in individualis-

2012; Rai & Fiske, 2011). The theoretical source

tic cultural contexts valuing autonomy. Research is

of these approaches is the work by Shweder and

needed to test if a developmental process observed

colleagues (Shweder et al., 1990; Shweder, Much,

in individualistic cultures is also valid in cul-

Mahapatra, & Park, 1997) suggesting a tripartite

tures where ingroup norms and values of inter-

distinction of three ethics and the moral motives

dependence prevail. In cultural contexts valuing

related to these three aspects, with differences

relatedness, community concepts are instead con-

within and across cultures. The ethic of autonomy

fined to the family and ingroup. Our own stud-

focuses on the interests and rights of people as

ies on preschool children from Indonesia show less

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prosocial behavior toward strangers than in Israeli

totemism, and shamanism all have strict rules

or German children (Trommsdorff, Friedlmeier, &

and rituals (e.g., including taboos regarding food)

Mayer, 2007). It can be assumed that family values

and often require obedience to an authority. In

of emotional interdependence affect community

Hinduism, beliefs about the sacred are assumed

concepts in cultures where values of relatedness

to be a part of one’s self- and worldview inform-

prevail throughout development, thereby pro-

ing values and moral purpose (e.g., Mishra, 2013;

moting a stricter difference between ingroup and

Saraswathi et al., 2011). However, morality is not

outgroup.

necessarily tied to religion. According to anthropo-

Whether a community-oriented morality takes

logical studies in small-scale societies, the gods want

into account the perspective and interests of others

rituals but have limited moral concern over how

beyond simply following the criteria of norm-based

people interact (for an overview, see Norenzayan,

duty and social rules is an open question. At least,

2014). In larger, more complex societies, the belief

the reviewed studies on family values of interde-

in a “Big God” has emerged, organizing coopera-

pendence (Trommsdorff & Mayer, 2012) or our

tion and prosocial behavior (even toward strang-

studies on emotion regulation of Indian, Japanese,

ers): “religion’s role in regulating moral affairs

and German children (Trommsdorff, 2012 a) sug-

in large societies has been a cultural process that

gest that both ways are possible, depending on

coalesced over time, primarily where anonymous

the cultural values. A further question is whose

societies took shape and expanded” (Norenzayan,

perspective is taken into account and whether 2014, p. 18). From an evolutionary perspective,

“community” is defined as consisting of ingroup

religion has been seen as providing a system to

members only, or if ingroup and outgroup mem-

suppress selfish behavior and increase group ori-

bers are seen part of the “community.” This brings

entation (Norenzayan & Shariff, 2008). Another

us back to the main question of this chapter: how

important source for religious orientation may be

far do values and morals integrate self- and other

the experience of death. In several cultures, bio-

orientation during adolescent development in a logical conceptions of death are supplemented with cultural context?

religious conceptions, focusing on a new beginning

in the afterlife, the soul, and supernatural entities

Religious Purpose

(De Cruz, 2013; Huang, Cheng, & Zhu, 2013;

Morality serves to integrate social Kornadt, 2012; Roazzi, Nyhof, & Johnson, 2013).

groups, constrain individuals, and join them In line with the saying “morality binds and blinds,”

together: “Morality binds and builds” (Haidt, recent research has focused on the harmful effects 2007). Similarly, the central role of religion can

of religion in addition to the positive.

be seen in the formation and integration of com-

So far, there has been a lack of culture-

munities (Durkheim, 1915/1965): religions pro-

psychological studies on religion in general and

vide a system of beliefs and practices related to the

on the role of religiosity in adolescents’ self- and

sacred and unite believers into a moral community.

worldviews in particular. An exception is Jensen’s

In early theorizing on the psychology of religion,

(2009) study on conceptions of God and the Devil

William James (1901/1997) assumed that religion

based on interviews with children, adolescents, and

is based on the emotions of individuals who experi-

adults. This work shows that these conceptions

ence a relationship with the divine. Although social

address issues related to purpose in life and the

anthropology provides functional, structural, and

nature of good and evil. Taking a developmental

psychoanalytical explanations for religion includ-

and motivational approach that includes the role

ing rituals and beliefs (Barnard, 2012), religious

of culture and values may lead to a better under-

beliefs have also been related to the development of

standing of adolescents’ religiosity. Religiosity is a

cultures (Kornadt, 2012) and the evolution of mind

multidimensional phenomenon including several

and societies (Atran & Henrich, 2010; Norenzayan

aspects of religious commitment (e.g., frequency

& Shariff, 2008).

of practicing religious rituals such as prayer, etc.),

Religions focus on the sacred as part of the

subjectively felt religiosity (strength of belief), and

natural and supernatural worlds, regulating inter-

the perceived role of religiosity (e.g., for moral

personal interactions and relationships between behavior, positive emotions, coping; e.g., Emmons, individuals and the sacred. Comparative stud-2005). Adolescence is a period of heightened aware-

ies have shown that polytheism, monotheism ness and search for meaning and values with which (e.g., Judaism, Christianity, and Islam), animism,

to identify. Values are motivating factors, especially

trommSdor ff

385

when they are closely related to moral and reli-

in career orientation of US adolescent girls. Bond

gious purpose or even considered “sacred” values

and colleagues (2012) reported positive effects

(Ginges & Atran, 2011; Weber, 1958). Religious

of religion on the life satisfaction of adolescents

purpose and beliefs are related to adolescents’ in different cultures. Shannon, Oakes, Scheers, development of values and moral orientation (e.g.,

Richardson, and Stills (2013) demonstrated a sig-

“ethics of divinity”) when they serve the search for

nificant association between spirituality (beliefs

meaning and self-identity as part of adolescents’

and experiences) and life satisfaction for at-risk

self- and worldviews. Accordingly, adolescents tend

(exposed to violence) urban African-American

to search for religious beliefs tied to moral values

adolescents. Furthermore, prosocial aspects of reli-

as guiding orientations in the development of their

giosity and spirituality were related to the life satis-

self- and worldviews.

faction of Korean adolescents (Kim, Miles-Mason,

Psychological studies on adolescents’ religious

Kim, & Esquivel, 2013).

purpose have recently increased, partly due to a rise

One explanation for the positive effects of reli-

of religious fundamentalism and a heightened spir-

giosity may be that religiosity provides meaning

itual awareness among adolescents (Roelkepartain,

and fulfills needs for belonging and autonomy.

King, Wagener, & Benson, 2005). However, the

For example, the development of moral and reli-

various kinds of religions (e.g., monotheism, syn-

gious purpose has been shown to be related to

cretism, pantheism) and their varying values and

European-American adolescents’ need for attach-

moral beliefs have seldom been taken into account

ment (Granqvist, 2012). When God is seen as an

in studies on adolescent religiosity. For example,

attachment figure, attachment to God may satisfy

whereas Christians, Jews, and Muslims believe adolescents’ needs for belonging and autonomy, posin a personal God’s distinct identity, according

sibly partly compensating for experiencing insuffi-

to Shinto, God exists in various phenomena of

cient social support and success. However, the role

nature. Hindu belief also recognizes various gods

of attachment and autonomy for religious purpose

who differ in their roles and characters. Whereas

in other cultural contexts and for non-monotheistic

Christianity, Judaism, and Islam are character-

religions is not yet well understood and needs fur-

ized by specific (more or less abstract) moral prin-

ther research. Depending on the cultural context,

ciples, Shinto is rather vague. The Shinto or Hindu

adolescents may be less inclined to fulfill their need

observer focuses on practical activities and rituals

for belonging and relatedness by attachment to

in daily life as a path to supernatural agency.

a benevolent and mighty God since their need is

The rise of new forms of spirituality is thought

fulfilled by the family and ingroup. Instead, the

to be relevant for positive youth development (King

monitoring function of God (one mighty God or

& Roeser, 2009). Positive effects of spirituality

various specific gods) in defining morals and rules

(e.g., spiritual dimensions of transcendence and

for interpersonal behavior may be more relevant

a daily relationship with the Divine) in fostering

for them. Other adolescents experiencing low

internalization of cultural values, adaptation to self-efficacy and restricted agency may delegate social roles, and focus on school achievement have

“control” to God and religious institutions, thus

been shown for adolescent development in India

bolstering their self-esteem. Also, participating in

(Mishra, 2012).

religious groups may fulfill the need for belonging

Researchers have often reported a positive role

and agency, as suggested by studies on American

of religiosity for adolescents from Western and

adolescents (Smith, 2011).

non-Western cultures (e.g., Youniss, McLellan, &

Most studies suggest that religion and religios-

Yates, 1999). For example, religiosity was related to

ity are positively associated with moral purpose

better academic achievement and fewer risky behav-

and adolescents’ social development. However,

iors in African-American students (Abar, Carter, &

when needs for relatedness and autonomy are

Winsler, 2009). French, Eisenberg, Purwono, and

fulfilled by religiosity, does this necessarily imply

Sallquist (2012) showed positive effects of religious

positive developmental outcomes? For example,

orientation on social development in Indonesian

Eisenberg, Castellani, Panerai, Eggum, Cohen,

Muslim youth in Java. Culture and religion were

Pastorelli, & Caprara (2011) discuss how changes

related to the development of a self-protective in religiousness would relate to developmental out-future orientation in Israeli Palestinian adolescent

comes; the authors identified individual differences

(Seginer & Mahajna, 2012). Pearce and Hardie

in the development of religious coping. Johnson,

(2012) demonstrated a positive role of religiosity

Li, Cohen, and Okun (2013) and Kornadt (2012)

386

Cu Lt ur a L rootS of va LueS, mor a L S, a nd r eLigiouS or ientat ionS

show that different concepts of God affect differ-

and values on Jewish and other collective identi-

ent kinds of social behavior. A concept of God as

ties. Adolescents shifting from a Jewish identity

authoritarian (controlling, punishing) or benevo-

to a Belgian or to a transnational identity were

lent (forgiving, protecting) induces more aggressive

less religious and had less traditional values. In

or more prosocial behavior in believers, respec-

a cross-cultural study on religiosity of adoles-

tively. Negative effects of religiosity, such as vio-

cents (based on data from the VOC Study), fam-

lence and antisocial behavior, resulting from social

ily values, especially interdependence, mediated

identity processes in specific groups cannot be positive effects of religiosity on optimism and sub-ignored (Ysseldyk, Matheson, & Anisman, 2010).

jective well-being (Sabatier, Mayer, Friedlmeier,

Recent acts of terrorism (e.g., Boston Marathon

Lubiewska, & Trommsdorff, 2011). Furthermore,

attack) suggest that attachment to a Big God and

Mayer and Trommsdorff (2012) have shown dif-

belonging to a religious group may satisfy a need

ferent cross-cultural relations among family val-

for power and, under certain conditions, may evoke

ues and religious orientations in individual- and

violent aggression against nonbelievers.

culture-level studies. These and other studies show

Furthermore, it can be assumed that adoles-

that similarities between family values and reli-

cents’ religious values and related moral behavior

gious orientation of the mainstream society are

support individual or relational agency, depending

associated with adolescents’ well-being, thus sup-

on their self- and worldview and the respective cul-

porting theories of cultural fit (Fulmer et al., 2010;

tural context.

Higgins, 2012; Oishi, 2000) and predicting posi-

tive developmental effects when individual and cul-

Relations Among Values, Morals,

tural values match.

and Religious Orientations

Chinese adolescents do not consider religion to

To date, research on values, morals, and reli-

be important, and atheism is the official state belief

gious purpose in adolescent development has in modern China. However, traditional Confucian focused on only one or two of these phenomena

values of filial piety are strongly related to adoles-

and has usually ignored the role of culture. Some

cents’ moral purpose of obedience and indebtedness

studies have discussed selected relations (e.g., to parents. The Confucian example thus indicates among values and morality, values and religios-that “taboo” values such as filial piety are affecting

ity, or morality and religiosity). For example, rela-

moral purpose without being explicitly related to

tions between values and religiosity were discussed

religion. In a similar way, in many Western secu-

by Rokeach (1969) and in the meta-analysis by

lar societies, values of intergenerational solidarity

Saroglou, Delpierre, and Dernelle (2004) based on

are the basis for parental support. In contrast, in

Schwartz’s model. Trommsdorff and Chen (2012)

various other cultures, family values and related

included several culture-informed contributions moral purpose (including ritualized filial duties on the roles of values and religion in adolescent

to parents and ancestors) are fostered by spiritual

adjustment (e.g., Bond et al., 2012; French et al.,

beliefs in the other world. Family values and related

2012; Knafo, Daniel, Gabay, Zilber, & Shir, 2012;

moral and religious purpose encompass the past,

Kornadt, 2012; Mayer & Trommsdorff, 2012; present, and the future, for example, connecting Mishra, 2012; Pearce & Hardie, 2012; Saroglou,

the individual person and the (powerful) ancestors.

2012; Schwartz, 2012; Seginer & Mahajna, 2012;

Furthermore, interrelations among values,

Trommsdorff, 2012 b). However, the interrelations

moral purpose, and spirituality can be observed in

among all three—values, morals, and religious pur-

nonsecular cultures such as India. Mishra (2012)

pose—were not explicitly studied in that volume

explains how Hindu values are related to religious

because this was not its main topic. I would suggest

beliefs and the respective religious and moral

that self- and worldviews function as generalized

socialization. In his study on the Hindu worldview,

beliefs about the self, others, and the social, physi-

Mishra (2013) claims that religious and spiritual

cal, and spiritual worlds. These generalized beliefs

pursuits cannot be separated from each other;

are shaped by the cultural context and interrelate

furthermore, morality is not possible without

all three—values, morals, and religious purpose—

self-transcendence based on spiritual development.

as aspects of the cultural context.

Moksha, one of the Hindu worldviews, affects social

In their study on minority groups of Jewish late

behavior and positive interpersonal and intergroup

adolescents in Belgium, Saraglou and Hanique relationships. Through moksha, the attainment (2006) investigated the influence of religion of one’s true, basically good self is possible, thus trommSdor ff

387

allowing for moral actions. Developing a sense of

can serve as the basis for collective action (Drury

unity with others overcomes boundaries between

& Reicher, 2000). Sacred values may be related not

the self and others, in line with the belief that God

only to religious but also to moral purpose. Here,

and our true self are one.

adolescents’ need for autonomy, relatedness, and

Religiosity is an important experience in ado-

competence can be assumed to be experienced as

lescent development when providing fulfillment

collective needs. In the case that one’s own group’s

of basic needs. When religiosity is closely related

sacred values are not accepted or are even rejected

to adolescents’ values and moral purpose as part

by the outgroup (nonbelievers), moral outrage

of their self- and worldviews, strong motivational

and political violence may result. For example, in

dynamics can be expected, depending on the cul-

2006, two young Lebanese attempted a terrorist

tural context and situational constellations. For

attack in two trains in Germany in order to kill a

example, intergroup conflicts associated with inter-

large number of “nonbelievers.” One of the adoles-

religious relations may arise for adolescents from

cent terrorists was reported to argue that terrorism

immigrant families and ethnic minorities who face

was a justified reaction to the publication of the

the problem of managing dominant cultural val-

Mohammed paintings that he considered a crimi-

ues and expectations that differ from those of their

nal act (Emig, 2012).

families (Verkuyten & Martinovic, 2012). The per-

As recent studies on sacred values, moral

ceived incompatibility between the values of the

commitment, and group identity have shown,

host or majority group and the minority’s ethnore-

basic individual needs may be transformed by

ligious community may induce frustrations due

cultural and group dynamic processes into col-

to adolescents’ difficulties in building an identity.

lective action. Accordingly, an extension of

This may give rise to aggressive behavior directed

self-determination theory that includes cultural

toward the (majority) outgroup.

and social-psychological processes seems necessary

The need for group identity has been acknowl-

to explain the moral outrage and violence of adoles-

edged in much research on adolescence. Moral

cents who are committed to fundamental religious

commitment to the ingroup and related commit-

beliefs. Furthermore, recent theories on social and

ment to sacred values may function as the most

relational morality discussing the relations among

powerful motivation for political violence when

values, morality, and religiosity (Graham & Haidt,

experiencing threat against one’s ingroup (Ginges

2012; Haidt, 2007; Rai & Fiske, 2011) should be

& Atran, 2011; Ginges, Hansen, & Norenzayan,

extended to questions of development in adoles-

2009). Experiencing humiliation or loss of con-

cence. When religious group identification and

trol and honor increases the solidarity of (reli-

related strict ingroup norms are related to a moral

gious or other social) groups. Violent reactions are

(sacred) worldview, the associations among religios-

perceived as legitimate, and terror activities are

ity, moral purpose, and values intensify. This may

acknowledged as a noble struggle in the name of

be especially the case in adolescence when individ-

God (e.g., Putra & Sukabdi, 2013). Perceived col-

uals are searching for purpose in life, for autonomy,

lective humiliation is the basis for nontraditional

and relatedness.

forms of group identity that fuel moral reason-

A recent example is the transformation of a

ing and the motivation to violently pursue sacred

German adolescent, Eric Breininger, into a radi-

values, especially when values of masculine power

cal Islamist related to the “Sauerland-Gruppe”. He

prevail (Kornadt, 2012). In those cases in which

was killed in Waziristan by soldiers from Pakistan.

religious purpose and sacred values are associ-

Before his death, he described this act as his way

ated with ingroup identity and moral commit-

to paradise (Ghaffar al-Almani, 2009). His writ-

ment to the ingroup, the probability for violent

ing showed that he was searching for meaning,

acts (e.g., “fighting to die for a cause”) increases

experiencing a major crisis, and suffering from

(Ginges & Atran, 2011). The authors refer to case

various difficult exercises after a religious Muslim

study interviews showing that most of the vio-

convinced him to become a Muslim himself. As

lent jihadis and suicide bombers adopted radical

a result of his further very rapid radicalization,

Islam in adolescence when the search for identity

he finally left for a terrorist training camp of the

has high priority. When group identity is related

Islamic Dschihad-Union in Pakistan. There, he

to a collective sense of honor and the expectation

suffered from physical pain during the tough train-

of respect for the sacred values of one’s ingroup,

ing and from social isolation due to little Arab lan-

moral commitment as part of one’s social identity

guage proficiency and the loss of two of his Muslim

388

Cu Lt ur a L rootS of va LueS, mor a L S, a nd r eLigiouS or ientat ionS

“brothers.” However, he felt a moral obligation that

adolescents’ agency is shaped by collective needs of

his way to paradise had to include such personal

social identity.

sacrifices and also the death of the “nonbelievers.”

Individual and collective agency, fueled by

His harsh self-discipline and self-imposed psycho-

self-regulation, constitutes adolescents’ agentic

logical and physical suffering can be seen as indi-

development. Therefore, from a culture-informed

cators for secondary control; however, they were

perspective, simply contrasting autonomy and

instrumental in his achieving primary control: the

relatedness and independent and interdependent

killing of nonbelievers on his “way to paradise.”

values is misleading. It is instead assumed that

Moral values can transform into sacred, abso-

both autonomy and relatedness have different

lute, and even transcendent values, as this exam-

functions: for example, autonomy aiming for inde-

ple and as Ginges and Atran (2011) have shown.

pendence or autonomy aiming at self-endorsement

Adolescents may engage in political acts of violent

accommodating to social expectations (Chen,

extremism and self-sacrifice motivated by dynam-

Vansteenkiste, Beyers, Soenens, & Van Petegem,

ics of “sacred values” and moral commitment 2013). The different functions of relatedness, as (Kornadt, 2012). In certain sociocultural settings, a

suggested by Rothbaum and Trommsdorff (2007),

combination of certain values and moral intuitions

have pointed to the culture-specific function of

may constitute a self- and worldview that “binds

relatedness as balancing autonomy in the search

and blinds.” This process may indicate the role of

for trust (between independent individuals) and

situational strength affecting the roles played by

relatedness as resulting from a belief in assurance

values, morals, and religious purpose in adoles-

(between interdependent individuals).

cents’ development.

Self-regulation serving to reach individual or

collective goals in the face of difficulties and over

Conclusion and Outlook

time can be promoted by adhering to specific val-

Values, morals, and religious purpose are inter-

ues, morals, and religious purpose. The type of

related as crucial components of adolescents’ self-regulation that is used depends on self- and self- and world views that provide meaning and

worldviews (malleable vs. entity) (Dweck, 1999)

orientation. They are inextricably intertwined with

and is based on control beliefs (e.g., primary, sec-

the respective cultural context through socializa-

ondary, harmony control) (Morling & Evered,

tion processes. Abstract conceptions of cultural 2006; Seginer, Trommsdorff, & Essau, 1993; values do not reveal their specific functions unless

Weisz, Rothbaum, & Blackburn, 1984), the relative

the respective sociocultural context is taken into

preference for approach/promotion- or avoidance/

account. For example, social orientations may be

prevention-focused goals (Higgins, 2012), and on

functional in both egalitarian as well as hierarchi-

cultural models of independence or interdepen-

cal structures. Or, individualism may function well

dence (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Self-regulation

when combined with social orientation or interde-

is shaped by situational affordances and constraints

pendence. Therefore, the cultural and individual

and guides culturally adaptive behavior in adoles-

levels of analyses have to be distinguished and pos-

cents’ development (Trommsdorff, 2009 a; 2012 a).

sibly integrated by multilevel methods.

The interrelations among values, morality, and

The cultural model of relative independence and

religiosity are therefore manifest in adolescents’

interdependence, the culture’s relatively tight or

self- and worldviews and their related preferences

loose structure, the respective situational strength,

for self-regulation and control. For example, when

and the adolescents’ social position, socialization

experiencing diminished personal control, adoles-

experience, and personality all contribute to shap-

cents may prefer to shift control expectations to

ing adolescents’ agency and fostering their self- and

supernatural beings (God) or powerful others (e.g.,

worldviews. Culture-specific socialization func-

closely knit social groups). Such belief in powerful

tions through social interactions between adoles-

agents may foster values of obedience and confor-

cents and their parents, peers, and other adults

mity to the respective authority and result in social

in more or less tightly structured and regulated

movements based in religion and peaceful activi-

social situations. Accordingly, adolescents’ indi-

ties (e.g., Gandhi, Martin Luther King) or result

vidual agency focuses on selecting goals in accor-

in civil disobedience, violence, or terrorism. When

dance with their self- and worldviews. Beyond adolescents are motivated to align with the (power-the sociocultural context, and beyond individual

ful) agent’s expectations, their need for autonomy,

needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness,

competence, and relatedness can be fulfilled. This

trommSdor ff

389

process may promote the agentic pursuit of “sacred”

normative socialization is an essential aspect of

values, intertwining morality with religion.

children’s and adolescents’ development of values,

Interrelations among values, morality, and reli-

morals, and religious purpose in all cultures, cul-

gious purpose depend on the fulfillment of the basic

tures differ how they prioritize the strictness and

individual needs of autonomy, competence, and

contents of certain norms and practices, as well

relatedness (see also the need to belong and to fit

as the strictness of sanctions when individuals do

in: Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Over & Carpenter,

not conform to these norms. Cultural socialization

2013). However, these individual needs may be

therefore differs regarding the tightness or loose-

transformed into collective needs depending on the

ness of norms and how these norms are transmitted.

given situation and cultural context and the strength

In loose, secular cultures, for example, religion

of normative rules. Accordingly, the need to achieve

is usually practiced only on specific occasions,

collective autonomy, competence, and relatedness

whereas in nonsecularized cultures, religious and

may induce adolescents to conform to group norms,

spiritual traditions function as cultural entities

imitate role models, and integrate group-oriented

and are performed and transmitted through prac-

values and religious and moral beliefs as part of

tice in everyday life (Belzen, 2010). Therefore, in

their individual self- and worldviews.

traditional societies, moral development is closely

Therefore, it is suggested that we extend our focus

related and intertwined with religious develop-

on the developmental and social-psychological pro-

ment. Rai and Fiske (2011) suggest that for many

cesses of person–environment interactions (e.g., people across various cultures “morality is religion”

specified by relational models and culture-informed

(p. 67). In these societies, agents of socialization

situational strength theory). Consequently, the refrain from verbal explanations of moral and reli-discussion on adolescents’ development of values,

gious principles and instead rely on sharing moral

morals, and religious purpose should be taking into

and religious practices through rituals in the fam-

account both individual and collective self- and

ily and community. In traditional societies, values

worldviews.

and religious and spiritual rituals are practiced

This extension broadens the perspective beyond

and experienced in everyday social activities; these

the mainstream of psychological studies on adoles-

function as major transmission belts for adoles-

cence, which have neglected the vast and diverse

cents’ development of values, morals, and religious

majority of the world’s population and ongoing

purpose. This process refers to the assumed univer-

sociocultural changes. For example, in the future,

sal motivation to follow the conventional norms,

adolescents will encounter multiple cultures and

which are expressed in social activities and ritual-

will have to adapt to changing interrelations ized behavior (e.g., for Java or India see Mishra, between tradition and modernity, stability and 2012; Mulder, 1996; Shweder et al., 1997).

change, autonomy and relatedness.

In Western, secularized societies, the socializa-

To date, the assumed dynamics of the cultural

tion of values, morals, and religious beliefs is based

mechanisms that shape adolescents’ values, mor-

on argumentative reasoning and explanations of

als, and religious purposes have been discussed

general models, the Zeitgeist, or abstract moral

as components of their self- and worldviews. principles. By contrast, in traditional, non-Western However, the substance of those mechanisms as

societies, value transmission and the transmission

part of person–environment interactions in rela-

of moral and religious purpose is based on the ful-

tion to adolescents’ developmental and situational

fillment of clearly defined, concrete duties in every-

resources and constraints remains to be studied

day life. These duties involve various rituals and

in more detail. Furthermore, the role of culture,

daily practices that structure adolescents’ devel-

situations, and norms in the development of val-

opmental tasks and regulate their everyday behav-

ues, morals, and religious purpose also needs more

ior as part of normative socialization processes.

empirical research.

Thereby, children and adolescents receive concrete

In future research, cultural and individual dif-

information about adequate situation-specific

ferences in the transmission processes of values,

behavior, enabling the development of realistic goal

morals, and religious purpose have to be taken

setting and early self-regulation abilities that foster

into account (e.g., Knafo et al., 2012; Knafo &

the development of cultural fit in close cooperation

Schwartz, 2009; Trommsdorff, 2009 b). Here, the

with adults and peers. Adolescents may have to

role of tightness of norms in the transmission pro-

choose among cultural tasks by referring to indi-

cess has to be studied in more detail. Although

vidual and/or collective agency.

390

Cu Lt ur a L rootS of va LueS, mor a L S, a nd r eLigiouS or ientat ionS

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Acknowledgments

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This research was supported by the German

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Research Foundation (DFG GZ, TR 169/14-

(2002). The world’s youth: Adolescence in eight regions of the

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Kornadt and Rachel Seginer for their valuable

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395

C H A P T E R

24 Identity, Politics, and the Cultural

Psychology of Adolescence

Phil ip L. Hammack and Erin Toolis

Abstract

This chapter outlines a theoretical position on culture and human development grounded in cultural psychology’s theses of psychological diversity, mutual constitution, and linguistic mediation, as well as a view of identity and narrative linked to critical perspectives on language and power. Adolescence represents the life course moment of cultural reproduction or repudiation, as adolescents begin to form identities positioned in relation to existing narratives about the social order. A pronounced role for politics is proposed in this perspective, as cultural actors and narratives are not neutral in relation to existing power structures. Adolescent identity development is inherently political and assumes a role in the maintenance or chal enge of a particular social order. Culture and human development are thus linked to politics in ways less frequently recognized in existing theoretical positions in cultural and developmental psychology. Empirical examples from research examining narrative identity development in distinct contexts il ustrate the theoretical position.

Key Words: adolescence, culture, cultural psychology, politics, narrative, identity, language, development

In the period between puberty and adulthood, the

adolescence seemed remarkably similar. They could

resources of tradition fuse with new inner resources

speak a common language—English. (English

to create something potentially new: A new person;

fluency is common among both Israelis and

and with this new person a new generation, and

Palestinians, although their first languages are

with that, a new era.

Hebrew and Arabic, respectively.) They were

—(Erikson, 1958, p. 20)

excited about the same music and movies. Their

food preference was uniformly pizza or hamburg-

Language is not a neutral medium that passes

ers. Most of all during those 2 weeks, they wanted

freely and easily into the private property of the

time together, apart from the adult staff, to explore

speaker’s intentions; it is populated—overpopu-

their connections with one another.

lated—with the intentions of others.

An intercultural gathering such as that among

—(Bakhtin, 1981, p. 294)

Israeli, Palestinian, and American adolescents

might at first glance suggest a new kind of uni-

During a hot 2007 summer in the suburbs formity to the adolescent experience—a universal of Chicago, a group of Israeli, Palestinian, and

engagement and enchantment with the “global”

American adolescents gathered as part of a 2-week

culture of music and film and a universal desire

experiment in coexistence. They met daily for for autonomy from adults (Arnett, 2002). But structured dialogue and then ate, played, and Israelis, Palestinians, and Americans inhabit dis-laughed together. In many ways, their experience of

tinct national identities that are asymmetrically

396

positioned; these distinct identities do not pos-

approach makes it particularly amenable to a cul-

sess equality with regard to politics and power

tural psychology analysis.

(Rouhana, 2004). American adolescents exist in

Making the political nature of narrative identity

a context of global “superpower” status and hege-

explicit through the concept of master narrative

mony (e.g., Chomsky, 2004). Israeli and Palestinian

engagement (e.g., Hammack, 2011 b), we argue,

adolescents exist in a context of long-standing reveals the role of adolescence in social and political national conflict and asymmetrical status, with

action. Thus, we conceive of identity not as a static

Palestinians lacking formal statehood under con-

category or personal trait but rather as a social and

tinued Israeli military occupation (Gordon, 2008;

cognitive process anchored in engagement with

Rouhana, 2004).

language in its structured, storied form in rela-

A closer look at this 2-week exchange revealed

tion to an existing “verbal-ideological” community

the way in which Israelis and Palestinians com-

(Bakhtin, 1981). Our perspective on narrative iden-

peted for the attention and sympathy of American

tity development in adolescence is anchored in the

adolescents—being the group positioned closest to

oft-neglected (in developmental psychology) politi-

the “global” culture of Hollywood films and pop

cal aspect of narrative identity (cf. Somers, 1994;

music and also the “outside” group with regard to

Suny, 2001) because we view cultural reproduction

the long-standing national conflict between Israelis

or repudiation as an inherently political process—a

and Palestinians. Embedded within the dialogue

process concerned with the reproduction, consoli-

exchanges that occurred among these youth during

dation, or revolution of power dynamics and hege-

those 2 weeks was the rhetoric of conflict (Pilecki

monic social relations.

& Hammack, 2014). As Israelis and Palestinians

We begin with a brief review of the study of

engaged in conversation, they reproduced the stale-

culture, identity, and adolescence, grounding our

mate of narratives that characterizes their national

discussion in three theses of a cultural psychology

conflict (Hammack, 2011 a) and revealed the place

approach. We conceive of a cultural psychology of

of adolescent identity formation in the larger pro-

adolescence that emphasizes issues of identity,

cess of social stasis and change.

power, and language. We then present an integra-

In this chapter, we present a theoretical position

tive perspective on culture, identity, and adoles-

on adolescent identity, politics, and culture and

cence that places narrative at its theoretical and

review empirical work that illustrates its potential

empirical center. We highlight research examples

to link diverse disciplinary perspectives on culture

that illustrate the vitality of this perspective and

and human development. Through the lens of cul-

conclude with suggestions for future research.

tural psychology (e.g., Shweder, 1990; Vygotsky,

1978), critical theories of language and power (e.g.,

Identity and the Cultural Psychology

Volosinov, 1929/1973), and classic theoretical for-

of Adolescence

mulations of adolescence (e.g., Erikson, 1968), we

Emerging in the industrial era as a distinct

articulate a co-constitutive perspective on culture

period of the life course (Kett, 1977) and marked

and adolescence in which we imagine adolescents

by its transitional nature between the halcyon days

as both cultural “products” and “producers,” seek-

of childhood and the burden of adult obligations,

ing to strike a theoretical balance with regard to

adolescence has captured the imagination of social

agency and structure. We situate our perspective

scientists and the public for more than a century.

within cultural psychology’s anchoring theses and

With the formal establishment of developmental

suggest an empirical approach grounded in narra-

psychology in the 19th and 20th centuries, adoles-

tive. Cultural psychology’s emphasis on language as

cence gradually came to be recognized as a critical

a form of mediated social practice (e.g., Vygotsky,

developmental period for theoretical and empiri-

1934/1962), coupled with the long-standing recog-

cal interrogation (e.g., Blos, 1962; Erikson, 1959;

nition of identity development as a critical process

Freud, 1958; Gesell, Ilg, & Ames, 1956; Piaget,

of adolescence (Meeus, 2011), leads us to theorize

1972). As ideas about adolescent “storm and stress”

narrative identity as a key construct of interroga-

(Hall, 1904) gave way to concerns of “youth rebel-

tion for the cultural psychology of adolescence.

lion” and cultural upheaval in the mid-20th cen-

We recognize that there may be other theoretical

tury (Erikson, 1968; Keniston, 1971; Mead, 1970),

and methodological approaches that link identity

adolescence became a concern not just for develop-

and politics in adolescence, but we suggest that

mental science, but also for an anxious populace

the emphasis on language inherent in a narrative

uncertain of the outcome of cultural change.

h a mm aCk, tooLiS

397

Today, we take the developmental period of

psychological life occurs within the context of a

adolescence as an inevitable moment of biologi-

received cultural meaning system but that within

cal and social transition for individuals (Casey,

that system individuals engage in practices that

Jones, & Somerville, 2011), occurring with increas-

may alter the received system. Through participat-

ing universalism (although not uniformity) across

ing in cultural practices (e.g., Gutierrez & Rogoff,

the globe (Brown, Larson, & Saraswathi, 2002;

2003; Rogoff et al., 1995) or internalizing cul-

Schlegel & Hewlett, 2011) as processes like glo-

tural “schemata” or “models” (e.g., D’Andrade &

balization create common contexts of development

Strauss, 1992; Shore, 1996) or rebelling against

(Arnett, 2002; Jensen, Arnett, & McKenzie, 2011;

them, cultural actors shape and reshape the inher-

Larson, Wilson, & Rickman, 2009). Contrary to

ited meaning system.

prior ideas, adolescence does not necessarily inevi-

Our third anchoring thesis—cultural psychol-

tably entail “storm and stress” (Arnett, 1999), but

ogy’s thesis of linguistic mediation—provides a

it does involve social and biological change (Casey

richer account of precisely how mutual consti-

et al., 2011).

tution occurs and a way to study psychological

Adolescence, however, is not simply an individ-

diversity in adolescence. The idea of linguistic

ual experience; it characterizes a cultural process in

mediation has a long history in the social sciences

which an entire cohort within a community engages

and posits that language assumes a central role in

with an inherited system of social practices, includ-

shaping thought (for review, see Lucy, 1997) and

ing language, to either reproduce or remake the

that language is fundamentally a form of tool use

social order (e.g., Erikson, 1968). The cultural psy-

and hence a form of social practice (e.g., Vygotsky,

chology of adolescence, we contend, represents the

1934/1962, 1978). Vygotsky (1978) makes the

study of adolescence as a process of person-setting

distinction between “social speech” and “inner

co-constitution, primarily through the study of speech,” positing that the internalization and language practices, tool use, and mediated activity

appropriation of social speech guides our activity in

(e.g., Rogoff, Baker-Sennett, Lacasa, & Goldsmith,

the social world. In other words, as we engage with

1995; Shweder, 1990; Vygotsky, 1934/1962, 1978).

words and their meanings in a given sociohistorical

These practices, however, are not neutral in relation

context, we become cultural actors who participate

to existing social orders (Bakhtin, 1981; Volosinov,

in what Bakhtin (1981) calls a “verbal-ideological

1929/1973). Hence, the cultural psychology of ado-

community,” with implications for sociopolitical

lescence is, in our view, the study of how configura-

development. Consistent with Vygotsky’s (1978)

tions of power are maintained or challenged in the

ideas about social and inner speech, Bakhtin (1981)

course of a generation and how individuals partici-

argues that our utterances are populated by the

pate in this social process in the course of their devel-

voices of others—namely, those of authority in

opment through a process of narrative engagement

some verbal-ideological community. Hence, our

(Hammack, 2008, 2011 b; Hammack & Cohler,

words are not just our own; they are made in and

2009). Identity, understood as a process by which

through others.

individuals navigate personal and social forces to

These central theses of cultural psychology

develop a workable “configuration” that provides

have gradually become incorporated into ado-

meaning and coherence (Erikson, 1959; Schachter,

lescent research. Diversity in the social and psy-

2004, 2005), provides the empirical window for a

chological experience of adolescence has become

cultural psychology of adolescence.

particularly well-documented, with research on

Our theoretical position is rooted in three variability now expanding across the globe (e.g., anchoring theses of cultural psychology. First, cul-Arnett, 2012; Brown et al., 2002). Perspectives

tural psychology’s thesis of psychological diversity

on psychological diversity in adolescence have

suggests that we be chiefly concerned with “diver-

increasingly taken a critical approach in which

gences in mind, self, and emotion” (Shweder, 1990,

the Eurocentric bias of developmental science

p. 1). Hence, one empirical goal of a cultural psy-

is recognized. For example, Nsamenang (1995,

chology of adolescence is to document particular-

2006, 2011) reviews the history of developmental

ity in the mental processes that occur at this life

research in Africa in both anthropology and psy-

course moment. Second, cultural psychology’s chology, illustrating the way in which European thesis of mutual constitution conceives of persons

and American values and norms have been either

and settings as dynamically co-constitutive. The

explicitly or implicitly imposed on the study of

idea of mutual constitution assumes that social and

the African life course. He argues that human

398

ident it y, PoLit iCS, a nd t he Cu Lt ur a L PS yChoLogy of a doL eSCenCe

development in an indigenous African psychol-

general thesis, then, is that the cultural psychology

ogy must be understood as cyclical, rather than

of adolescence is more than the study of variabil-

linear, and that norms regarding African devel-

ity in a particular stage of human development.

opment must be indigenously conceived. In his

Rather, if anchored in the theoretical position we

framework, social selfhood begins to assume develop in this chapter, the cultural psychology of prominence in the African life course in infancy,

adolescence is the study of social and political stasis

as the child is named. The place of the individual

and change itself; it is the study of how individuals

in a community is thus highlighted from the ear-

psychologically reproduce the conditions of culture

liest age, in contrast to European and American

in the course of their development by constructing

societies, which place greater emphasis on the

a narrative identity.

individual and the nuclear family than the com-

How precisely do individuals engage in these

munity and the extended family. In most African

processes of social reproduction and change? We

societies, adolescence is characterized by ini-

contend that language, and particularly the use

tiation rituals into adult roles, which are highly

of language in narrative and discourse, provides a

cherished.

window into this process in action. Cultural psy-

Research explicitly concerned with cultural

chology’s thesis of linguistic mediation is implic-

psychology’s thesis of mutual constitution has

itly prominent in recent anthropological research

focused on self and identity, although more rarely

on adolescence. A number of recent studies in

among adolescents than might be expected. The

sociolinguistics, linguistic anthropology, and the

contrast between North American “indepen-

anthropology of education have examined the rela-

dent” or “egocentric” selves and Asian “interde-

tionship between language and ideology in ado-

pendent” or “sociocentric” selves has proved a

lescence, either explicitly or implicitly through the

highly generative anchor for cultural psycholo-

lens of the linguistic mediation thesis. Researchers

gy’s empirical agenda (e.g., Markus & Kitayama,

have focused on adolescent language and its relation

1991, 2010; Shweder & Bourne, 1982). Recent

to power with regard to ethnic or national identity

approaches have integrated consideration of (e.g., Avni, 2012; Charalambous, 2012; Echeverria, intersectional and class-based approaches to 2003; Woolard, 2013), class or socioeconomic sta-examine the relationship between social inequal-

tus (e.g., Hicks, 2004; Pichler, 2006), and gender

ity and individual psychological processes (e.g.,

(e.g., Georgakopoulou, 2005; Peterson & Calovini,

Stephens, Markus, & Fryberg, 2012; Walby, 2004; Pichler, 2006). This emerging field of study, Armstrong, & Strid, 2012). Cultural psychologi-situated primarily in anthropology, emphasizes

cal approaches to mutual constitution have thus

the way in which adolescents’ experience of the

gradually shifted to incorporate a view of culture

social world is mediated through language and lin-

as linked to power and inequality (Gjerde, 2004),

guistic practices that are not neutral with regard

as opposed to a “neutral” system of meaning (e.g.,

to intergroup relations. A more explicit theoreti-

Fryberg, 2012). This research has generally not,

cal integration of linguistic mediation in the cul-

however, focused on adolescence or assumed a

tural psychology of adolescence may generate new

developmental perspective.

cross-disciplinary collaborations that can link cul-

Cultural psychology has focused more on spe-

ture, language, and power in an integrative way.

cific processes, such as self or identity development,

We return to this research to review particular

than on developmental phases, such as adoles-

examples following the next section, in which we

cence itself, in the cycle of mutual constitution.

provide a fuller description of the idea of narrative

Consistent with the thesis of mutual constitution,

identity.

we view adolescence as the moment in an individ-

In sum, adolescence emerged as a cultural con-

ual’s life course and a society’s course of history in

cept in the context of industrialism and its shift-

which, to paraphrase Erikson (1958), an old order

ing implications for labor and social organization.

is preserved or toppled. This order, we contend, is

Originally conceived as a universal and inevitable

culture itself—the system of meanings, symbols,

moment of “storm and stress” (Hall, 1904), ado-

representations, language, and customs that cohere

lescence is now recognized as assuming diverse

within a human community. The empirical inter-

processes and forms across the globe (e.g., Arnett,

rogation of identity among cultural actors reveals

2012). An approach anchored in cultural psychol-

this process at work and provides a window into

ogy’s three key theses of psychological diversity,

cultural constitution as an active process. Our mutual constitution, and linguistic mediation h a mm aCk, tooLiS

399

offers the potential to interrogate the dynamic link

to narrative. In the two decades that followed these

between self and society. In the next section, we

and other early formulations, a narrative paradigm

integrate these perspectives into a coherent frame-

has come to thrive in psychology and beyond (see

work for the study of identity, culture, politics, and

Hammack & Pilecki, 2012; McAdams, 2011).

adolescence.

The majority of psychological theory and

research on narrative focuses on individual pro-

Narrative and the Politics of Adolescent

cesses and the function of narrative meaning-

Identity: An Integrative Approach

making in relatively small-scale contexts. The

Narrative: What Is It?

development of the life story has traditionally

Language is socially organized into “dis-

been studied from an ontogenetic perspective,

courses,” or coherent accounts that convey mean-

tracing its development across the life span (e.g.,

ing about events, ideas, or concepts and categories

McLean 2008; Pals, 2006; Pasupathi, Mansour,

(e.g., Foucault, 1972; Parker, 1992). That is, words

& Brubaker, 2007). Furthermore, the majority of

come together through the acts of speakers and

these studies focus on middle-class, white, Western

writers to convey an idea, a sentiment, a stance

participants. Although the act of storytelling itself

or position, and both social and psychological life

may be universal, research suggests that the value

are dependent on this “conversation of gestures”

and practice of narrative identity, as well as its

(Mead, 1934). Language thus assumes a form that

form and content, are culturally variable (Fivush,

creates coherence and is positioned in relation to a

Haden, & Reese, 2006). Thus, there is a need to

verbal-ideological community (Bakhtin, 1981).

explore more macroanalytic cultural and historical

A central form of discourse is the narrative or

variation in narrative construction.

story. A narrative represents a “spoken or written

Empirical research on narrative identity has

account of connected events” (Narrative, 2013).

revealed the significance of social and cultural con-

In our view, narratives represent the symbolic text. However, Bhatia (2011) suggests that narrative tools through which adolescents begin to partici-research must go beyond attempts to understand

pate in cultural regeneration or resistance. They do

an individual story within the context of a single

so through a process of master narrative engage-

culture and rather must consider how globalization

ment in which they begin to make decisions about

and intercultural conflict shape individuals’ expe-

inherited narratives of identity, history, and social

riences of sameness and difference. Furthermore,

organization that either uphold or challenge the

dimensions of cultural power and social posi-

status quo through their form, thematic content,

tion have gone relatively unexplored, apart from

and ideological setting (Hammack, 2008). Hence,

an interest in gender differences (e.g., McLean &

adolescents make decisions (conscious or other-

Breen, 2009; Thorne & McLean, 2002). Although

wise) to participate in an existing verbal-ideological

much research has focused on how environmen-

community by adopting its language or to form a

tal factors contribute to the shaping of a story

new community and, in the process, a reformu-

(e.g., McLean, 2005; Pasupathi & Hoyt, 2009),

lated culture. In challenging existing narratives,

rarely has research explored how stories shape our

adolescents alter the basis of shared meaning in a

environment and sculpt our narrative landscape

verbal-ideological community.

to effect societal change. In addition, the major-

A narrative approach emerged in the social sci-

ity of empirical work on narrative in psychology

ences around the same time as cultural psychol-

has implicitly adopted an ontogenetic perspective

ogy to challenge the received paradigm of human

that seeks to chart narrative identity development

development (e.g., Bruner, 1990; Cohler, 1982; within a Platonic idea of universalism in human Sarbin, 1986). Cohler (1982) challenged the stan-development (e.g., McLean & Lilgendahl, 2008).

dard ontogenetic view of human development, sug-

An approach situated within a cultural psychology

gesting that human development be conceived as

framework favors the study of particularity, vari-

an interpretive science focused on the development

ability, and narrative meaning-making in relation

of a personal narrative across the life course. Bruner

to an existing social order in historical time and

(1990) posited that we make meaning through

place.

narratives—a process that guides our intentional

action in a community—and suggested that cul-

Why Narrative?

tural psychology (and psychological science more

Our vision of narrative takes a more macro-

broadly) ought to devote greater empirical concern

scopic perspective on the role individual actors play

400

ident it y, PoLit iCS, a nd t he Cu Lt ur a L PS yChoLogy of a doL eSCenCe

in social stasis and change. We propose that narra-

and American adolescents. At the surface level of

tive is the tool through which cultural participants

interaction, these adolescents shared much in com-

use language to reproduce or recreate culture. They

mon in terms of their engagement with a global

do so through constructing personal narratives not

culture of media, including music, film, and social

just about their own life events in the form of a life

media such as Facebook. But in their conversations

story, but also about the events, ideas, and values

with one another, as discussion turned directly to

of a verbal-ideological community. Through this

the conflict that has divided Jews and Arabs in

narrative identity, they provide a window into the

Israel and Palestine for generations, we found evi-

process of culture in action (cf. Wertsch, 1998).

dence of particularity in the adolescent experience.

A narrative approach is particularly useful in

Accounts of victimization, for example, assumed

our view because it offers a clear path to the trans-

distinct forms, as Jewish Israelis presented a narra-

lation from theory to research practice. The narra-

tive of justified political violence (or “righteous vic-

tive concept is invaluable to the empiricist because

timhood”) while Palestinians presented a narrative

it refers to an actual tangible “product” of human

of collective dispossession, humiliation, and des-

creation, even as its form may change across the

peration (Pilecki & Hammack, 2014). Narrative

life course (Cohler, 1982). As opposed to more

became the site of contest between these two groups

intangible concepts posited to exist in minds or in

of adolescents, the mechanism through which they

cultures, such as the “schema” or “cultural model”

reproduced the rhetoric of conflict through their

(e.g., Shore, 1996) or “collective memory” (e.g.,

own appropriation and dissemination of its foun-

Halbwachs, 1992), a narrative exists in concrete

dational narratives (Ben Hagai, Hammack, Pilecki,

form. It may exist in a piece of literature or film, an

& Aresta, 2013; Hammack, 2011 a).

educational textbook, or in a recorded verbal inter-

The social and psychological significance of

action or interview. Narratives thus assume some

narrative for identity is particularly apparent in

form accessible to the social scientist. They repre-

settings of intractable conflict (e.g., Bar-Tal, 2013;

sent language embodied, either through cultural

Hammack, 2011 a). Radically divergent interpreta-

artifacts widely available (e.g., Brockmeier, 2002)

tions of history and collective memory construct

or through the intimacy of a particular exchange

polarized narratives through which rival human

(e.g., Mishler, 1986).

communities construct a sense of identity and

Narratives provide direct empirical windows shared meaning. Personal narratives of Israeli and into the central questions of a cultural psychol-Palestinian adolescents collected during the sec-

ogy of adolescence. The study of how narratives

ond Palestinian intifada illustrate these dynamics.

converge and diverge across time (e.g., differ-

Jewish Israeli adolescents narrated redemptive life

ent generation-cohorts) and place (e.g., different

stories in which personal (e.g., divorce of parents)

nationalities) speaks to cultural psychology’s con-

and collective (e.g., political violence exposure)

cern with psychological diversity. The study of the

challenges were framed as surmountable through

relationship between master narratives (i.e., existing

resilience and strength (Hammack, 2009, 2011 a).

cultural scripts about events and social categories)

Palestinian adolescents, by contrast, narrated “con-

and personal narratives (i.e., life stories) provides a

taminated” life stories (McAdams & Bowman,

window into the processes of mutual constitution

2001) in which personal and collective challenges

and linguistic mediation as they occur. Narrative

were framed as insurmountable in the larger socio-

is thus an empirical tool for the cultural psycholo-

political context of continued military occupation

gist who seeks to transcend levels of analysis and

(Hammack, 2010 a, 2011 a; see also Barber, 2008,

consider persons and settings as dynamically 2009). The personal narratives of adolescents thus co-constituted. In the remainder of this section, we

mirrored in form and tone the master narratives of

illustrate the utility of an approach that emphasizes

national identity that circulated with regularity in

narrative in the study of adolescent identity and

Israeli and Palestinian societies during this time of

culture by highlighting research that either explic-

heightened violence (e.g., Bar-Tal, 2004). The struc-

itly or implicitly embodies this approach.

ture of personal narratives thus secured the repro-

duction of the narrative conditions of stalemate in

Example 1: Identity, Narrative

the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis dur-

and Conflict

ing this historical moment (Hammack, 2011 a).

We began this chapter with discussion of an

Other conflict settings beyond Israel and

intercultural exchange among Israeli, Palestinian,

Palestine reveal similar dynamics at play in the

h a mm aCk, tooLiS

401

relationship among youth, narrative, and con-

simultaneously explored their sexual desire as well

flict. At the height of the Troubles in Northern

as their femininity and gender identities.

Ireland, Ullah (1990) revealed the way in which

Similarly, Rampton (2011) used a sociolinguis-

youth develop their identities in talk, negotiating

tic approach to study the ways in which British

the meaning of various social identities relevant

adolescents use exaggerated, “stylized” Cockney

in the conflict (e.g., “Irish” vs. “English”). In the

and posh accents, which represent binary ideologi-

context of postwar Croatia, Daiute and Turniski

cal categories, to perform class identity and navi-

(2005) found that youth engaged with variable

gate social situations. In doing so, these adolescents

discourses on the conflict between Serbs and called attention to hegemonic socioeconomic strat-Croats, and they constructed personal narrative

ification and challenged the rigidity of class catego-

accounts in relation to both dominant discourses

ries by moving between them. This work points to

and their own interpersonal experience in the

the active agency of adolescents in negotiating the

postconflict period. These are just two additional

existing social order through language, which is

examples of the way in which adolescents assume

inherently political and constantly shifting.

an active role in shaping culture through a pro-

Charalambous (2012) provides another example

cess of narrative engagement (for further exam-

in her study of Greek-Cypriot adolescents taking a

ples, see Hammack, 2010 b).

Turkish class in a political and historical context in

which interethnic conflict had rendered the speak-

Example 2: “Youth Talk” and Positioning

ing of Turkish a controversial practice. These youth

Identity in Adolescence

used playful speech to engage in taboo conversa-

Identity is performed and indexed through lan-

tions that challenged dominant Hellenocentric

guage, which has both normative and subversive

views of Turks and the act of learning Turkish.

potential. Empirical studies on “youth culture” and

Nevertheless, the covert nature of this discourse

“youth talk” have explored how adolescents exhibit

suppressed any explicit political conversation. This

social creativity and explore, reproduce, and resist

research highlights the agency of adolescents to

social norms and categories on a microinteractional

negotiate identity through everyday social interac-

level by positioning their identities through speech

tions and appropriate existing systems of meaning

acts (Charalamous, 2012). This line of research

for their own purposes.

asserts that identity work is being done even in fleet-

ing, everyday conversations through “small stories”

Example 3: Agency and Resistance in the

(Bamberg, 2004; Bamberg & Georgakopoulou, Narratives of Homeless Youth

2008) and that these conversations are situated in

A third example of the way in which youth nego-

relational history and cultural context. Because the

tiate and co-construct cultural meaning through

construction of the self is inherently dialogic, this

narrative identity can be found in the narratives

research examines how adolescents position them-

of homeless adolescents. In the United States, the

selves in relation to others.

social category of “homeless” brings with it the

This approach is valuable in understanding how

possibility for severe stigma and exclusion and thus

adolescents interpret, enact, and negotiate social

presents a serious challenge for the identities of

constructs such as masculinity and femininity. youth without housing (Kidd, 2007; Roschelle & Georgakopoulou (2005) examined the conver-Kaufman, 2004). Classification into this category

sations within a friend group of four adolescent

mediates the everyday reality of homeless adoles-

women in Greece over the course of 2 years, starting

cents and has a significant impact on their access to

when the women were 17. Discussing men whom

power and resources, as well as how their behaviors

they were romantically interested in was a popular

and identities are interpreted by others (Kerckhoff,

topic of conversation, and Georgakopoulou found

1995). Examining the rarely heard stories of this

that the women used a variety of linguistic resources

marginalized population sheds light on the ways in

to construct men and masculinity in conversation.

which they navigate contested narrative terrain and

The women invoked gendered identities, drawing

suggests that adolescents belonging to low-status

on stereotypes, intonation, and nicknames to cast

groups can find agency and self-worth by resist-

men either as “tough” or “soft” and infantile, and,

ing the dominant cultural narratives that devalue

in doing so, both reproduced and challenged dom-

them. Two such narratives that exist in the United

inant discourses of masculinity. As participants

States are the criminal narrative, which portrays

dialogically constructed men as “the other,” they

homeless youth as morally deficient, and the client

402

ident it y, PoLit iCS, a nd t he Cu Lt ur a L PS yChoLogy of a doL eSCenCe

narrative, which portrays homeless youth as sick or

own internalized stigma but also challenging it

incompetent.

through participation in the nascent gay and les-

Within the criminal and client narratives, home-

bian civil rights movement (Hammack & Cohler,

less youth are defined by deprivation and denied the

2011). With the gay and lesbian social movement

possibility of self-worth, community, or hope. Some

of the 20th century, a redemptive master narrative

work, however, has begun to move beyond deficit

of sexual minority identity emerged, and individu-

models to explore the assets and resilience of home-

als increasingly constructed personal narratives of

less youth (e.g., Bender, Thompson, McManus, redemption through “coming out” and becoming Lantry, & Flynn, 2007; Kidd & Davidson, 2007;

an active cultural participant in the gay and lesbian

Lindsey, Kurtz, Jarvis, Williams, & Nackerud, community (Cohler & Hammack, 2006, 2007).

2000; Rew & Horner, 2003). Toolis and Hammack

Young sexual minorities born in the 1970s and

(2014) used an inductive, narrative approach and

coming of age in the 1990s constructed personal

conducted in-depth interviews to elaborate the narratives of redemption from stigma through par-ways by which these adolescents define themselves

ticipation in the sexual minority community (e.g.,

and resist stigmatizing social categories imposed

Savin-Williams, 1998).

on them by hegemonic discourses. This analysis

Language, as we have suggested, is not static

revealed that homeless adolescents resisted crimi-

but rather a living tool of cultural reproduction.

nalization through counternarratives that located

Narratives and discourses, therefore, shift with

the roots of poverty outside of themselves and

historical time. Cultural and political events play

refused to accept blame for their exclusion from

a role in this shift, as the protest activities of the

the “American Dream.” In addition, participants

mid-20th century altered the narrative of homo-

resisted the infantilization of the client narrative by

sexuality and resulted in a whole new discourse on

articulating fierce struggles for independence and

homosexuality, moving from a “sickness” to a “spe-

asserting the value of their experiences and abili-

cies” narrative in which sexual identity gradually

ties. Thus, through narrative, marginalized adoles-

became viewed as an unchosen trait akin to race

cents may restory their identities and participate in

(Hammack et al., 2013). This discourse then con-

reinterpreting the meaning of existing identity cat-

structed a new developmental context for subjectiv-

egories. Hence, although narrative can be a tool for

ity and self-understanding (Cohler & Hammack,

control, it can also be a tool for liberation (Gjerde,

2007). But this “species” narrative began to be chal-

2004; Hammack, 2010 b).

lenged in the 1990s with the “queer theory” move-

ment that rendered all social categories associated

Example 4: Stories of Sexual Identity

with sex and gender dubious (e.g., Butler, 1990; see

A final area of empirical inquiry in which our

Hammack et al., 2013). Gradually, the personal

theoretical position can be illustrated is in the

narratives of same-sex-attracted adolescents again

study of personal narratives of sexual minority (i.e.,

began to shift in tandem with this shifting master

lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgendered [LGBT])

narrative of the stability and coherence of a “gay

adolescents in the United States. Again, the focus

identity” (Savin-Williams, 2005).

is on how mutual constitution occurs during ado-

In the 21st century, same-sex-attracted ado-

lescence through a process of narrative engagement

lescents engage with multiple, competing master

that emphasizes the politics of language about social

narratives of the meaning of same-sex attraction

categories. The United States has a long history

(Cohler & Hammack, 2007; Hammack & Cohler,

of persecution against sexual minorities by legal,

2009). Narratives of sickness, redemption through

medical, and scientific authorities (Hammack &

participation in the gay community, and emanci-

Windell, 2011), and hence the meaning of a sexual

pation from sexual identity labels all compete for

minority identity has changed considerably over

salience, with today’s adolescents coordinating

the course of the 20th and early 21st centuries

their own personal narratives in relation to these

(Hammack, Mayers, & Windell, 2013).

discourses on the nature and meaning of same-sex

The study of personal narratives of same-

attraction (e.g., Hammack, Thompson, & Pilecki,

sex-attracted adult men has revealed cohort-specific

2009; Russell, Clarke, & Clary, 2009; Westrate &

identity development processes (Cohler, 2007). McLean, 2010). Narrative identity development is Men born in the 1930s and coming of age in the

thus polyphonic (Bakhtin, 1984), and the discur-

1950s engaged with a “sickness” narrative of homo-

sive content of personal narratives reveals much

sexuality, reproducing this discourse through their

about culture and identity as active processes of

h a mm aCk, tooLiS

403

social construction. As same-sex-attracted youth

Euro-American vision of Platonic universalism

engage with existing discourses about the meaning

in mental life, represented most significantly by

of same-sex desire and of sexual identity catego-

the work of developmental psychologists such as

ries, they construct narratives that either repro-

Piaget in the 20th century (see Shweder, 2011).

duce or challenge an existing verbal-ideological Fortunately, a sociogenic paradigm is central to community.

other theorists in developmental science whose

influence has grown exponentially in the late

Conclusion

20th and early 21st centuries, namely Vygotsky

For well over a century, the concept of culture

(Wertsch & Tulviste, 1992; Yasnitsky & Ferrari,

has provided a tool through which to understand

2008). But even a science of human development

difference across human communities. Understood

anchored in Vygotsky’s central ideas benefits from

as a system of shared meaning made manifest in

an explicit commitment to a sociogenic paradigm

social practice, culture has provided a way to iden-

that does not view developmental science as a teleo-

tify the universals and particularities of human

logical project. Put differently, a sociogenic para-

development (e.g., Shweder et al., 2006). An digm recognizes social science inquiry itself as a interdisciplinary approach to the study of human

historical enterprise (e.g., Gergen, 1973), and the

development in context requires frameworks that

search for lawful regularities only stands to con-

theoretically link persons and cultures in a dynamic

struct cultural “mini-theories” that end up apply-

way amenable to empirical study. The theoretical

ing better to US college students than to the vast

position we have sketched in this chapter on the

majority of the world’s inhabitants (Arnett, 2008;

cultural psychology of adolescence attempts to Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010). Attention offer such a framework.

to adolescence as a historical and cultural process

Our guiding assumption is that adolescent iden-

shifts the endeavor away from prediction and con-

tity formation is not simply an individual process

trol of the human life course toward understanding

experienced with some regularity at a particular

and interpretation (see Cohler, 1982).

moment of biological and social transition. Rather,

Second, we suggest that the interdisciplinary

we conceive of adolescence as both individual and

study of human development and culture requires

cultural process, as a cohort of youth in a particular

attention to multiple levels of analysis—the indi-

cultural context engages with the content of some

vidual, the immediate social environment, and the

verbal-ideological community and, through an larger historical or “macrocultural” (Ratner, 2012) identity development process anchored in linguis-context of development. The cultural psycholo-

tic mediation and appropriation, either regenerates

gist of adolescence, then, studies individuals using

or resists the social order. Hence, our position privi-

methods appropriate to the empirical question at

leges concepts like historical time (i.e., membership

hand (e.g., an interview, a survey). But to study ado-

in a birth cohort) and narrative (i.e., the coherent

lescence as a process in relation to culture requires

organization of language) in positing a role for ado-

an empirical analysis of culture itself in its symbolic

lescent identity development in social stasis and

and material forms, whether through narratives

change. This emphasis on adolescents as linked to

and discourses (e.g., Hammack, 2011 a) or social

the social order through their own process of devel-

practices in action (e.g., Gutierrez & Rogoff, 2003).

opment is not necessarily new (e.g., Erikson, 1958),

Hence, methods that examine processes beyond

but our attempt to integrate certain theoretical

individuals, such as ethnography (e.g., Shweder,

principles and methodological practices under the

1996), are vital to the cultural psychologist and can

umbrella of a “cultural psychology of adolescence”

be used in tandem with person-level analytic tools

represents a novel endeavor. Here, we suggest three

(e.g., Hammack, 2011 a).

concrete recommendations that might guide future

Finally, we suggest that language in its active

research conducted in the paradigm we propose in

use represents an ideal focus of empirical study for

this chapter.

the cultural psychology of adolescence and that

First, we suggest that scholars of human devel-

language represents the prism through which we

opment make a decisive intellectual commitment

can interrogate adolescent identity development

to a sociogenic, rather than ontogenetic, paradigm

directly. Language mediates our experience of the

of developmental science (Dannefer, 1984). This

social and political world, providing individuals

commitment requires a shift from the dominant

and groups with a sense of unity, coherence, and

404

ident it y, PoLit iCS, a nd t he Cu Lt ur a L PS yChoLogy of a doL eSCenCe

purpose (e.g., Cohler, 1982; McAdams, 2011). sharing a common experience of the “global” youth The empirical study of language using methods

culture (Arnett, 2002), these three national groups

linked to narrative and discourse (see Hammack

inhabit radically divergent political cultures, and

& Pilecki, 2014) provides a blueprint for the cul-

they are saturated with stories that offer divergent

tural psychology of adolescence, for it is through

interpretations of history and present-day expe-

language practices that a generation resists or rience (e.g., Hammack, 2006; Kelman, 1999).

reproduces a social order. We suggest, then, that

Narratives of victimization and justification col-

the study of language shift from margin to cen-

lide when Palestinians and Israelis come together

ter in cultural psychological approaches to adoles-

for dialogue (Pilecki & Hammack, 2013), and it

cence and identity development and that the link

is precisely in the appropriation of narrative that

between cultural discourse (or “master narratives”)

Palestinian and Israeli adolescents reproduce the

and personal discourse (or “personal narratives”)

narrative stalemate of their long-standing conflict

becomes a primary goal for empirical interroga-

(Hammack, 2011 a). Social and biological changes

tion. Through the analysis and documentation of

may mandate particular individual experiences

this relationship, we access adolescence as a cul-

in adolescence, but a shared cultural and political

tural process, rather than an individual experience

context mandates forms of subjectivity tied to com-

of biological and social change.

peting discourses related to power and intergroup

Our view on adolescence and culture, like our

relations. Through a perspective on adolescent iden-

view on culture and human development more

tity that emphasizes language and power, the cul-

broadly, is more integrative of politics than tradi-

tural psychology of adolescence can shed invaluable

tional approaches in US and European cultural

light on adolescence as a cultural-historical process

and developmental psychology. We do not view

and hence on the course of social stasis and change.

human difference through the prism of “neutral-

ity” or equality with regard to global power and

Acknowledgments

hegemony (see Gjerde, 2004). Unlike critics of the

This chapter was completed while the first

culture concept in anthropology, we see a contin-

author was supported by a William T. Grant

ued use for culture in psychology and develop-

Foundation Scholar Award. Correspondence may

mental science (see Shweder, 2003). But the view

be addressed to Phillip L. Hammack, Department

of culture we advocate is more closely linked to

of Psychology, University of California, Santa

perspectives that connect practices (and linguistic

Cruz, 1156 High Street, Santa Cruz, CA 95064

practices especially) either directly to the state and

USA. Email: hammack@ucsc.edu.

its “ideological apparatus” (Althusser, 1971) or to

some verbal-ideological community of resistance

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C H A P T E R

25 Family in Adolescence: Relatedness

and Autonomy Across Cultures

Çiğdem Kağitçibaşi and Ceren Yalin

Abstract

This chapter addresses the intersection of adolescence, family, and culture with a focus on autonomy and relatedness. Family relationships come to the fore in the study of adolescent development in sociocultural context, and several theoretical and empirical studies shed light on the myriad factors involved. The chapter provides an overview of the main lines of relevant research and theory focusing on autonomy and relatedness. Kağitçibaşi’s family change theory is presented as a general framework for understanding the systematic variations in the family in different socioeconomic-cultural contexts; her autonomous-related self construct, of particular importance in adolescence, is also discussed.

Other theoretical perspectives are discussed that provide further support for the adaptive value and importance of autonomy and relatedness in adolescent development. The immigrant family is also studied because immigration presents a special case for analyzing the dynamics of change and continuity in family relations. Theoretical and applied implications of the different outlooks are discussed.

Key Words: family, autonomy, relatedness, autonomous-related self, positive youth development, family change theory

The topic of this chapter is ambitious because

theories, in particular, stage-environment fit, posi-

it purports to unravel the intricate intersection of

tive youth development (PYD), and intentional

adolescent, family, and culture in terms of auton-

self-regulation perspectives, which have emerged

omy and relatedness. We endeavor to make an

mainly from social developmental thinking and

attempt at this challenging task by providing an

research on adolescence. Environmental transfor-

overview of theory and research focusing on fam-

mations, as seen in urbanization and immigration,

ily relations as they impact the development of

will be considered specifically as they impact the

autonomy and relatedness. Some theoretical per-

family.

spectives that have helped to situate the adolescent

Thus, this chapter aims to provide an over-

and the family in context are considered. In par-

view of some of the important work in the field.

ticular, the senior author’s theoretical perspective

However, given space constraints, a selective

on family change and the self is addressed in depth

approach is used. Family is a key topic of study in

because its contextual outlook promises to provide

several human sciences, such as sociology, anthro-

a general framework for global systematic varia-

pology, and social history. However, this chapter

tions in family, as well as for the self developing

is limited to psychological research and theory on

in the family, with a particular focus on autonomy

the subject. Therefore, such topics as family struc-

and relatedness (Kağitçibaşi, 1990; 2005; 2007).

tures (e.g., extended families, stem families, etc.)

Subsequent discussions will benefit from other and variations in these across time and space will 410

not be addressed. Even within psychology, our

questioning the theory. The resultant publication

perspective is basically social/developmental/cul-

began with the words,

tural, with a focus on adolescence and autonomy-

relatedness. Theoretical perspectives from clinical/

Some findings of social psychology may refer

personality psychology, such as attachment theory,

to general panhuman relationships; others hold

family systems theory, and psychoanalytic and

only within specific socio-cultural settings. Only

neo-analytic orientations are not covered. The

systematic cross-cultural comparison can separate

cultural focus pervades this chapter and brings in

these or identify the limits within which particular

a more global approach to family and adolescent

generalizations hold.

autonomy-relatedness.

(Kağitçibaşi, 1970, p. 444)

This conclusion is widely accepted today in

A Research Experience

cross-cultural psychology, although the study pre-

To start, we would like to share with the reader a

dated the emergence of cross-cultural psychology

research experience I (Kağitçibaşi) had early on, one

as a special discipline. It paved the way to later

that had a profound effect on the subsequent devel-

developments in my thinking and research uphold-

opment of my theoretical views. It also taught me

ing the strong intersection of culture and human

to pay close attention to the intersection of human

development. The study also involved an early

development and culture. While I was a foreign

focus on adolescence, leading to my further work

student in the doctoral program at the University of

on this important developmental period.

California, Berkeley, the authoritarian personality

theory (Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson, &

Sanford, 1950) was still influential despite the The Need for a Cultural Perspective

methodological criticisms addressed to it. Informed

Adolescence is a period when the growing

by psychoanalytic theory, it claimed universal-

human being comes into more direct contact with

ity, where a coherent “personality syndrome” was

the surrounding culture. Thus, we can inquire into

proposed that included anti-intraception, submis-

the nature of this contact: Where is culture at the

sion to and respect for authority, a hierarchical

individual level? In other words, how do we link

orientation to human relations, rigidity, prejudice,

individual and culture? It is not only that the indi-

and conservative worldviews. Furthermore, such a

vidual is nested within culture, but also that cul-

personality structure was hypothesized to develop

ture is in the mind and behaviors of the individual,

in a family context of parental hostility expressed

and this process is heightened during adolescence.

through strong parental discipline.

In Shweder’s words (1991, p. 27) “culture and the

However, from my own experience, I knew that

person make each other up.” In other words, cul-

respect for (legitimate) authority as well as strong

ture is in the mind, and mind is in culture. The

parental discipline were social norms in Turkey. In

challenge, then, is to address this complexity.

other words, I was using a cultural lens in my per-

Many studies find cross-cultural differences in

ception of human phenomena, and so I undertook

behaviors. However, comparisons often remain

a cross-cultural study comparing American and

at the descriptive level. For example, variations

Turkish late adolescents. I found, first, that indeed

abound in behaviors and self-construals observed

respect for authority was higher in Turkey than in

in individualistic and collectivistic cultures.

the United States, thus decreasing the coherence of

However, a deeper understanding of how or why

the “syndrome” in the former. In other words, in

such variation occurs is often lacking. To develop

Turkey, most people had a high respect for author-

a better understanding of the question “Where is

ity regardless of other characteristics, whereas in

culture at the individual level?” we need to look

the United States respect for authority was high

deeper into the picture and study how and why

only among those who also scored high on the

the individual comes to develop a particular mind

other traits of authoritarianism. Similarly, there

and behavior repertoire that is culturally meaning-

were meaningful cultural differences regarding ful. We believe this requires taking a step beyond parenting that the late adolescents retrospectively

describing the existing picture; we need to assume

reported. Although the Turkish youth reported

a developmental perspective. This is how a human

stronger parental discipline in early childhood than

infant’s “enculturation” or becoming a cultural

did the American youth, there was no difference in

being can be studied, linking the individual and

their experience of early parental affection, again

the culture.

k ağitçiBa şi, ya Lin

411

Quite a bit of current cultural/cross-cultural

not in another, an even more basic level of analysis

psychology is basically atemporal. It is informed

is required. To deal with this type of question, the

by a social psychological conceptual framework

researcher must delve into the functional (adaptive)

to a large extent, and it attempts to link psycho-

bases of child socialization in the family. Here,

logical factors with situational, environmental/cul-

there is a need to understand the reasons underly-

tural factors, all occurring in the “present” or at a

ing different childrearing patterns and socialization

given point in time rather than searching for the

values and their relative adaptability to different

antecedents of these phenomena in prior experi-

environments. Such an understanding would pro-

ence. Among cross-cultural researchers, social psy-

vide information about how family interaction

chologists are in the majority, and developmental

patterns and child socialization are influenced by

psychology has not yet had much influence, even

the socioeconomic and cultural context and how

though cultural perspectives figure importantly in

these, in turn, affect childrearing. It would help

developmental psychology.

explain diversity in human patterns; it would also

help the researcher predict when to expect a change

The Need for a Developmental

in these patterns because any changes in context

Perspective

would have implications for changes in this chain

There is a growing need to take into consider-

of relationships.

ation some basic developmental questions. This

Asking the how? and why? questions regarding

outlook is bound to be beneficial for cultural/

variations in self-development leads the researcher

cross-cultural psychology because a developmental

to look at the interface of socioeconomic factors

perspective promises to provide us with insights

and lifestyles with family and human development.

into the dynamics among biology and culture, From a global perspective, several concepts at this human universals, and cultural diversity (Keller,

interface can provide clues to significant relation-

Poortinga, & Scholmerich, 2002). Thus, a develop-

ships. One of these concepts that can shed light

mental perspective is called for by a cultural focus

on the interface and that can serve as a mediating

that involves attending to a great deal of diversity.

variable between the sociocultural environmental

The concept of the “self” is a case in point. Much

factors and individual outcomes is the “value of

cross-cultural research on the self has pointed to

children” (VOC). This is the value attributed to

the distinction between the independent (separate)

children by parents, and it constitutes an impor-

and the interdependent (related) self-construals tant context variable of childhood and adolescence (e.g., Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Kitayama, in all cultural settings.

Duffy, & Uchida, 2007). In turn, these two types

of self-construal have generally been associated Social Change and Family Change

with individualistic and collectivistic cultural con-

A classic study on the VOC (the VOC Study)

texts, respectively. Most cultural/cross-cultural was conducted in the 1970s in nine countries, psychological work focuses on how individuals using mostly nationally representative sam-with one or the other type of self-construal dif-

ples of married adults in Indonesia, Korea, the

fer from each other in terms of their social cogni-

Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, Turkey,

tions and behavior. Again, these studies deal with

and the United States (Fawcett, 1983; Kağitçibaşi,

the question, “what?” That is, what type of self is

1982). More recently, partial replications of the

prevalent in what type of culture? To develop an

VOC Study in several countries have been carried

understanding into how these variations in self

out (e.g., Kağitçibaşi, Ataca, & Diri, 2010; Mayer,

come about, the researcher needs to go beyond the

Trommsdorff, Kağitçibaşi, & Mishra, 2012;

descriptive to a more basic, causal level of analysis.

Trommsdorff & Nauck, 2005). VOC study results

Here, the question of how one or the other type

have led to theoretical developments regarding the

of self develops becomes relevant. Developmental

family and the self developing in the family.

processes and childrearing in the family in differ-

The values attributed by parents to children were

ent sociocultural contexts need to be studied to

found to vary according to levels of socioeconomic

realize how variations in self emerge in different

development, both within countries and across

socioeconomic-cultural familial contexts.

them. An important finding of these comparative

To further understand why a certain type of

studies, separated by about three decades, is the

child/adolescent socialization occurs in one par-

greater salience of the economic/utilitarian VOC

ticular familial socioeconomic cultural context and

attributed to children by parents in less-developed

412

fa miLy in a doL eSCenCe

contexts. Its importance decreases at higher levels

normalize them as requisites for “healthy” human

of socioeconomic development and affluence. In

development (Kağitçibaşi, 1990; 2007).

contrast, the psychological VOCs attributed to

The family model of psychological interdependence

children, such as the love, joy, and pride that chil-

is a synthesis of these two models. From a modern-

dren provide to their parents, are found to be as

ization theory perspective, it is commonly assumed

important or in some cases even more important

that as societies modernize, there is a shift from the

at higher levels of socioeconomic development, as

family model of interdependence to that of inde-

seen, for example, in Turkey (Kağitçibaşi, 1982;

pendence. Research shows, however, that, rather

Kağitçibaşi et al., 2010).

than a simple shift, a complex change takes place.

This is especially true with changes from rural

Family Change Theory

agrarian lifestyles to urban lifestyles where col-

Deriving from the VOC Study findings, as well

lectivistic “cultures of relatedness” persist. A third

as from other relevant research, Kağitçibaşi has

pattern emerges (Kağitçibaşi, 1990; 2007), one in

proposed three different family models in differ-

which closely knit human/family relations (con-

ent socioeconomic-cultural contexts, comprising a

nectedness) continue in the realm of psychological

theory of family change (Kağitçibaşi, 1990; 2005;

intergenerational interdependencies while material

2007). The theory involves a contextual conceptu-

interdependencies weaken due to increased afflu-

alization of the family and of the self developing

ence and alternative old-age security resources for

in the family and provides a framework for under-

parents. This explains why, in the VOC Study, eco-

standing the global family phenomenon. It locates

nomic VOC decreased with socioeconomic devel-

the family in context (culture, living conditions/

opment, but psychological VOC did not change

socioeconomic status) and sheds light on the ques-

or even increased (Kağitçibaşi, 1982; Kağitçibaşi

tion of why certain types of socialization occur in

et al., 2010).

certain types of context. It differs somewhat from

the other theoretical orientations (discussed later)

Empirical Evidence

that focus more directly on the family without a

There is increasing empirical evidence sup-

macro, social change-oriented outlook at the socio-

porting family change theory and specifically the

cultural context. The general framework is mani-

psychological interdependence family model. In a

fested in three different family models in different

recent study, Mayer, Trommsdorff, Kağitçibaşi, and

sociocultural economic contexts.

Mishra (2012) used the VOC data from Germany,

The family model of interdependence is proto-

India, and Turkey. As expected, the independent

typical of socioeconomic contexts in which there is

family model was most prevalent in Germany, the

dependence on children and adolescents for family

psychological interdependence model in Turkey,

livelihood, both while children are young and when

and the interdependent model in India. The results

they grow up to be adults (Kağitçibaşi, 1990; 2007).

portrayed the family model of psychological inter-

Economic/utilitarian value is attributed to children.

dependence, in which family values and emotional

Childrearing is obedience-oriented and does not

VOC are fairly high, while utilitarian-normative

promote autonomy because an autonomous child is

VOC posed a striking contrast to the family model

likely to develop into a separate independent adult

of interdependence, being almost as low as that in

who might look after his own interests rather than

the family model of independence. Also, exploring

those of the family. Interdependence between gen-

the VOC data from Korea, Kim, Park, Kwon, and

erations is the rule.

Koo (2005) found “positive and close” families to

The family model of independence is the con-

endorse relatedness and psychological VOC, as in

trasting family model, one that is prototypical of

the family model of psychological interdependence

urban middle-class families living in affluent con-

(Kağitçibaşi, 1990; 2007). Further work using the

texts, particularly in Western individualistic con-

VOC data in India (Mishra, Mayer, Trommsdorff,

texts. Here, children tend to entail economic costs

Albert, & Schwarz, 2005), Indonesia (Albert,

rather than assets. This type of family engenders

Trommsdorff, Mayer, & Schwarz, 2005), and

self-reliance and independence in the growing China (Zheng, Shi, & Tang, 2005) concurred, and child, and especially in the adolescent, because

a study examining the comparative findings of the

affluence and institutional welfare systems render

VOC Project from Germany, Israel, Palestine, and

family interdependence less important. Cultural

Turkey (Kağitçibaşi et al., 2010) also supported

values also foster independence and separation and

family change theory.

k ağitçiBa şi, ya Lin

413

Studies from diverse sociocultural contexts show

conceptualizations of the parent-adolescent rela-

similar findings. For example, Yağmurlu, Citlak,

tionship. Although questioning some assumptions

Dost, and Leyendecker (2009) found less-educated

held in the developmental literature about immi-

mothers in Turkey to prioritize being consider-

grant families, this body of literature provides alter-

ate and compliant as desirable child character-

native ways to understand the autonomy-relatedness

istics while also expecting their children to look

dynamics within the family during adolescence.

after them in their old age. These responses exem-

There is again a call for both a developmental

plify the family model of interdependence. On the

outlook, considering the acculturation process

other hand, mothers with higher education stressed

as dynamic and extending over generations, and

self-reliance and autonomy among their socializa-

also for a contextual outlook that would enable

tion goals. Nevertheless, the latter mothers shared

analysis on several levels of the adolescent’s ecol-

with the less-educated mothers the expectation for

ogy (Chun, 2006; Kağitçibaşi 2006; Leyendecker,

warm and close relationships with the family. This

Schölmerich, & Citlak, 2006). Both would neces-

combination of autonomy and relatedness in the

sitate longitudinal designs. Also, a strengths-based

socialization goals of the highly educated mothers

approach, like that used in the PYD literature,

is typical of the family model of psychological inter-

where strengths of immigrant youth are acknowl-

dependence (Kağitçibaşi, 2007). In the same vein,

edged, and immigrants are considered assets to

in Poland, Lubiewska (2008) demonstrated the fam-

the community, presents yet another alternative

ily model of psychological interdependence to be

for research on both immigrant populations and

the predominant model. In Brazil, Seidl-de-Moura

adolescent-family relations (Lerner et al., 2011;

and colleagues (2008) compared mothers living in

Silbereisen & Lerner, 2007).

small towns with those living in the capital cities.

Fuligni and Telzer (2012) turn around the ques-

Mothers living in small towns deemed interpersonal

tion of parental influence on adolescents by explor-

relations to be most important, whereas mothers liv-

ing instead the contributions of adolescents to their

ing in capitals valued both relational and autonomy

parents, which is particularly evident in the case

dimensions equally, in line with family change the-

of immigrant youth. This unique aspect of immi-

ory (Kağitçibaşi, 1990; 2007). Finally, in an urban

grant families renders adolescents an asset to both

Inuit community living in Canada, McShane, the family and to the host society because most Hastings, Smylie, and Prince (2009) identified the

of their assistance to the family consists of acting

family model of psychological interdependence.

as liaisons between them and the host countries’

institutions. This phenomenon presents us with

The Immigrant Family and Youth

an alternative point of view to the study of family

Another body of research involving cross-cultural

dynamics by switching the role of the “beneficiary”

studies exploring the family is carried out with

from the child to the parent, while it also allows

immigrant populations. Immigration is a global

for a strengths-based approach analysis from two

human phenomenon of great importance. Both

different angles: youth develop a sense of useful-

rural to urban and international migration has a

ness, as well as life skills, as a result of assuming

transformative influence on the family. Although

important duties within their family. Also, immi-

immigration has been studied mostly by econo-

grant youth become assets for the host society and

mists and sociologists, psychological research has

their families because they alleviate potential nega-

also carved a niche in this area. In particular, accul-

tive interactions between the host culture and the

turation research has been increasingly focused on

family who lack important knowledge about this

family, parenting, and the adolescent in immigra-

new culture, mainly vital language skills. Although

tion contexts. It sheds light on family dynamics

concepts such as “premature adultification” suggest

and relations. Here, too, family change theory potential harms to the well-being of the adolescent, provides a useful framework for understanding a majority of studies report positive outcomes, acculturation because the distinctions between the

such as feelings of mastery, efficacy, independence,

family models in the theory are relevant for fami-

maturity, and higher levels of academic motiva-

lies at different acculturation levels.

tion. Feelings of being a “good son/daughter” also

Research on immigrant youth and the accul-

point to the adaptive outcomes through relatedness

turation process that potentially influences both

within the family context (Fuligni & Telzer, 2012).

adolescent-family relationship and the ado-

Acculturation literature mostly bases its argu-

lescent’s own development brings forth novel ments and research questions on Berry’s model, 414

fa miLy in a doL eSCenCe

which classifies this process into four different between parents, where, for example, one parent, types, depending on the level of identification generally the father, is born in Germany and the with the host culture and the immigrant’s own

mother is a Turkish-born newcomer to the German

culture: assimilation, separation, marginalization,

culture. Another example for such findings is the

and integration (Berry, 2006). This bidimensional

differing outcomes in academic performance and

model is mostly supported by empirical findings

risk behaviors depending on the age at migration

that show integration (biculturalism) as an asset,

(Garcia Coll et al., 2012).

almost an “immigrant advantage” (Lerner, Lerner,

Bowers, & Lewin-Bizan, 2012; Leyendecker et al.,

Autonomy and Relatedness in the

2006; Sirin & Gupta, 2012). However, there are

Immigrant Family

two basic caveats: first, the model focuses on end

Bringing the discussion back to autonomy and

states rather than processes, which in fact require

relatedness dynamics in the family during adoles-

more attention because acculturation spans both an

cence, research with immigrant families also points

individual’s lifetime and extends across generations.

to the emergence of the family model of psycho-

This is where a developmental approach is needed,

logical interdependence (Kağitçibaşi, 1990; 2007).

one that will also help clarify implications of the

For example, Koutrelakos (2004) found decreasing

acculturation process on the parent-adolescent rela-

material but continuing psychological interdepen-

tionship and its further implications on the adoles-

dencies in more acculturated Greek-American fami-

cent’s developmental trajectory. Second, the model

lies. An earlier study (Rosenthal, Bell, Demetriou, &

assumes the immigrant to have full choice, whereas

Efklides, 1989) found socialization goals of Greek

the dominant society can constrain their options

immigrants in Australia to combine autonomy

through formal (e.g., legal) and informal (e.g., goals, like those of Australian mainstream moth-discrimination) means. The need to also consider

ers, and respect, like those of Greek mainstream

the dominant society factors is generally better

mothers. Similarly, Yağmurlu and Sanson (2009)

accepted today, as expressed by Berry (e.g., Berry,

found that Turkish immigrant mothers who were

Poortinga, Breugelmans, Chasiotis, & Sam, 2011,

more adapted to Australian society reported higher

p. 321). Although there is emphasis on bicultural-

levels of self-direction goals and lower levels of

ism as both a strength and a quality that should

obedience-demanding in their parenting.

further be reinforced by host societies and govern-

Second-generation Turkish mothers in

ments, there is also the suggestion of a new fusion

Germany have been found to value autonomy and

model that might emerge as a separate entity within

self-maximization in their children significantly

the existing bicultural paradigm (Arends-Toth &

more than first-generation mothers (Leyendecker

van de Vijver, 2006).

et al., 2006). However, the level of expectation

The need for both a developmental and a contex-

for the children to be respectful, starting from an

tual outlook is echoed by several researchers from

early age, was similar to that of the first-generation

several different standpoints. Garcia Coll et al.

mothers. In a study with Dutch, German,

(2012) pose the critical question regarding applied

Turkish-Dutch, and Turkish-German mothers,

implications, in Bronfenbrenner’s terms, as how

Durgel, Leyendecker, Yağmurlu, and Harwood

the microsystems should align to create a mesosys-

(2009) found that mainstream Dutch mothers

tem for better outcomes in immigrant youth. On a

showed a family model of independence, whereas

related note, Arends-Toth and van de Vijver (2006)

the values of Turkish immigrant mothers reflected

point to differing outcomes and/or dynamics in

an interdependence model. The Turkish-Dutch

different domains, particularly the social versus

mothers who were better adjusted to the mainstream

the private domain. Although, as Garcia Coll et al.

culture endorsed autonomy goals and expected less

(2012) point out, ties to the host culture might

obedience from their children. Dekovic, Pels, and

benefit academic or career success, closeness to

Model (2006), in a study of six ethnic minorities

the origin culture might create better outcomes in

in the Netherlands, found strict parental discipline

terms of mental health. Sirin and Gupta (2012) also

and warmth to coexist in these families. Although

suggest that the acculturation pattern itself might

considered by the authors as an “unlikely combina-

differ according to domains and even subdomains.

tion,” this finding again points to a family model

On the other hand, the usefulness of developmen-

of interdependence or psychological interdepen-

tal perspectives is underscored by findings such

dence upholding close-knit relations. These studies

as Leyendecker et al.’s (2006) “acculturation gap”

point to the usefulness of family change theory in

k ağitçiBa şi, ya Lin

415

understanding the shift in parenting orientations

attachment theory, self-determination theory,

in immigration contexts.

and Kağitçibaşi’s self theory, which all conceive

of a close relationship with parents as nourishing

The Autonomous-Related

the development of healthy autonomy in adoles-

Self in Adolescence

cence (Grossmann, Grossmann, & Keppler, 2005;

Moving from family to the adolescent, we can say

Grotevant & Cooper, 1986; Kağitçibaşi, 1996;

that the adolescent developing in the family model

2007; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Nevertheless, there is a

of psychological interdependence tends to have an

continuing tendency in both academic and popular

autonomous-related self (Kağitçibaşi, 1996; 2007).

psychology that associates adolescent “individua-

This may be considered an “integrative synthesis”

tion” with separation from parents.

of the independent (autonomous-separate) self of

Kağitçibaşi’s self theory (1996; 2005; 2007)

the family model of independence and the interde-

promises to bring clarification. It proposes two

pendent (heteronomous-related) self of the family

dimensions underlying self and self-other relations,

model of interdependence. As mentioned earlier,

namely, interpersonal distance and agency. The

the childrearing orientation that contributes to the

interpersonal distance dimension extends from sep-

emergence of this type of self involves autonomy

arateness to relatedness, reflecting the degree of con-

but also parental control rather than permissiveness

nectedness to others. The agency dimension reflects

because the goal is not separation of the growing

the degree of autonomous functioning, extending

child. Therefore, relatedness does not negate agency

from autonomy to heteronomy. Autonomy refers

because childrearing involves both parental control

to volitional agency (i.e., being a self-governing

and autonomy granting. This is an “order-setting

agent); heteronomy is the state of being governed

control” (Lau, Lew, Han, Cheung, & Berndt, 1990)

from outside. Interpersonal distance and agency

rather than a dominating (authoritarian) control. It

dimensions are distinct, so it is quite possible for

provides structure and is not necessarily perceived

the different poles of each to coexist. Therefore,

negatively by the child. A recent study with Turkish

autonomy and relatedness can be compatible, just

adolescents (Kaya, 2012) found this type of parental

as autonomy and separateness can.

control to be seen as “legitimate” and to be better

accepted by adolescents. This combination of con-

Empirical Evidence

trol and autonomy granting in parenting echoes

Starting in late 1990s, cross-cultural research has

Baumrind’s (1980) “authoritative parenting.”

provided support for the autonomous-related self.

The coexistence of autonomy and relatedness

Close ties and attachment with parents, rather than

in the “autonomous-related self” has not been detachment, have been found to be associated with readily recognized in mainstream Western per-adolescent health and well-being in the United States,

sonality theory because it is often assumed that

Russia, Korea, and Turkey (Chirkov, Kim, Ryan, &

to be autonomous, one has to separate from oth-

Kaplan, 2003), as well as in Germany (Grossman,

ers. Especially from a psychoanalytic perspective,

Grossman, & Zimmerman, 1999), and a more

as understood by “object relations theory” and its

positive relationship was found between autonomy

“separation-individuation hypothesis,” separation and relatedness than between autonomy and sep-is considered a requisite of autonomy from early

arateness in the United States and in Korea (Kim,

infancy onward (Mahler, 1972). This claim that

Butzel, & Ryan, 1998). Studies with Chinese and

connected selves cannot be adequately autono-

Chinese-American parents found them to endorse

mous has important implications for non-Western

both relatedness and autonomy (Jose, Huntsinger,

collectivistic “cultures of relatedness” with their

Huntsinger, & Liaw, 2000). Beyers, Goossens,

closely knit human relations. The construct of Vansant, and Moors (2003) found separation (inter-autonomous-related self challenges this claim.

personal distance) and agency to be two independent

This is a central debate in understanding ado-

dimensions in adolescence. Separateness from par-

lescence, also. The psychoanalytically informed,

ents was found to be associated with developmental

individualistic perspective considers adolescence problems among adolescents in Turkey, the United as a period of second separation-individuation States, and Hong Kong (e.g., Aydin & Oztutuncu, (Blos, 1979), where separation or detachment from

2001; Chou, 2000, Garber & Little, 2001). Phalet

parents is regarded as a requisite of the develop-

and Schonpflug (2001) found autonomy goals and

ment of autonomy (Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986).

achievement values of Turkish immigrant mothers of

More recently, this view has been challenged by

adolescents in Germany not to include separateness;

416

fa miLy in a doL eSCenCe

and Meeus, Oosterwegel, and Vollebergh (2002)

Barber, Stone, & Hunt, 2003). Investigating the

found secure attachment with parents to promote

compatibility between the individual and his or her

agency among Dutch, Turkish, and Moroccan ado-

ecology (what is known as a “stage-environment

lescents. Kwak (2003) noted a common preference

fit”) and the changes that take place within this

for both autonomy and relatedness to parents among

relationship, Eccles suggests that the “storm and

immigrant and European-American adolescents in

stress” of adolescence is, for the most part, due

the United States.

to the changing dynamics of control and auton-

More recent cross-cultural research corrobo-

omy within the family. Although she uses the

rates these findings. McShane et al. (2009), in stage-environment fit perspective mainly to stress their aforementioned study, found evidence for the increasing need for autonomy in adolescence autonomy and relatedness in urban Inuit parenting.

and the consequences of this need not being met by

Celenk, van de Vijver, and Goodwin (2011) found

the family, several points on relatedness are worthy

that the autonomous-relatedness of emerging adults

of note. The argument on family, for instance, is

predicted relationship satisfaction in both Turkish

followed by a complementary finding: the increased

and British couples. Similarly, Tulviste, Mizera, and

desire for freedom from adult control goes hand in

De Geer (2012), studying Estonian mothers’ social-

hand with a desire to maintain close and nurtur-

ization values, found that through social change in

ing relationships with the family during the pro-

Estonia “there is a new integrative synthesis of social-

cess of gaining higher autonomy. In other words,

ization values that better responds to the changing

the adolescent’s demand for greater autonomy does

lifestyle and includes both the characteristics related

not imply a demand for separation; opportunities

to self-direction and to conformity—a pattern that

for autonomy serve best when they are provided in

fosters the development of autonomous-relational

an emotionally connected and supportive context

self [as posited by] Kagitcibasi” (p. 494).

(Eccles et al., 1993). This description is similar to

Overall, empirical support for the coexistence of

Kwak’s (2003) finding of adolescents’ preference

autonomy and relatedness also provides support for

for both autonomy and relatedness with parents,

family change theory. A 27-country study Georgas,

mentioned earlier. Here, a point on temporality

Berry, van de Vijver, Kağitçibaşi, and Poortinga

is also made: because early adolescence is a period

(2006) found family relations implying autonomy

when the need for autonomy peaks, this “tempo-

and relatedness to coexist in the psychologically

rary perturbation” is followed by a renegotiation

interdependent families. The studies covered in this

that enables the parent-adolescent dyad to create an

section point to the utility of advancing the con-

interdependent relationship within which the ado-

cept of the autonomous-related self. They also show

lescent increasingly gains control. Thus, the “indi-

that, especially in collectivistic cultures of related-

viduation” process is presented with an emphasis

ness where family relatedness is highly valued, close

on the equal importance of autonomy and related-

adolescent-parent relations provide a healthy devel-

ness. It is to be noted, however, that this research

opmental pathway. Indeed, some of this research

is conducted with Western middle-class groups; it

finds the autonomous-related self to be a healthy

needs to be expanded across cultures.

model even in the individualistic United States.

Thus, from a basic needs perspective, this construct

Time with Family versus with Others

promises to have universal validity (Kağitçibaşi,

Eccles and colleagues (2003) also make a point

1996; 2005). Other theoretical perspectives emerg-

regarding relatedness outside the family context.

ing from different research traditions are also rel-

They suggest that asymmetry in the power dynam-

evant for a focus on autonomy and relatedness in

ics of the parent-child relationship make it desir-

adolescent development both within the family able for the adolescent to spend more time in the context and outside of it. We next present two such

peer context, where the relationships are symmet-

perspectives that have been important in the field.

rical (i.e., nobody has higher power or the right

for control over the other; Fuligni & Eccles, 1993).

Stage-Environment Fit: Changing

Therefore, the distancing from the family that is

Dynamics of Autonomy and Changing

commonly regarded as typical of adolescence is

Domains of Relatedness

explained in terms of relatedness within another

Autonomy and relatedness have also figured in

context, one where autonomy finds expression

Eccles and colleagues’ work on early adolescence

within this state of relatedness. In a review on extra-

over the past decades (Eccles et al., 1993; Eccles,

curricular activities, Eccles and colleagues (2003)

k ağitçiBa şi, ya Lin

417

present yet another context within which the ado-

Sibling and Romantic Relations

lescent maintains close relationships with adults.

An aspect of family relations that receives less

Extracurricular activities provide youth with research attention—sibling relations—is also of

“access to caring non-familial adults,” and, with

importance regarding relatedness across different

the right mentoring, these adults have been found

domains. Sibling relationships are unique, primar-

to have positive effects on adolescents’ develop-

ily because so much is shared in terms of antecedents

ment (Eccles et al., 2003). These findings further

for outcomes, and, compared to other relationships

substantiate the centrality of relatedness to indi-

in the adolescent’s ecology, siblings provide more

viduals in one’s environment alongside increas-

constancy, potentially serving as a buffer and sup-

ing autonomy for a healthy adjustment through

port mechanism in the face of changes in family

adolescence.

structure (e.g., divorce, parental loss) and adjust-

Another point to note is that the increase in time

ment problems in the friendship domain. Studies

spent with and influence by friends does not bring

addressing the correlates of sibling relationship

about a decrease in time spent with and influence

quality provide support for a positive influence in

by parents (Laursen & Collins, 2009). Also, the

the form of fewer adjustment problems and overall

change in quantity (amount of time) accompanies

positive mental health when good-quality relation-

a change in quality in relationships with friends,

ships exist between siblings (East, 2009).

such that new forms emerge (such as romantic rela-

Another aspect that is unique to the adolescent

tionships), and new levels are added to the existing

period is the emergence of romantic relationships.

friendship culture, such as reputation, status, or

In fact, these relationships remain central to the

prestige (Brown & Larson, 2009).

discussion of adolescence as a distinct life stage,

A closer look into adolescents’ relationships with

as first suggested by Stanley Hall (Arnett, 2006;

individuals other than parents reveals new levels

Sears, 2008). Continuity in relationship quality is

of autonomy and, more particularly, relatedness

observed, underlining the centrality of parents to all

dynamics. Most underscored is the necessity for a

interpersonal relationships, as stated earlier. Also,

relational approach, one that allows for the detec-

from a systems perspective, all previously existing

tion of circular and reciprocal interactions between

relationship forms (parental, sibling, friend) act as a

distinct relationships (Brown & Larson, 2009; context for skill development for romantic relation-Connolly & McIsaac, 2009). Although it is widely

ships. Contextual models of romantic development

accepted (and empirically supported) that parents

also point to this transition leading to a “resolution

stay central to all interpersonal relationships in

of developmental tasks,” namely, connecting with

adolescents’ lives, the entangled nature of relation-

others and establishing an independent sense of self

ships with parents, siblings, friends, peers, and even

(Collins & Steinberg, 2006), which closely echoes

romantic partners is also acknowledged (Brown &

Kağitçibaşi’s autonomy and relatedness constructs.

Larson, 2009; Connolly & McIsaac, 2009; East,

Within this framework, Connolly and McIsaac

2009; Laursen & Collins, 2009).

(2009) present a definition of autonomy that

Parents, first of all, affect adolescents’ friend

greatly serves to strengthen the underlying argu-

choices, mainly through their influence on their

ment regarding this construct here: they describe

children’s social orientations. It has been observed

it as both maintaining one’s identity and acknowl-

cross-culturally that parenting styles relate to edging that of one’s relationship partners while friendship patterns of adolescents (Brown & staying connected to “close others” (Connolly & Larson, 2009). Although the degree of this inter-McIsaac, 2009).

connectedness has been found to show cultural

variation, the directionality, as stated before, goes

Cultural Variations

both ways: in some cases, quality of peer relations

Study of adolescent relationships in and out-

acts as a mediating factor for parenting variables

side of the family context is still recognized to be

(Beyers & Seiffge-Krenke, 2007; Brown & Larson,

lacking cross-cultural empirical support. Although

2009). Relationship quality, however, has consis-

some studies are conducted in the Majority World1

tently been found to be very similar across family,

regarding these constructs, more research is needed

friend/peer, sibling, and romantic relationships to discover a solid ground for establishing simi-

(Laursen & Collins, 2009), perhaps again drawing

larities and differences (Brown & Larson, 2009;

attention to a trajectory that starts in the family,

Connolly & McIsaac, 2009). Schlegel (2009)

specifically with the parents.

presents an overview of cross-cultural research on

418

fa miLy in a doL eSCenCe

adolescence, albeit from an anthropological stand-

the adolescent that develop as a result of strengths

point, and concludes that there exist constants,

aligning with the assets “around” the adolescent

such as closer same-sex relationships within the

(namely, the ecological assets). The Five C’s of

family and in other contexts, as well as variants,

PYD are identified as Competence, Confidence,

such as family structures.

Character, Connection, and Caring. A more recent

Particularly notable variations exist across cul-

addition to this model is the sixth C, Contribution

tures with regard to adolescent ecologies beyond

(to oneself, family, community, and civil society).

the family and relations with peers and others. For

Empirical support demonstrates that higher scores

example, in contexts of less economic development

in all of the five C’s are associated with this sixth

and especially poverty, adolescents tend to be work-

C (Lerner et al., 2011). Taking a holistic approach,

ing rather than at school. This “productive” role of

this perspective expands beyond the family and

the adolescent in the interdependent family provides

looks at the overall adolescent ecology, but the fam-

them with a different status and lifestyle than what

ily is still considered important.

research describes regarding Western middle-class

In terms of the precedence of autonomy and

populations. Another diversity emerges in adoles-

relatedness, especially in this period of “adjust-

cent “romantic” relations in those sociocultural ments to changes” in both the individual and the contexts where norms of sex segregation are promi-environment, it is important to note that three

nent and prohibitions exist regarding premarital

of the six C’s of PYD—namely, Connection,

sexuality. In such contexts, romantic relationships

Caring, and Contribution—denote relatedness.

can only be “platonic.” Values and norms of moral-

Therefore, this approach stresses that the adoles-

ity and decency fitting with “the realities” of liv-

cent’s connection with and caring for the persons

ing conditions and environmental requirements primarily within his immediate ecology, as well can create profoundly different “cultures of adoles-as contributing to society, in turn conjointly pro-

cence.” Many other examples of cultural variations

mote a positive development in adolescence. It is

in adolescents’ lives can be given. Whereas socio-

all the more valuable that this view, coming from

logical and anthropological work provides us with

Western researchers, brings the relatedness ele-

some insights into this global variability, most of it

ment into a predominantly pro-autonomy research

is descriptive, and more psychological research is

tradition. The six C’s ultimately outline the equal

needed to understand the underlying psychological

importance of autonomy and relatedness, with

processes (e.g., see Brown, Larson, & Saraswathi,

three of these elements (Competence, Confidence,

2002). In particular, theoretical perspectives are

Character) implying autonomy and the other three

needed for a better understanding of commonali-

(Connection, Caring, Contribution) implying

ties and diversities, as well as changes in these. The

relatedness.

theories of family change and autonomous-related

Lerner et al. (2011) also identify four ecological

self development in adolescence and the support-

assets for the adolescent: (1) individuals, (2) institu-

ing cross-cultural evidence covered up to this point

tions, (3) collective action, and (4) access to resources

constitute promising beginnings.

in one’s context. Here, again, the relationships that

the adolescent builds, rather than separation, seem

Developmental Systems Theories

to be the ideal contributor to positive development.

and Positive Youth Development

Lerner’s further suggestions regarding intervention

An approach that posits itself in opposition to

science also reflect this view: intervention programs

prevention science is seen in the PYD literature

are more effective in promoting PYD when the

(Bowers et al., 2011). Although intervention pro-

“Big 3” are present; namely, “(1) Sustained, posi-

grams developed with the prevention approach are

tive adult-youth relations; (2) Life skill building

aimed at reducing risk-taking behaviors such as

activities; and (3) Youth participation and leader-

drug abuse, PYD interventions strive to utilize and

ship” (Lerner et al., 2011). Thus, PYD-informed

enhance the strengths and assets that lie within as

intervention science has to take into account both

well as around the individual (Lerner et al., 2011).

autonomy and relatedness because “youth partici-

The “assets” and strengths are emphasized that are

pation and leadership” and “skill building activi-

useful in creating adaptive outcomes particularly in

ties” imply autonomy, and “positive adult-youth

this period. Lerner (2005) operationalizes his PYD

relations” imply relatedness. Again, although not

approach with a “Five C’s” model. The Five C’s of

the research focus, family is also present in the

PYD can be conceptualized as the assets “within”

process.

k ağitçiBa şi, ya Lin

419

Intentional Self-Regulation

this chapter. The PERGEL Project ( Pozitif Ergen

Intentional self-regulation is among several Gelişimi: Positive Adolescent Development), com-indicators of healthy adjustment put forth by PYD

bining theoretical and applied approaches, targets

researchers. Although a construct considered rel-

early adolescence in different contexts and strives

evant for adults, intentional self-regulation has to support PYD by promoting its different aspects.

recently also been studied in adolescents (Kara,

These aspects include positive self-concept, belief

2013). This is the case for relatedness taking part

in change and the importance of effort, positive

in autonomy-building. Whereas self-regulation is

attributions for self and others, empathy and social

described as a process involving the modulation of

competence, effective communication skills, posi-

thought, attention, and affect guiding goal-directed

tive intergroup attitudes and conflict resolution

behavior (Karoly, 1993; Raffaelli, Crockett, & skills, and autonomous-related self. Throughout Shen, 2005), intentional self-regulation refers spea semester, weekly group activities are carried out

cifically to a conscious effort to set and pursue

with sixth-grade students guided by trained group

goals, as well as to evaluate this process. This type

facilitators. The program includes activities that

of self-regulation embodies an aspiration to con-

target autonomy, such as the promotion of the idea

struct a balance between environmental demands

of intelligence and skills as changeable attributes

and resources (Zimmerman, 2007).

that can be improved by effort, as well as activities

The relationship between intentional that aim to enhance relatedness, such as building self-regulation and PYD has been established empathy and peaceful intergroup relations. Thus, through studies investigating various PYD-related

placing the PYD perspective at its core, the project

constructs, such as the five C’s (Gestsdóttir &

also makes use of Kağitçibaşi’s (1996; 2005; 2007)

Lerner, 2007) and hopeful future expectations autonomous-related self theory. Such a theoreti-

(Schmid, Phelps, & Lerner, 2011). This essen-

cally based comprehensive intervention program

tial skill, which theoretically parallels autonomy

for early adolescents from different socioeconomic

because it implies an ability of the individual to

strata is a novel endeavor in Turkey. The existing

think, plan, and act as an autonomous being, has

programs, mostly American, are not culturally sen-

been found to be related to nurturing parenting

sitive for the Turkish context. Combining a widely

(Brody & Ge, 2001). Different lines of research

accepted framework (PYD) with a cross-cultural

also link autonomy-granting behaviors of par-

theory of self and family, the project aims in the

ents, in unison with monitoring control, to mas-

long run to create an effective evidence-based ado-

tery orientation (Gonzalez, Doan Holbein, & lescent support program that can be a part of the Quilter, 2002) and to conscientiousness (Heaven &

guidance and counseling curriculum in schools.

Ciarrochi, 2008). Further investigation is needed

Such an application is expected to contribute to

into the interplay between autonomy and relat-

adolescent well-being. It may also be relevant for

edness in the family and the ensuing outcomes

implementation in other similar sociocultural

regarding self-regulation, but extant research seems

contexts.

to highlight these qualities in the family as deter-

minants of life skills. It is to be noted, however,

Future Directions: New Syntheses

that cross-cultural comparative research is lacking

Across Cultures?

at this point.

This chapter covered theory and research at the

intersection of family, adolescence, and autonomy-

PERGEL: An Example of an Applied

relatedness in cultural context. Although quite a bit

Approach to Early Adolescent Well-Being

of theory and research covered here originate from

Several of these perspectives have direct implica-

work conducted in the United States, we have also

tions for applications and interventions toward pro-

presented cross-cultural research and theory that

moting adolescents’ well-being. An ongoing study

is promising for testing the generality of American

on early adolescence in Turkey incorporates most

research findings and that may contribute to an

of the above-mentioned points in an intervention

understanding of the global phenomena under con-

program that aims to contribute to socioemotional

sideration. The diverse findings discussed in this

development of early adolescents within the school

chapter point to significant patterns of changes in

context. We provide a short description of this

lifestyles and the family. A very important underly-

study as a case in point for the applied significance

ing cause is social change and globalization. Family

of the several theoretical perspectives discussed in

and adolescence need to be viewed from a global

420

fa miLy in a doL eSCenCe

perspective. In the Majority World, there is a uni-

Asia, youth are increasingly mobile and spend less

versal urban shift. Global socioeconomic change

time with family; however, when a difficulty arises,

manifests itself particularly as large-scale urban-

a return to the family household for support is the

ization. Demographic statistics from developing

common practice. From Egypt to India, from Latin

countries show that, in 1990, the 10- to 19-year-old

America to China, similar syntheses are reported,

youth population in rural areas was double that of

probably signifying common patterns of change

urban areas (600 million vs. 300 million); in 2015,

in collectivistic cultures despite diverse cultural

the numbers are expected to be equal; and in 2025,

patterns (Brown et al., 2002). Indeed, on the one

the urban youth population is expected to exceed

hand, we speak of the emergence of a “youth cul-

the rural one by almost 100 million (World Energy

ture,” manifested in such observable signs as simi-

Council, 1999).

lar music, dress, and hairstyles; on the other hand,

Such massive social structural change brings the deep cultural themes also continue, creating about transformations in lifestyles that directly fusion, synthesis, and, at times, confusion.

impact families and adolescents. In urban lifestyles,

There is a need for more research into the main

new environmental demands emerge for different

topics covered in this chapter, research that uses

competencies as well as values, so that many of the

both developmental and cultural vantage points.

rural behaviors and outlooks lose their adaptive value

Such research should also have the potential to

and are replaced by new ones. Accordingly, childrear-

both contribute to theoretical advancement in ado-

ing patterns that are adaptive in rural traditional

lescence and promote adolescent well-being. To

society may no longer be adaptive in urban contexts.

realize such potential, however, the cultural con-

However, such transformations tend to involve not

text has to be taken seriously and studied at length.

only replacement of the old, but also new syntheses

More cross-cultural comparative studies on fam-

based on the interface of continuing cultural ele-

ily and adolescence are called for toward this end.

ments and changing lifestyles. The family model of

Through such work, we can develop a better under-

psychological interdependence (Kağitçibaşi, 1990;

standing of the intersection of human development

2007) presents just such a synthesis, one in which

and culture.

intergenerational relations involve psychological

interdependence and close-knit ties together with

Note

material independence. The adolescent self develop-

1 A term used by Kagitcibasi to refer to the majority of the

ing here also manifests an integrative synthesis—the

world’s populations outside of the Western countries.

autonomous-related self.

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C H A P T E R

26 Cultural Templates for Child

and Adolescent Friendships

Doran French

Abstract

Friendships exist within activity settings (classrooms, work, play groups) and are impacted by cultural blueprints that define their parameters. These rules are products of historical events, economic and subsistence systems, parental beliefs, and religious and philosophical views. These rules impact the behavior exhibited by friends with respect to intimacy, exclusivity, enhancement of worth, and management of conflict. Studies of friendship in Indonesia and South Korea provide examples of the range of friendship diversity. Whereas Korean friendships tend to be very intimate, exclusive, and durable, Indonesian friendships are more likely to be low in intimacy, extensive, and more transient.

Individualism-col ectivism models seem inadequate for explaining cultural variation in friendship, and it is unlikely that a comprehensive theory of cultural variation in friendship patterns will emerge. Instead, it may be more useful to look at prototypical patterns of friendship and map the extent to which these are common in different cultures.

Key Words: intimacy, culture, conflict, individualism-col ectivism, Indonesia, Korea, friendship prototypes

The comments of two student members of our

Friendships between children and adolescents

research team provide illustrations of the dramatic

occur across cultures, although, as reflected in

differences in friendships in different cultures. these comments, the forms that these take dif-A native Korean woman studying in the United

fer considerably (Bell & Coleman, 1999; Cohen,

States commented that she was often confused and

1966; Krappmann, 1996). Findings of the exis-

disappointed by the behavior of her US friend who

tence of rudimentary friendship in nonhuman

arranged weekend activities without consulting with

primates suggest the likelihood that friendships

her. In contrast, an Indonesian young woman was

existed from the beginning of human evolution-

puzzled by the behavior of a German exchange stu-

ary history. Female baboons, for example, develop

dent whom she had befriended while this student was

stable associations with others in their troops, and

studying in Indonesia but who had since returned

these relationships afford them enhanced access to

to Germany. She wondered why this German stu-

resources, reproductive advantages, and increased

dent, who regularly e-mailed her asking about her

longevity (Silk et al., 2010). It is likely that friend-

daily life, cared about her activities. Whereas the

ships may similarly provide humans with adaptive

Korean student’s comments reflected an expectation

advantages.

that friendships are ideally intimate and exclusive,

Although friendship is commonly construed

the Indonesian student’s comments reflected a view

as a voluntary relationship, it nevertheless exists

that dyadic friendships are often low in intimacy and

within cultural systems of practices and shared

typically do not persist across time and separations.

understandings (Suttles, 1970). McCall (1988)

425

suggests that friendships are guided by cultural

2002). These likely affect friendships because work

blueprints that specify who can and who cannot

demands and living arrangements determine the

be friends, the types of interactions that occur

proximity to peers, the opportunities that chil-

between friends, and the emotional connectedness

dren have to interact with others, and the contexts

that friends are expected to experience. This chap-

within which these interactions occur. Economic

ter outlines some of the parameters along which

systems have a major impact on children’s inter-

friendships between youth likely differ across cul-

actions, in part because of effects on population

tures. These parameters include rules about those

density. Konner (1975) argues that the probability

with whom it is permissible to develop friendships.

of children interacting with agemates throughout

Other parameters include the provisions of these

much of human history was minimal, given the

relationships, including intimacy, instrumental small size of hunter-gather groups. The ability of aid, extensivity, and enhancement of worth. The

children to form friendships with others who are

management of conflict is essential for the develop-

similar to themselves on multiple dimensions,

ment and maintenance of friendships (Gottman &

commonly referred to as “homophily,” is likely

Parker, 1986), and there are major cultural differ-

made possible by the increased population densities

ences in how conflict is exhibited and managed

that resulted from the development of agriculture.

within relationships (French, 2011). This chapter

Much of the interaction of children with non-

concludes with thoughts about theories explaining

family members of similar ages occurs in schools.

culture and friendship and suggestions for future

By bringing together large populations of

research.

same-age peers, schools make it possible for many

Children’s friendship interactions occur within

of the features associated with contemporary peer

contexts of space, time, and activities that are relations (e.g., homophily of friendships, segrega-embedded within a larger cultural context (Farver,

tion by sex, and the existence of social networks

1999). These contexts can be described as activ-

and crowds) to exist. Because of the importance

ity settings, a concept that has roots in ecological

of school as a context for children’s friendships,

models, Vygotsky’s (1978) theory, and the Whiting

variations in schools across cultures, such as size

and Whiting (Whiting & Edwards, 1988) behav-

(Barker & Gump, 1964), as well as other features,

ioral setting model. The concept of activity settings

such as gender segregation, age mixtures, avail-

is illustrated by Dyson’s (2010) anthropological

ability of unstructured time, school climate seg-

study of girls in an Indian Himalayan village that

regation by race class, academic ability, academic

details the manner in which friendships are situ-

demands, and school climate, and segregation by

ated within a system of work roles (i.e., leaf gather-

race, social class, or academic demands, likely

ing) and expectations about how children should

have an effect on children’s friendships (Jia et al.,

assist each other to accomplish this. As noted by

2009). For example, although both Chinese

Whiting and Edwards (1988, p. 5):

and US high school students often attend large

schools, Chinese schools are often structured

Ecology and the social and economic organization

such that students are with the same peers

of society determine the daily routines of adults and

throughout the day, whereas US students are

children, the individuals who frequent the same

exposed to many others because of changing class

settings, and the activities that are performed. The

composition, free time, and extracurricular activ-

scripts for daily life of each age group are consonant

ities. Thus, we would expect that some features of

with rules governing appropriate behavior in each of

peer relationships that have been identified in the

the settings.

United States, including the existence of crowds

As noted throughout this chapter, schools serve

and popularity structures, would be less likely to

as primary settings for children’s peer interactions,

exist in Chinese schools because youth interact

and features of these settings likely impact the

with small numbers of peers whom they know

friendships that occur within them.

very well. The intense focus on academic prepara-

tion in some countries (e.g., China and Korea)

Origins of Cultural Differences

limits the time that youth may interact with peers

in Friendships

in nonacademic contexts. The effects of this are

Many of the aspects associated with culture

seen in findings that Chinese adolescents in late

stem from adaptations to address subsistence high school report less companionship and inti-requirements (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen,

macy with friends than US adolescents, a finding

426

Cu Lt ur a L temPL ateS for ChiLd a nd a doL eSCent fr iendShiPS

that we interpret as occurring because their time

differences in the preferences and play styles of

is consumed with studying for exams (Liu, Li,

boys and girls (Edwards, 1992; Maccoby, 1998), in

Purwono, Chen, & French, in press).

some cultures, formal limits are established making

Religious and philosophical systems may also

it difficult for cross-sex friendships to exist. In other

impact friendship because these relationships cultures, boys and girls occupy different environ-become subject to systems of meaning and formal-

ments based on gender-segregated work demands

ized rules. One example includes Aristotle’s (1976)

or enrollment in same-sex schools. For example,

ideas that elevate the elements of friendship focus-

Wenger (1989) documents how the activities of

ing on affection and promotion of happiness and

boys (herding) and girls (assisting mothers with

de-emphasize utilitarian aspects (Sherman, 1993).

cooking and caregiving) in a Giriama rural Kenyan

The ideas of Confucius have also been very influen-

community provided boys with greater access to

tial. He viewed friendship as one of five basic rela-

peers and increased autonomy than were afforded

tionships necessary for a stable society and outlined

to girls.

a set of obligations appropriate to this relationship

Finally, we see that parents have expectations

(Kim, 1996).

about children’s peer relationships and friendships

The applications by Triandis, Bontempo, that differ by culture. Aukrust, Edwards, Kumru, Villareal, Asai, and Lucca (1988) and Reis, Collins,

Knoche, and Kim (2003) found that parents in

and Berscheid (2000) of the individualism and col-

four cultures differed in their views about peer

lectivism model provide one of the few attempts to

relationships of their preschool children; parents

provide a general explanation for cultural variation

from Korea and Sweden emphasized close friend-

in friendship. They argue that collectivists inter-

ships more than either US or Turkish parents.

act with a small number of ingroup members with

Although not tested, it is likely that parents act

whom they share very intimate and long-lasting

upon these theories to guide their children’s peer

relationships. Individualists, in contrast, tend interactions in directions that are expected by the to develop relationships that are low in intimacy

culture (Lollis, Ross, & Tate, 1992). For example,

and duration. As will be shown below, however,

Korean parents more often than those in the other

the limitations of this model are seen in findings

countries valued their preschool child develop-

that variations in intimacy do not consistently cor-

ing a best friend relationship, thus instilling at an

respond to predictions. For example, Korea and

early age the cultural norm of establishing intimate

Indonesia, two cultures considered collectivist, dyadic relationships (French, Bae, Pidada, & Lee, appear to be at the extremes of friendship intimacy

2006). It is likely that these expectations provide

and durability and extensivity of friendships. The

one mechanism for continuity of cultural patterns

question of the adequacy of this and other theories

of friendship across generations.

of cultural diversity and friendship will be taken up

again at the conclusion of this chapter.

Friendship Qualities and Conflict

Much of the research on culture and friend-

With Whom Can Children

ship has focused on differences in the qualities

Become Friends?

associated with friendship in different cultures.

Bell and Coleman (1999) suggest that friend-

The theoretical background of much of this work

ships are almost always constrained by such factors

stems from Weiss (1974), who developed taxonomy

as social class, propinquity, and gender. Children’s

of social provisions that individuals seek in rela-

abilities to establish relationships with others of

tionship with others. These provisions are similar

different social classes and races may be limited by

to those proposed by others (e.g., Berndt & Perry,

community organization and school enrollments,

1986; Bukowski, Boivan, & Hoza, 1994; Parker &

as well as by parental and societal restrictions.

Asher, 1993). The majority of research on culture

Dyson’s (2010) anthropological field work with and friendships has focused on intimacy, instru-girls in an Indian Himalayan village community

mental aid, enhancement of worth, and the inten-

illustrates that it was difficult for children who

sivity and extensivity of friendships.

were members of different castes to become friends

because of restrictions on behavior considered Intimacy

appropriately displayed to those who differ in caste.

The considerable variation in the intimacy of

Whereas gender segregation may occur through

youth’s friendships is illustrated by the comparison

child preferences, perhaps as a consequence of of child and adolescent friendships in Korea and fr enCh

427

Indonesia, two cultures that, although considered

are often transient and lacking in emotional depth.

collectivist, appear to differ considerably in their

Further evidence that the friendships of US stu-

emphasis on intimacy in friendships.

dents are somewhat less close than those in some

The intimacy of Korean relationships between

other cultures comes from the comparison of the

friends is described by the word cheong, which

social interactions of college students in Hong

refers to the melding of identities of friends such

Kong and the United States (Wheeler, Reis, &

that they are empathically capable of understand-

Bond, 1989). American college students reported

ing the other’s feeling and needs and address these.

lower levels of self-disclosure during their interac-

Friendships are expected to be long-lasting and

tions with peers than did Hong Kong students.

very intimate, incorporating elements of uncondi-

Sharabany (2006) reported a series of stud-

tional acceptance, trust, and intimacy (Lee, 1994).

ies assessing the friendship intimacy of multiple

In contrast, anthropologists have described groups within Israel. Consistent with the argument Javanese social structure as less focused on specific

that greater friendship intimacy exists within col-

dyadic friendships and instead primarily focused

lectivist than individualist cultures, she reported

on integration into the community and social that Arab children reported greater closeness networks (Jay, 1969). Koentjaraningrat (1985) with friends than did Jewish children. In con-reported that social interaction of urban adolescents

trast, however, to these supportive results, lower

typically occurs within clique groups. Noesjirwan’s

friendship intimacy was found in other collec-

(1978) findings that Indonesian adults believe that

tivist groups (i.e., Bedouin Arab and Jewish kib-

maintaining harmonious group relationships is butz communities), thus illustrating the difficulty more important than developing a few close friend-of explaining friendship intimacy based on the

ships, a view opposite to that of Australians, pro-

individualism-collectivism model.

vides further evidence of the prominence of group

In addition to mean differences between lev-

membership over that of close dyadic friendships.

els of friendship dimensions across cultures,

The empirical findings are generally consistent

differences may also emerge in the rates of devel-

with the view that the friendships of Indonesian

opmental changes in conceptions of friendship.

Javanese and Sudanese youth are less intimate Gummerum and Keller (2008) explored this ques-than those of their Korean or US counterparts.

tion by assessing the conceptions of friendship of

Indonesian college students rated their friendships

7- to 15-year-old youth in China, Iceland, Russia,

as being less intimate than those of either Korean

and the former East Germany using interview pro-

or US students (French et al., 2006). In the same

cedures developed by Selman (1980). Across coun-

study, we found that Korean students reported

tries, friendship conceptions followed a common

more disclosure to friends than did either US or

developmental progression. Whereas the youngest

Indonesian students in reports from 2 weeks of daily

children predominately focused on shared interac-

dairies. Indonesia children reported less friendship

tions, older adolescents focused on mutual support

intimacy than others in three studies. Both French,

and trust. There were country differences in the

Pidada, and Victor (2005) and French, Rianasari,

rate of these changes, with Chinese and German

Pidada, Nelwan, and Buhrmester (2001) found that

youth outpacing those in Iceland and Russia. The

Indonesian students rated their friends as lower in

results of this study highlight the importance of

intimacy than did Indonesian students, although

assessing developmental changes in views of friend-

these differences did not emerge in the analysis

ship, the likelihood that there are cultural differ-

of references to intimacy in open-ended descrip-

ences in these changes, and the possibility that

tions of friends. In an unpublished study, French,

cross-cultural differences in ratings of intimacy by

McCandless, Zhang, Suryanti, Pidada, Purwono,

children of a given age might emerge because of

Lee, Zhang, and Ji (2013) found that Korean differences in the developmental rate of change.

seventh-grade adolescents reported more affection

Further research might profitably focus on compar-

toward friends than did Indonesian adolescents.

ing developmental changes in friendship concep-

Additional evidence suggests that the friend-

tions in cultures (e.g., Korea and Indonesia), which

ships of European Americans may be less close

have been shown to differ in friendship intimacy.

than those of persons in some other cultures. Brain

Variations in intimacy between friends across

(1976), for example, has argued that friendships in

cultures might also emerge in the specific ways that

the United States are without formal status, and, in

this is expressed. For example, Gummerum and

contrast to friendships in many parts of the world,

Keller (2008) suggested that friendship intimacy

428

Cu Lt ur a L temPL ateS for ChiLd a nd a doL eSCent fr iendShiPS

among Chinese youth incorporates self-disclosure

made a similar observation of Philippine children

and sharing of secrets to a lesser extent that it does

in the Six Cultures Study that the mutual assis-

in other countries. It is likely that additional cul-

tance expectations that were exhibited by adults

tural differences exist in the ways that intimacy is

in Philippine society were paralleled by children’s

expressed.

expectations to assist each other with schoolwork.

Finally, as discussed by Way and Silverman A theme that is prominent in interviews with ado-

(2012), there are substantial methodological chal-

lescents from mainland China is the appreciation of

lenges in comparing levels of friendship intimacy,

mutual assistance of friends in learning and school

as well as of other provisions across cultures. Much

achievement (Chen, Kaspar, Zhang, Wang, &

of this research has relied on comparison of rat-

Zheng, 2004). The importance of helping others

ings across countries, and it is important to supple-

within Javanese and other ethnic groups within

ment this approach using multiple methods such as

Indonesia is reflected in the norms of mutual aid

observations, daily diaries, and ethnographic inter-

that are fundamental to traditional Indonesian

viewing to assess convergence across methods. The

social structures (Magus-Suseno, 1997).

dangers of relying on single sources of information

Tietjen (1989) suggested that the provision of

is illustrated by Way and Silverman’s (2012) find-

instrumental aid is likely to be particularly salient

ings that the difference in friendship intimacy that

in the friendships of children in collectivist cul-

consistently emerges when comparing friendship

tures. Supporting this view are the results from

ratings of boys and girls is not present when eth-

several cross-cultural comparisons of the impor-

nographic interviews of children about their friend-

tance of instrumental assistance on the friend-

ships are obtained. The methodological challenges

ships of children and adolescents. French, Pidada,

associated with comparing friendships across cul-

and Victor (2005) used both rating scales and

tures are addressed further at the end of this chapter.

interviews focused on the characteristics of ideal

friends to compare the qualities associated with

Instrumental Aid

the friendships of US and Indonesian fifth- and

Providing some form of assistance, whether it

eighth-grade students. Across the two methods,

be material goods, helping with tasks, or facilitat-

instrumental aid was a more salient aspect of the

ing access to resources, is likely an important part

friendships of Indonesian than US youth. The com-

of friendships in most cultures (Hartup, 1992; parative de-emphasis of instrumental aid in North Hays, 1988). This aspect of friendships tends to

American youth also emerged in the compari-

be de-emphasized in US youth, perhaps in part a

sons with Costa Rican (DeRosier & Kupersmidt,

function of philosophical views that friendships

1991), Chinese (Chen et al., 2004), and Cuban

are ideally based on affection rather than helpgiv-

youth (Gonzalez, Moreno, & Schneider, 2004).

ing, a view that is reflected in Aristotle’s distinction

Although these results provide support for Tietjen’s

between virtuous friendships and those based on

(1989) hypothesis, it is possible that US youth

utility. These ideas were prominent in American

de-emphasize this aspect of friendship because of

history (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & negative social desirability.

Tipton, 1985) and undoubtedly continue to be

reflected in contemporary values.

Exclusivity

There are numerous studies suggesting that

Triandis et al. (1988) argued that people in

instrumental aid is an important aspect of friend-

individualist cultures tend to move easily across

ships in many cultures. For example, Way (2006)

multiple social groups, whereas those in collectivist

found that sharing of money and protecting friends

cultures tend to limit their interactions to a small

from harm were salient aspects of the friendships

group of people that they know well. This argu-

of low-income black and Hispanic adolescents in

ment leads to questions about whether the struc-

the United States. The importance of exchange

tural features of friendships, such as permeability

of instrumental aid to promote the social struc-

to outsiders and network size, differ across cul-

ture has been documented in the Philippines. tures. The major empirical support for the Triandis Hollnsteiner (1979) discussed the norms of reci-et al. (1988) argument comes from Wheeler et al.’s

procity that govern the exchange of goods and

(1989) comparison of the social interactions of US

services in the Philippines and the importance of

and Hong Kong college students. Chinese students

these exchanges for cementing social and commu-

interacted with fewer people than did US students,

nity relationships. Nydegger and Nydegger (1963)

a finding that was interpreted as supporting the

fr enCh

429

hypothesis that collectivists limit their interactions

1985). There is evidence that these patterns are

to a small network of ingroup members. Hong

encouraged at a young age, with Korean parents

Kong students also reported more intimacy and

encouraging their preschool children to form close

group interaction than did US students.

friends (Aukrust et al., 2003), whereas Indonesian

Based on the Wheeler et al. (1989) findings, my

parents typically encourage children to play in

colleagues and I (French, Bae, et al., 2006) sug-

groups rather than engaging in dyadic interactions

gested that two aspects of the structural features of

with a “best friend.”

friendship interaction might vary across cultures.

The patterns of exclusivity just discussed do

First, it is possible that cultural variation exists in

not correspond to those predicted by Triandis

the number of different people that individuals

et al. (1988). Whereas one would expect from

interact with over time, with the tentative hypothe-

this argument that Korean and Indonesian youth

sis, based on the argument of Triandis et al. (1988),

would exhibit the most exclusive friendships and

that people in collectivist cultures typically interact

US youth the least, the two collectivist cultures

with fewer different people than do those in indi-

were at the extremes of this dimension, and the

vidualistic cultures. Second, it could be expected

European-American youth fell between these.

that the interactions of those in collectivist cultures

There are few studies of cultural and friendship

would be more exclusive than those in individual-

exclusivity, and further research on this dimension

istic cultures. Thus, we could expect that exclusive

of friendships deserves further attention.

groups would be composed mostly of close friends.

We obtained convergent evidence from rating

Enhancement of Worth

scales and inspection of diary records that were

Sullivan (1953) highlighted the role of same-sex

obtained daily over a 2-week period that Korean

friends during childhood and adolescence in enhanc-

friendships were the most exclusive, Indonesian

ing self-esteem and validating the self. Kitayama,

friendships the least, and the US friendships were

Markus, Matsumoto, and Norasakkunkit (1997)

between these extremes (French, Bae, et al., 2006).

suggested that the focus on self-enhancement is

When Korean students were with close friends,

more prominent in European-American popula-

they were with only close friends 78% of the time.

tions than it is in Japanese and other cultures in

In contrast, this exclusivity index was 62% for US

which interdependent views of self are prominent.

students and 51% for Indonesian students. The low

Similar arguments have been developed by Fiske,

percentage of exclusive friend interactions seen for

Kitayama, Markus, and Nisbett (1998) and Tietjen

Indonesian students is consistent with evidence

(1989).

that a major focus of Indonesian social life is par-

There is some evidence from the study of chil-

ticipation in broad social networks. Consistent dren’s friendships that is consistent with these posi-with this view, Noesjirwan (1978) observed that

tions. Chen et al. (2004) found that enhancement

Indonesians were more likely than Australians to

of worth was more salient in Canadian children

engage casual acquaintances and strangers in con-

than in Chinese children’s ratings of friendship

versation. When Korean students were with close

qualities. French, Pidada, Denoma, McDonald,

friends, most of the time these interactions did not

and Lawton (2005) found that 11- and 14-year-old

include others who were not close friends. As sug-

children in the US rated their friendships higher on

gested by this analysis, Korean students also tended

this dimension than did Indonesian children.

to interact in smaller groups than did either US or

One fruitful direction of future research

Indonesian students.

might be to look at how these processes are

The results of these studies of Korean, manifested in the daily life of children and ado-Indonesian, and U.S. populations of different ages

lescents. One approach might be to look at con-

suggest that there are consistent structural differ-

versations of friends to explore how self-esteem

ences in the exclusivity of friendships. These pat-

promotion occurs in these interactions. Such

terns of association likely reflect cultural norms

a study could build on the work by Dishion,

regarding peer relationships and are related to Spacklen, Andrews, and Patterson (1996) on expectations of intimacy. Whereas Koreans tend

deviancy training by using a microcoding system

to emphasize the establishment of very strong to explore how friends in different cultures focus dyadic friendships with whom they have very high

on enhancement of self-esteem perhaps by engag-

intimacy, Indonesians instead tend to empha-

ing in conversations in which they exchange

size interaction within groups (Koentjaraningrat,

compliments.

430

Cu Lt ur a L temPL ateS for ChiLd a nd a doL eSCent fr iendShiPS

Conflict

forgiving, and compromising with others (Wall &

The management of conflict is central to the for-

Blum, 1991). Similar to Indonesians, Chinese tend

mation and maintenance of friendships through-

to minimize overt conflict, instead relying on with-

out the lifespan (Gottman & Parker, 1986). drawal or indirect methods of resolution (Bond, Although children tend to experience less conflict

1991). Bond and Hwang (1986) argue that it is

with friends than they do with nonfriends (e.g.,

typical for conflicts to be managed by group leaders

Hartup, Laursen, Stewart, & Eastenson, 1988),

who are responsible for regulating conflict among

conflict management is essential because of the

persons in a group, mediating disputes, and keep-

ever-present possibility that conflict could disrupt

ing order.

these relationships.

In general, children from individualistic cul-

Conflict management within cultures can tures display assertiveness and actively pursue be understood in reference to an assortment of

self-interests during conflict episodes. For example,

socially shared scripts (Kitayama & Markus, preschool children in the Netherlands more often 1994). There is cultural variation in the character-than children in Andalusia, a more collectivis-

istics of these scripts, conditions under which they

tic society, were assertive and imposed their per-

are employed, and probability that they will be

sonal views during conflicts (Medina, Lozano, &

exhibited. Conflicts are structured and unfold over

Goudena, 2001); children in Central Italy were

time (Shantz, 1987). The conflict sequence can be

more adept than Canadian children at avoiding

thought of as occurring in four stages that include

and resolving conflicts between friends, mainly by

(1) preconflict, (2) mutual opposition, (3) conflict

maintaining respect for rules (Schneider, Fonzi,

termination, and (4) postconflict periods. Processes

Tomada, & Tani, 2000); and Mexican youths

occurring during each of these stages vary substan-

reported using concessions and shared princi-

tially across cultures (French, 2011). The precon-

ples to resolve interpersonal conflicts to a greater

flict stage is the least studied but perhaps most

extent than did US youths (Gabrielidis, Ybarra, &

interesting because there are considerable differ-

Villareal, 1997). Chinese children have been found

ences across cultures in the extent to which poten-

to exhibit less conflict than North American chil-

tial provocations are acknowledged and eventuate

dren (Benjamin, Schneider, Greenman, & Hum,

in a conflict (Fry, 2000).

2001; Navon & Ramsey, 1989; Orlick, Zhou, &

There is some evidence that the constructs of

Partington, 1990).

individualism and collectivism and relative power

Comparison of the conflict behavior of US

distance continue to be useful for conceptualizing

and Indonesian children was provided by French,

cultural differences in conflict (Leung & Wu, 1990;

Pidada, Denoma, McDonald, and Lawton (2005),

Markus & Lin, 1999), particularly when compar-

who interviewed 9- to 11-year-old children to

ing countries such as the United States, Indonesia,

obtain descriptions of their conflicts with peers.

and China that are positioned at the extremes of

Indonesian children more often reported dealing

these dimensions. Models of conflict resolution

with conflicts by disengaging than did the US

prominent among those of European ancestry in

children. This is consistent with the widespread

North America tend to be based on notions of indi-

practice of maintaining interpersonal harmony by

vidual rights and ideas that successful conflict man-

avoiding both the issue of conflict and the con-

agement involves self-assertion, compromise, and

flicting party, a style of addressing conflicts that is

negotiation (Islakandar, Laursen, Finkelstein, &

exhibited not only in daily life but is also displayed

Fredrickson, 1995; Laursen, Finkelstein, & by adults in business and political affairs (Friend, Townsend-Betts, 2001). In contrast, Javanese and

2003). Understanding of the meaning of disen-

other ethnic groups in Indonesia tend to avoid

gagement is seen in the findings that exhibition of

overt expressions of conflict by avoiding provoca-

this behavior by Indonesian children was positively

tions, refraining from interacting with others with

associated with teacher ratings of social status, sug-

whom one has conflicts, relying on polite and ritu-

gesting that such behavior is associated with social

alized forms of interaction, minimizing external

competence in this culture.

displays of strong emotions, and avoiding express-

The conflict behavior of Chinese children was

ing strong opinions (Magus-Suseno, 1997; Mulder,

studied by French, Chen, Chung, Li, Chen, and

1996). Consistent with the ideas of Confucius,

Li (2011) who observed how 9-year-old quartets

Chinese view it as important to maintain interper-

of unfamiliar Chinese and Canadian children

sonal harmony and to attain this by being tolerant,

addressed a limited resource problem (i.e., a single

fr enCh

431

attractive toy). Chinese children displayed pat-

cultural context that defines the opportunities that

terns of behavior likely to reduce conflict; they

children have to interact, the settings in which

more often spontaneously relinquished control of

they inhabit, the behavior that is expected in these

the toy to others and reacted more positively to the

settings, and cultural views about the expected

attempts by others to obtain the toy. Also emerg-

qualities of friendships (Gaskins, 2006). Intimacy

ing from this study was evidence that the “lead-

within friendships may also be partly a function of

ership conflict management script” that has been

other systems of intimacy that exist within the cul-

observed in adults (Bond & Hwang, 1986) is also

ture. For example, the existence of very strong and

used by Chinese children. It was more common in

intimate relationships with siblings or with other

Chinese than in Canadian groups for one or two

extended family members may reduce the necessity

children to attempt to structure the group actions

of establishing intimate relationships with friends

by invoking a general rule, a behavior that was less

(Gaskins, 2006). As noted earlier, other aspects of

frequently seen in Canadian groups. Most impor-

culture (e.g., structure of school, population den-

tant were findings that behavior displayed during

sity, and youth activities) have a strong influence on

these sessions was associated with group status.

peer interactions and friendships. Thus, it appears

Children were asked to rate their liking for chil-

very important for researchers who study culture

dren in their group. Whereas passive and reticent

and friendship to avoid relying exclusively on the

behavior was associated with group acceptance for

results from the administration of questionnaires

Chinese children, assertion and object control were

and other measures and to focus as well on under-

associated with acceptance by Canadian children.

standing the meaning of friendship within cultural

These results suggest that the standards of socially

systems and patterns of daily life (Bukowski &

competent responses to potential conflict differ in

Adams, 2006).

these two cultures.

Note that the studies reported here focused on

Approaches to Studying

cultural differences in conflict with peers in gen-

Friendship and Culture

eral, rather than with conflict within friendships.

There have been extensive discussions of meth-

Although it is likely that the cultural scripts for

odological issues relevant to the study of cultural

managing conflict with peers in general are simi-

variation in child and adolescent social behavior.

lar to those used with friends, this has not been

These have largely focused on issues of translation

directly explored. It would be useful to specifically

of measures, selection of appropriate comparison

explore conflict within friendships using methods

groups, measurement equivalence, and the relative

such as questionnaires, experience sampling, direct

utility of qualitative and quantitative approaches

observation, or other techniques.

(Schneider, French, & Chen, 2006; Vijver &

Leung, 1997). Instead of repeating this discus-

Concluding Comments

sion, this chapter focuses instead on two issues

The preceding sections outline some of the that are particularly relevant to the study of friend-dimensions on which friendships in different cul-

ship in different cultures. First is the importance

tures typically vary. Although these likely con-

of assessing the convergence of results obtained

stitute the major dimensions, there are others using different methods, multiple reporting agents, that could be considered. For example, it would

and replicating results with different samples that

be useful to look at companionship provided by

incorporate different ages. Second is the utility of

friends across different cultures, a dimension that

using both within-culture and cross-culture com-

is likely a function of differences in the opportuni-

parisons when assessing friendship.

ties that children have to interact with friends and

the settings that they jointly inhabit. For example,

Multimethod Assessment

Chinese adolescents report lower levels of com-

The study of friendship in different cultures has

panionship with peers than has been typically been dominated by comparisons of mean values of reported by US adolescents, a finding that is likely

rating scales by persons in each of these cultures.

attributable to the limited recreational opportuni-

Although valuable, an excessive reliance on this

ties afforded to high school Chinese students who

approach is problematic (Way, 2006) and intro-

experience intense academic pressure.

duces the possibility that results obtained could

Consistent with the premises just reported, emerge because of such factors as differences across children’s friendships are situated within a larger

cultures in response sets, the meaning of scale

432

Cu Lt ur a L temPL ateS for ChiLd a nd a doL eSCent fr iendShiPS

anchor points, and cultural differences in the sen-

relationships are not met. Because friendship inti-

sitivity of people within a culture to particular fea-

macy is particularly important for Chinese adoles-

tures of friendship (Schneider et al., 2006).

cents, the failure to attain this is associated with

It is therefore essential that researchers address

loneliness. In contrast, Indonesian adolescents are

these issues by appraising the convergence of results

very strongly focused on group acceptance, and

obtained by accessing friendships through multi-

the failure to attain this was more predictive than

ple approaches. Among the many approaches that

friendship intimacy.

could be used to study friendship are obtaining

diaries of daily interactions, using experience sam-

Explaining Cultural Variation

pling to assess the amount of time spent with peers,

in Friendship

observing the interactions of friends using ethno-

The final section of this chapter returns to address

graphic participant observations, and employing

a topic that was raised earlier—explaining cultural

structured interviews.

variation in friendship. This section includes a discus-

sion of the adequacy of individualism-collectivism

Between- and Within-Culture

models and conflict with a discussion of alternative

Assessments

explanations.

Conducting within-culture comparisons of the

links between friendship characteristics and mark-

Individualism-Collectivism

ers of social competence provides an alternative to

As noted throughout this chapter, researchers

the method of comparing mean scores across cul-

have attempted to utilize a model of individualism-

tures. Two illustrations of the use of this approach

collectivism to explain variation in friendship. Part

are provided below.

of the difficulty of using this model to explain

To determine the extent to which the meanings

friendship stems from the model itself, which has

of friendship were similar in the United States and

been criticized for being overly simplistic and broad.

Indonesia, we (French, Jansen, Riansari, & Setiono,

There have also been difficulties in measuring and

2003) extended Cronbach and Meehl’s (1955) con-

conceptually defining underlying constructs, and

struct validation approach to assess the extent to

divergent results have emerged from multiple stud-

which the network of empirical correlates of friend-

ies conducted in the same county. Many cultures

ship in Indonesia were similar to those that have

incorporate both individualistic and collectivist

emerged in studies of US friendships. The obtained

elements, and there are concerns that cultures that

correlations between social preference and number

are either classified as predominately individualis-

of friends in Indonesia were similar in magnitude

tic or collectivist differ in many ways (Oyserman,

to correlations obtained in US studies. Second, we

Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002).

found that there was similarity between Indonesian

The difficulty in explaining cultural features

children and their friends on aggression, social

using the individualism-collectivism model is illus-

withdrawal, social preference, and achievement, trated in this review of culture and friendship. It effects that were consistent with findings from the

is difficult to explain friendship intimacy using

United States. Because the empirical correlates of

this model when Indonesia and Korea, both gen-

friendship appear to be similar in the two cultures,

erally considered to be collectivist, are at opposite

we concluded that there is similarity between the

ends of the intimacy dimension. The findings that

construct of friendship, although, as noted earlier,

the European Americans in the United States fall

there are cultural differences between the specific

between these extremes provide additional com-

qualities associated with friendship in the two plications. Similar inconsistencies with the model cultures.

emerge from a comparison of friendship extensiv-

A second use of within-culture comparisons was

ity, with Korean and Indonesia youth at opposite

to assess the relation between loneliness and social

ends of the dimension, and with the US youth

preference and friendship intimacy in 13- and falling between these. On the other hand, the 15-year-old urban youth in China and Indonesia

individualism-collectivism model, as well as the

(Liu et al., in press). As expected from prior stud-

independent-interdependent model, are likely to

ies, Indonesian adolescents reported less intimacy

continue to be used because, at present, they seem

in their friendships than Chinese adolescents. be useful in accounting for some differences across We hypothesized that adolescents are lonely to

cultures. For example, the available evidence seems

the extent that their expectations of interpersonal

consistent with respect to explaining variation in

fr enCh

433

instrumental aid and conflict. This, in conjunction

few very strong, intimate, and long-lasting rela-

with the absence of an alternative theory that more

tionships with one or more persons who may be

adequately fits the existing findings, means that

almost as important as family members. Korean

this model will likely continue to be discussed.

friendships in their ideal appear to correspond to

this prototype. Finally, an additional prototype

Alternative Explanations

may be described by Israeli Kibbutz communities,

of Culture and Friendship

in which there is strong involvement with peers,

It is unlikely that a comprehensive explana-

but limited strong dyadic friendships. This pattern

tion of cultural variation in friendships will be

appears to come close to describing Indonesian

developed. As noted earlier, culture is multideter-

friendships as these existed in traditional villages.

mined and is likely a product of subsistence pat-

It is important to recognize that culture is con-

terns, history, and the influence of philosophical

stantly changing, and, consequently, we should

and religious views. Korean culture, for example,

expect friendships as a cultural institution to also

is strongly influence by its historical relation with

change with the emergence of new prototypi-

China and Confucianism, whereas Indonesian cul-

cal patterns (Silbereisen & Chen, 2010). Use of

ture has been more strongly influenced by India

computers and cellular telephones is impacting

and more recently by Dutch colonialism and Islam.

friendships in ways that are only beginning to be

Undoubtedly, some aspects of the contemporary

studied. Online communication may expand the

patterns of friendship that exist within these cul-

size of adolescents’ social networks, enable them

tures are a function of some of these influences.

to maintain regular contact with friends, and per-

One could similarly analyze the multiple factors

haps provide a platform for intimate conversation

that have impacted friendship within any given

(Davis, 2012). On the other hand, these may be

culture.

associated extensive friendship networks with lim-

Future research on culture and friendships ited intimacy and reduced face-to-face interactions.

might profitably focus on uncovering prototypic

Perhaps further study will reveal the emergence

patterns of friendships within cultures. Based on

of a prototypical pattern that is associated with

the arguments of Cohen (2002), it is likely that

media-focused friendships.

only a limited number of stable patterns of rela-

An additional friendship prototype is that of

tionships exist. Although there are likely few cul-

the compartmentalized friendship, as described

tures in which all features of the prototype are fully

by Adler and Adler (2001). These types of friend-

developed, nevertheless, it may be useful to catego-

ships are nested within activity structures (e.g.,

rize friendships as approximating these prototypi-

soccer friends, academic friends, neighborhood

cal systems. An attempt to categorize friendship

friends, online friends). Although individuals in

types in multiple cultures based on ethnographic

these activity structures may be close friends, these

studies was attempted by Cohen (2002). This relations may be short lived (as activities change, analysis appears, however, to have limited utility

so do friends) and confined to a limited number of

for categorizing friendship in contemporary urban

activities rather than existing across multiple activi-

communities.

ties. It remains to be seen whether this pattern is

Several possible prototypes are suggested by cul-

sufficiently pronounced to rise to a prototypic

tural systems of friendship that were reviewed in

structure, but it appears to increasingly describe

this chapter. One such prototype exists in which

friendship patterns of both children and adults in

the family serves as the major social organization,

contemporary society. This change may contribute

and most important relationships occur within the

to the increased adult social isolation that has been

extended family, with limited involvement with

evolving in the United States over the past decades

nonfamily peers. This pattern of relationships is

(McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Brashears, 2006).

described by Gaskins (2006) as existing within

Researchers could begin to explore the relation

Guatemalan Mayan villages and by Sharabany between these prototypical types of friendships in (2006) as existing within Bedouin Israeli com-relation to other features of the culture and to the

munities. There are likely other cultures in which

other relational systems that exist. It is likely that

family relationships are sufficiently strong and per-

prototypes additional to those just described exist.

vasive as to preclude the establishment of strong

It is also likely that, within many cultures, there

relations with friends (Bell & Coleman, 1999). In

are hybrids of prototypical patterns of friendship.

another possible prototype, individuals develop a

Unfortunately, the task of searching for prototypes

434

Cu Lt ur a L temPL ateS for ChiLd a nd a doL eSCent fr iendShiPS

and evaluating friendship systems is complicated

J. Chu (Eds.), Adolescent boys in context (pp. 197–218).

by the absence of systematic research on friend-

New York: New York University Press.

ship by anthropologists (Bell & Coleman, 1999).

Cohen, D. (2002). Cultural variation: Considerations and

implications. Psychological Bulletin, 127, 451–471.

As seen in this chapter, the paucity of research on

Cohen, Y. A. (1966). Patterns of friendship. In Y. A. Cohen

children’s friendships further complicates our abil-

(Ed.), Social structure and personality (pp. 351–386).

ity to develop a comprehensive understanding of

New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

friendship in different cultures.

Cronbach, L. J., & Meehl, P. E. (1955). Construct validity in

psychological tests. Psychological Bulletin, 52, 281–302.

Davis, K. (2012). Friendship 2.0: Adolescents’ experiences of

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437

C H A P T E R

27 Education and the Youth

Phase: Patterns, Purposes, and

Problems in Global Perspective

Lynne A. Chisholm

Abstract

This contribution explores the purpose and meaning of education in the youth phase, particularly as framed by the learning continuum of formal, nonformal, and informal education. It takes a global perspective, contrasting the Global North and the Global South, highlighting inequalities in access and participation to secondary schooling, including their gendered dimensions. Education significantly structures the contemporary youth phase in the Global North, where young people face both extension and intensification of learning demands. This is less so in the Global South, which thus curtails the youth phase as transition process and cultural space. In very different ways, both sets of overall circumstances can be understood in terms of youth life as a cultural workplace. However, social and economic inequalities within and between countries and communities heavily circumscribe the human development potential of the youth phase and the role education as a whole can and should play in this process.

Key Words: youth phase, learning continuum, educational inequalities, Global North and South, youth culture, youth transitions

Introduction

world: regardless of country, culture, and creed,

There is a kindergarten just up the road from my

youngsters typically start their schooling with

present workplace, the United Nations Educational,

boundless enthusiasm for discovering more about

Cultural and Scientific Organization (UNESCO)

the world, their peers, and themselves.

Institute for Lifelong Learning, housed in one of

In the poorest countries, in highly isolated

the splendid and spacious white stucco residences

regions, and in cultures that place women and men

of which there are so many in Hamburg’s affluent

into separate, unequal hierarchies, the joy of that

neighborhoods. From the upper floors, a banner in

first day at school may still never come. For many

rainbow colors flutters in this northern city’s con-

more of these children, schooling will cease so early

stant breeze so that the façade conjures up fleet-

that, as adolescence begins, formal education ends

ing reminiscences of urban political squats, with

forever. At the same time, the richest countries of

their penchant for vibrant street-front slogans. the world expect and insist that young people stay Splashed across curious children’s faces, the ban-in some form of education and training until they

ner reads “because education is more than learn-

reach the age of majority at—for most such coun-

ing.” This kindergarten is evidently dedicated to

tries—18 years of age, even though significant pro-

the kind of welcoming, affirmative early education

portions may and do leave as soon as the law allows

that fosters the sustainable, rounded development

them to do so, typically at 15 or 16 years of age. By

of curiosity, acculturation, and character. That is

this time, many young people cannot wait to get

nothing unusual in Hamburg, as elsewhere in the

out of school and never want to have anything to

438

do with education ever again: “Hey, teachers! Leave

The reasons are both simple and complex. Most

us kids alone! All in all you’re just another brick in

simply, the poorest countries of the world are those

the wall!”

with the highest illiteracy rates. Their education

Pink Floyd’s epic teenage rock hymn is systems cannot reach everyone and are insuffi-35 years old yet remains to this day an indel-

ciently resourced to provide good-quality school-

ible, good-natured icon of youth cultural protest

ing for all, let alone alternative forms of provision

in Europe, North America, and Australia/New for learning. At the same time, social and cultural Zealand. Ironically enough, it came out in late

power relations intervene to regulate access to and

1979, the year in which western European youth

participation in formal education. This manifests

labor markets began to collapse, ultimately to be

itself clearly in the case of gender. In countries with

recast in a very different contemporary modern

higher rates of illiteracy, girls and women of all ages

world of much more extended and precarious are usually more likely to be illiterate than are their transitions between education and work, youth male peers. Seven countries in Table 27.1 show and adulthood. In this sense, young people in the

this pattern; only in Azerbaijan is the gender gap

world’s prosperous regions perhaps have a little

a very small one (in a country and region with low

more in common with young people in the less

illiteracy rates). Conversely, six countries in Table

well-off countries than the majority of them used to

27.1 display a reverse gender gap, so that it is young

have in the decades that followed World War II—

men who are more likely to be illiterate. However,

and not only because of the globalization of youth

these countries’ illiteracy rates are much lower

culture via media, mobility, and commodification.

overall, and the countries fall across a broad band

Today, and from very different starting-points, of developing and transition economies. Finally, most young people around the globe have access

Table 27.1 includes Belarus, Cyprus, and Indonesia

to and experience rather more education than was

as examples of countries with both very low illit-

the case 35 years ago. Many of them, wherever they

eracy rates and gender parity in this respect. None

live, then find it difficult to establish an indepen-

belong to the world’s leading economies, but each

dent life, especially in financial terms, although

stands as a specific example of how—in very dif-

what they might realistically hope to achieve var-

ferent ways—historical, social, and political factors

ies enormously according to their socioeconomic

interplay to favor placing priority on education as a

background and the part of the world in which

strategy for economic and cultural—although not

they are trying to make a life.

necessarily politically democratic—development

Pink Floyd’s song line “we don’t need no educa-

and sustainability.

tion” never chimed quite true, at least insofar as

In sum, the global picture suggests that gender

education implies—among other things—cogni-

literacy gaps are at their widest (disadvantaging

tive learning. Globally, 123 million young people

girls and women, often significantly) in the poorest

aged 15–24 (some 10% of the age range) in 2011

countries of the world and at their narrowest (from

could not read and write, with the lowest youth lit-

gender parity to small disadvantage for young men)

eracy rates in sub-Saharan Africa, South and West

in the richest countries but that, between the two

Asia, and in the Caribbean—in these regions, ends of the scale (where most countries fall), pat-between 2 and 3 in 10 of the age cohort remain

terns are diverse and include examples of gender

illiterate (see Table 27.1). Furthermore, two-thirds

parity as well as gender gaps in both directions.

of the world’s illiterate youth are female; the global

However, for most countries of the world, analyses

gender gap derives predominantly from three that can account for the specific relations among world regions—South and West Asia, sub-Saharan

culture, education, and gender that result in par-

Africa, and the Arab States (UNESCO Institute

ticular patterns have still to be written.

for Statistics [UIS], 2013: 16; see also Verma &

The overall picture for the world’s richest coun-

Petersen, this volume).

tries also conceals disconcerting realities. Youth

Table 27.1 shows the most recent global com-

literacy rates reach virtually 100% in Europe and

pilation for youth illiteracy rates by world region

Central Asia, but the Organization for Economic

and for two countries in each region. These coun-

Cooperation and Development (OECD)’s 2009

tries all provide recent data and have been selected

Programme for International Student Assessment

to illustrate the extent to which illiteracy rates

(PISA) results indicated that 1 in 5 15-year-olds

among young people differ between countries in the European Union Member States read and within regions, as well as between world regions.

write too poorly to be able to sufficiently manage

ChiShoL m

439

Table 27.1. Illiteracy Rates for Young Women and Men Aged 15–24 by World Region and for Selected Countries in World Regions, 2009/2010/2011.

World region and

Illiteracy rate

Illiteracy rate

World region and

Illiteracy rate

Il iteracy rate

selected countries young women (%) young men (%)

selected countries young women (%) young men (%)

Arab States

13.5

6.8

Latin America &

2.6

3.2

Caribbean

Morocco

26.0

11.2

Dominican

1.9

3.9

Republic

Jordan

0.7

0.9

Uruguay**

0.8

1.6

Central &

0.8

0.5

North America &

n/a

n/a

Eastern Europe

Western Europe

Bulgaria

2.3

1.9

Spain

0.3

0.5

Belarus*

0.2

0.2

Cyprus

0.2

0.2

Central Asia

0.2

0.4

South & West

25.1

13.4

Asia

Mongolia

2.7

5.9

Pakistan*

38.5

20.9

Azerbaijan*

0.1

0.0

Sri Lanka**

1.4

2.3

East Asia

1.2

1.1

Sub-Saharan

36.3

24.4

Africa

Cambodia*

14.1

11.6

Guinea**

78.2

62.4

Indonesia

0.2

0.2

Uganda**

14.5

10.4

World total

13.2

7.8

World region refers to UNESCO’s Education for All (EFA) program regions. For the youth literacy rate, the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (UIS) only publishes data that covers at least 33% of the world regional population aged 15–24 years. Data are therefore not available for North America and Europe, nor for the Pacific subregion. For further details, see UIS (2013), sect. 4 on methodology.

Data refer to 2011, unless so marked: *2009 data, **2010 data.

World total refers to the arithmetic average of all available data, including UIS estimates.

Illiteracy in this country is more widespread among young women

Illiteracy in this country is more widespread among young men

Illiteracy rates among young women and men in this country are similar

Source UIS (2013), Annex I, tables 3 and 5 (selected and amended).

the social and economic demands of everyday life

conclude that, in too many cases, whatever formal

(EU Skills Panorama, 2012, p. 5). The 2012 PISA

education intends to achieve, it does not result in

findings throw up the same figure for the average

sufficient core learning outcomes—that is, the

OECD country (i.e., the world’s leading economies)

basic knowledge and competences that people need

and note that, in only a very few countries, does this

to get along reasonably well in a complex world.

proportion fall to 1 in 10, thus confirming the sig-

Wherever and however such young people have

nificant effect in many countries (but by no means

encountered formal education, they are compelled

all) of socioeconomic status on inequity of educa-

or they choose to pursue their human develop-

tional outcome at 15 years of age (Organization for

ment elsewhere. They do not stop learning infor-

Economic and Cultural Development [OECD], mally in everyday life, but they turn their backs 2013, pp. 9, 13).

on education. That is more than unfortunate,

Education may be more than learning, but because if there is one thing we definitely know faced with these kinds of bare statistics we can only

about motivation for and participation in further

440

eduC at ion a nd t he you t h Ph a Se

organized forms of learning throughout life, it is

processes, especially in terms of their renewed

this: the more you have had, the more you get and

importance for understanding what it might

the more you want to get—and vice-versa. People

mean to fashion education for all in the manifold

who lose motivation for education and training

textures of 21st-century lives across the globe.

when they are young are likely to stay that way for

The spotlight then turns directly onto the struc-

the rest of their lives. Quite apart from arguments

tural relations between education and the youth

about the need to continually improve and renew

phase and, in particular, how formal education

one’s knowledge and competences in fast-moving

has increasingly come to shape the youth phase

economies and societies, if we concur that the core

in time and space and for life prospects in the

purpose of education is human development, then

longer term. Yet, paradoxically, youth as cultural

this has to be a serious issue for scholars (together

activity and expression seems once more to be

with educational practitioners and policy makers)

slipping away from the enveloping tentacles of for-

to address.

mal education, forging new kinds of autonomous

This introduction raises a number of intercon-

arenas for human development in everyday life.

nected issues in relation to education and the youth

Here, similarities and differences between young

phase, at the core of which lie two questions:

people moving toward adulthood in the coun-

• How can we make sense of the relations and

tries of the Global South and the Global North

the differences among education, learning, and

open fresh horizons for making sense of youth in

human development?

a more organic, global perspective. Finally, the

• How can we characterize the purpose and

conclusions reflect on developing a more evenly

experience of education in the youth phase?

constructed and open space for future theory and

research on education and youth that can speak to

This chapter takes these issues further, as far as

and with the full world of scientific communities,

possible with a global reach. This is most readily

policy makers, and educational practitioners—set

achievable at a general conceptual level, although,

against the backdrop of the eternal conundrum of

even here, the scholarly body of contemporary education as humankind’s ambivalent and contra-knowledge on education, learning, and youth dictory struggle to transcend and transform while draws almost wholly on the Western intellectual

corralling and conserving.

tradition. At the empirical level, we face real access

constraints. For many parts of the world, little or

Terms and Key Referents

no research knowledge exists; where it does exist,

Social science disciplines do not necessarily

language barriers make much of it inaccessible for

use the same terms to denote what are—at least

most scholars outside the relevant scientific com-

on the surface of it—the same subjects of interest.

munity. This issue affects all human science fields,

Where psychologists are likely to write “adolescent”

of course (International Social Science Council and “adolescence,” sociologists are likely to write

[ISSC], 2010). In the case of education, inter-

“young person” and “youth phase.” Educationalists

national statistics constitute the main source of

are prone to describe members of young age groups

information. These are undeniably important and

in terms of their relation to educational systems—

useful, yet they can only ever picture a tiny frac-

hence, as school or higher education students, or,

tion of what researchers need to know about edu-

in reverse, international reports designate “out-of-

cational realities.

school youth” and researchers refer to “drop-outs.”

The next section begins by clarifying the Economists, for their part, denote people of all anchoring terms used in this chapter—young ages as “human resources” and write about the people, the youth phase, and the life-course—and

“youth labor force,” made up of trainees, appren-

by distinguishing among education, learning, and

tices, young workers, and the young unemployed

schooling. This leads into a discussion of educa-

who are beyond compulsory school age but below

tion as human development that unfolds within

the demarcation point for membership in the adult

individual and social learning processes; how-

labor force (typically from 25 years old).

ever, these do not necessarily always take place in

We can immediately see that disciplines have

schools and universities, which are prime examples

different “takes.” Educationalists and—even more

of formal educational arrangements. This discus-

so—economists analyze social subsystems, within

sion explores, therefore, the continuum of formal,

which human actors adopt certain identities, roles,

nonformal, and informal learning contexts and

and tasks. Psychologists and sociologists focus on

ChiShoL m

441

the human subject as individual and social actor

countries; that is, such provision is intended (but

in a plurality of cultural, economic, and political

may not be compulsory) for young people in this

contexts. Psychologists are likely to emphasize the

age group.

individual subject and to link human development

In fact, the lower end of the youth phase (around

more closely to its biological and psychic dimen-

12–16 years) has attracted relatively less social and

sions—hence, the preference for the term “adoles-

educational research interest, with the exception of

cence.” Sociologists generally privilege the social

the rise of achievement testing in the past 15 years.

subject, thus connecting human development with

International education statistics also focus on

its cultural and community dimensions—and so

initial entry and exit points (i.e., children start-

they use the term “youth phase.” These distinc-

ing primary school and young people completing

tions among disciplines are approximate, since, compulsory education) and less on the patterns in for example, those educationalists closer to the

between. Interest in transition from primary to

humanities very much place individual develop-

secondary schooling has primarily focused on the

ment—personal, moral, and intellectual—at the

reproduction of social inequalities, carried forward

center of concern, whereas macrosociologists may

by qualitative, ethnographic studies of schooling

well focus on age cohort patterns and generational

and youth cultures (see, e.g., Brake, 2004; Richards,

changes in which individual subjects are not perti-

2011; Suárez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004).

nent to the analysis. Moreover, social psychologi-

This volume sets human development at the

cal and microsociological perspectives and research

forefront, in alignment with both life course and

significantly overlap, whereas contemporary youth

education as social processes that—in myriad

research is an emphatically multidisciplinary field

combination between the forces of structure

in which themes and issues take precedence over

and agency—frame and shape the constellation

disciplinary antecedents.

and negotiation of opportunities and constraints,

In accordance with my own disciplinary heri-

chances and risks. Development is essentially an

tage as a sociologist of education, this chapter uses

open-ended process of change, comprising multi-

the terms “young people” and “youth phase,” and

ple features that may not change in synchrony and

it will move as appropriate between the structural

are not necessarily one-directional. This applies to

and cultural analysis of education in relation to this

individual human development as a lifelong trajec-

section of the population and this period of the life

tory, and it applies equally to human development

course. But how are this section and this period

as aggregate processes of social change.

defined? As it happens, the youth phase is histori-

International development analyses are com-

cally and culturally something of a moving feast,

monly anchored in economic variables (see, e.g.,

one that, in modern societies, is but loosely marked

World Bank, 2013), but they also importantly

by the bodily and psychical changes of puberty and

include an increasing variety of cultural and social

its resolution.

indicators that together attempt to summarize

In terms of the social construction of the life

the overall quality of life in given countries and

course, the second half of the 20th century wit-

regions. Education indicators are key elements

nessed an extension of the youth phase at both

of human development indices, and so these are

ends: today, children become young people earlier,

important sources of information with a global

and young people become adults later (Corsaro,

range. Building in this kind of material is a way

2005; Furlong & Cartmel, 2007; Galland & to offset a little the imbalanced range of research Cavalli, 1995). There are several reasons for this

knowledge.

change, and education is implicated, as specifically

Before considering the purposes of education for

discussed in the later section on education and the

and in the youth phase, it is essential to recognize

youth phase. For the purposes of this chapter—

that education is not equivalent to schooling, and

especially given that this volume includes a section

neither is it synonymous with learning. All three

devoted to young adulthood—a concept that has

contribute to individual and social human develop-

emerged to come to grips with the extension of the

ment but in different ways. The next section thus

youth phase at its upper end—the terms “young

introduces in particular the continuum of formal,

people” and “youth phase” refer above all to social

nonformal, and informal education and learning.

subjects between the ages of approximately 12 The following section’s discussion of education and 18 years. This period is consonant with that

and the youth phase pays attention to differences

of lower and upper secondary education in most

between the Global North and the Global South

442

eduC at ion a nd t he you t h Ph a Se

(basically, what used to be called the developed

Children and young people are “cultural appren-

and developing world; for fuller understanding tices” (Cohen, 1999) par excellence, of course—

of these terms, see United Nations Development

and they are therefore the core educational target

Programme (UNDP), 2013 a, 2013 b). This is inevi-

group in any culture (but not the sole target: new-

tably an oversimplification of enormous global comers can also be adult migrants with diverse complexity, but it does set up some basic param-linguistic and cultural backgrounds, for example).

eters, including charting the intransigent prob-

The educational processes in which they participate

lematic of the social and cultural production and

can take place in different kinds of structures and

reproduction of inequalities through education contexts. Schools are the paradigmatic example of itself. The focus lies on the period of secondary

formal educational provision in modern societies,

schooling and draws attention to global inequi-

so much so that school-type education has come to

ties in base-level access and participation, which

define what education is altogether—when people

reflects pernicious intersections between economy

in everyday life talk in English about education,

and culture.

they generally mean schooling. Formal education

refers to institutionalized and regulated cognitive,

Education, Learning, and

affective, and practical learning in which cognitive

Human Development

learning (knowledge acquisition, its autonomous

In classic sociological terms, education is a cul-

manipulation, and, ultimately, its production)

tural transmission process by which new members

dominates both curricula and assessment.

of a society actively learn from its established mem-

But learning routinely takes place in nonformal

bers and from experience what they need to know

and informal settings, too (see, e.g., Chisholm, 2008;

in order to recognizably belong and concretely con-

Chisholm, Hoskins, & Glahn, 2005; Hager &

tribute to the community (for comprehensive over-

Halliday, 2009; Rogers, 2005). Nonformal educa-

views, see Hallinan, 2006; Torres & Antikainen,

tion—which is less institutionalized, little regu-

2003). Education is thus a socialization process that

lated, and seldom records graded achievement—is

conveys, creates, and recreates legitimated norms,

particularly significant during the youth phase.

values, attitudes, and behaviors, and it is a process

Projects and activities offered through youth asso-

of acquiring the knowledge and skills required for

ciations, youth work, and community education,

performing given tasks and functions within the

together with faith-based groups and sports clubs,

extant social division of labor (but it does not do

provide complementary learning opportunities in

so evenhandedly or neutrally). As a corollary, indi-

integrated and holistic ways, often linked with civic,

viduals become social subjects whose multifaceted

social, and environmental engagement or interna-

sense of self, identity, purpose, and meaning define

tional youth exchange programs. Nonformal youth

how they position and understand themselves education includes cognitive learning, but practical within their reference cultural fabric.

and affective learning are typically the more signifi-

This is the essence of how human develop-

cant dimensions, with particular emphasis placed

ment takes place, on the basis that such processes

on personal and social development.

are inherently open-ended—social environments

New media as educational channels bridge

change, and individual experience accretes con-

nonformal and informal learning modalities. On

tinuously so that not only subjectivity, but also

the one hand, they are increasingly intentional

capacity evolve and reconstitute themselves learning arenas, whether via the use of interactive over time (see, e.g., Ferguson, 2000; Fischman,

educational software in schools (e.g., in modern

McLaren, Sünker, & Lankshear, 2005; McLeod &

languages) or as offering e-tools for project-based

Yates: 2006). Tensions and contradictions inevita-

activities in community arts education (e.g., as

bly arise, not least through encountering limits as

part of museum exhibitions). On the other hand,

well as options and recognizing that others (indi-

digital media, including social networking plat-

viduals, groups, cultures) may see (and represent)

forms, have become an integral part of most

themselves and the world quite differently. These

young people’s everyday lives in the Global North

experiences ideally foster the development of capac-

and are rapidly spreading in much of the Global

ity for critical reflection on the status quo, which is

South. Their informal learning power is undeni-

the core motor for ongoing personal development

able—still largely (but by no means wholly) cre-

and the ability to adjust to changing circumstances

ated and shaped by adults (few of whom are today

and demands across and throughout life.

beyond their fourth life decade) and differentially

ChiShoL m

443

consumed by young people largely on their own

significance for both youth and adult education

terms. A major new socialization space has opened

in Latin America, the Pacific, and in Africa (see,

up in the past two decades, one with fundamentally

e.g., Ikuenobe, 2006; Mejiuni, 2013; Merriam &

different ground rules than those holding sway in

Grace, 2011; Nombuso Dlamini, 2008).

conventional, real-time, face-to-face social environ-

There are three main reasons for this. First,

ments with their human hierarchies of influence

nonformal and informal learning match cultural

and control (see, e.g., Drotner & Schrøder, 2010;

and social traditions in these parts of the world

Ito et al., 2009).

rather well because they place greater emphasis

Informal education speaks to the kind of inci-

on learning as a socially situated and collective

dental, experiential learning that takes place activity (see also Correa-Chávez, Mangione, & in everyday life and which, by its very nature, is

Black, this volume; Nsamenang, this volume).

noninstitutionalized, nonregulated, and is neither

Latchem (2014) points out that an understand-

amenable nor subject to discrete evaluation. This

ing of cultural context is crucial to appreciate this

kind of largely self-directed, self-socializing kind of

issue. Drawing on Hofstede’s (2001) dimensions of

learning is also of particular importance for young

culture, he describes the cultural framing of teach-

people because it includes peer learning. Peer ing and learning in traditional, precolonial societ-groups, cliques, and youth subcultures offer auton-

ies. In particular, collectivist values privilege social,

omous arenas for interaction and experimentation,

group-based learning, whereas the legitimacy of

opening up spaces for exploration of identity and

what is to be learned derives from the combination

confrontation with difference, as well as avenues of

between relevance (for one’s role in contributing

information and ideas that are not dependent on

to community needs) and status (of those guid-

immediate family and neighborhood resources and

ing the acquisition and practice of specific kinds

networks.

of knowledge and skill). The focus lies on building

Formal, nonformal, and informal learning are

consensus, solving problems in the here and now,

distinct conceptual categories of activity and expe-

and takes a holistic perspective toward learning

rience, but, in practice, most educational settings

that places importance on the affective and practi-

are imbued with mixed characteristics (Chisholm,

cal, as well as the cognitive. He goes on to report

2006; Colley, Hodkinson, & Malcolm, 2002; examples of open and distance outreach learning Malcolm, Hodkinson, & Colley, 2003). In partic-in the areas of agriculture, health, and ecology in

ular, informal learning, by definition, takes place

Africa, Asia, and the Pacific whose success is attrib-

across the full range of cultural and social life—

uted to their directly interactive and participatory

including in school settings, of course, which offer

methods, including combining conventional radio

a multitude of learning opportunities outside the

with mobile telephones.

classroom, for example, during breaks and along-

Second, because they are much less—or not

side cultural and sports events. Extracurricular at all—subject to external regulation of content activities offered by schools (e.g., through teach-and pedagogy, nonformal and informal modali-

ers, parent associations, and voluntary groups) are

ties facilitate the inclusion of indigenous knowl-

equally examples of nonformal educational pro-

edge and epistemologies together with alternative,

vision that are explicitly addressed to their own

more resolutely radical educational philosophies,

students.

such as those derived from Paolo Freire’s liberation

Historically speaking, informal education is theology (seeMcLaren, 2000). Essentially, radical the “oldest” form of learning, nonformal educa-pedagogy argues that education should stand at

tion expands with the growth of organized public

the service of the marginalized and excluded and

life (especially in modern urban civil society con-

should equip both young and adult learners with

texts), and the provision of mass formal educa-

immaterial resources for achieving the economic,

tion emerged only in the past two centuries. Thus,

political, and social transformation of their com-

until very recently, organized and regulated forms

munities. This implies very significant change in

of learning have not been a significant avenue for

curricular content and teaching-learning meth-

human development for the overwhelming major-

ods, as well as in terms of opening up access and

ity of the world’s populations and still are not

enabling participation across the board. Formal

for some groups in some countries and cultures.

education is highly institutionalized and is firmly

Informal learning, increasingly complemented by

regulated by the state and its agencies—change

nonformal provision, continues to hold particular

takes place slowly and incrementally and will not

444

eduC at ion a nd t he you t h Ph a Se

fundamentally challenge the existing social forma-

the landscape of educational provision and partici-

tion. Nonformal and informal learning contexts

pation in other world regions than they have had so

are much more flexible and open to multifaceted

far in Europe, North America, and Australia/New

content and method.

Zealand. Furthermore, the crucial role that infor-

Third, providing institutionalized and ubiq-

mation and communications technology (ICT)

uitous formal education along similar lines to will certainly play in these developments implies that which first emerged in Europe and North

that young people will be at the forefront of design

America requires a level of public resource invest-

and implementation, much more so than was the

ment that cannot be met in many African and

case when European mass educational systems were

Asian countries. Furthermore, physically isolated

introduced, because it is young people who are

areas with thinly dispersed populations render “digital natives” and the sociability of interactive this problem not only more expensive to resolve,

e-media dovetails well with youth cultural styles

but also demand different kinds of solutions. The

(Erstad & Sefton-Green, 2012; Iwilade, 2013).

radio schools developed for the mid-20th-century

Cultural traditions play an important role in the

Australian outback were not economically or prac-

extent to which nonformal education and training

tically feasible for poorer countries with a low level

opportunities are widely available and the degree

of technical infrastructure—the digital galaxy is

to which both nonformal and informal learning

changing that picture, but as yet slowly. Satellite

are socially valued and recognized. Measuring par-

digital technologies obviate the need to erect masts

ticipation in nonformal education is difficult to

or lay underground cables to provide high-speed

achieve and for informal learning a virtual impos-

comprehensive access to the Internet and the sibility (for an exploratory attempt with 25- to learning opportunities and resources it can bring

64-year-olds in the European Union, see Kailis &

to everyone’s doorstep. Mobile devices can be used

Pilos, 2005).

anywhere, and, with solar-powered gadgets, it

There are two main reasons for such difficul-

will soon be possible to dispense with immobile

ties. First, measuring participation demands that

power sources. Virtual educational infrastruc-

participation is recorded and that such records are

ture can be brought to people wherever they are,

assembled in standardized ways. This happens only

and the end-user hardware is increasingly able to

in formal education, which comprises institution-

withstand climatic extremes and rough handling

alized and regulated provision—and in which par-

conditions. Lack of public and private financial

ticipation is either compulsory for a given period

resources is the main barrier, even if costs con-

of time or for which course registration is manda-

tinue to fall as technologies become routinized.

tory both for participation and for certification.

UNESCO (2014) reports from an opportunistic

Educational statistics depend on these procedures

online user survey in cooperation with Nokia and

for their very existence and were designed to depict

the Worldreader Mobile platform that mobile tele-

and monitor formal education systems. Such data

phones are already widely used as reading devices in

are fundamentally supply-driven—that is, they

developing countries, especially by well-educated

reflect the logic and structuring of formal educa-

young adult men who are much more likely to own

tion institutions, both in the categories they use

mobile telephones and to use the Internet via these

(such as primary, secondary, and tertiary partici-

devices. Those young women who do have such

pation rates) and in their perspective on participa-

access, however, are much more likely to be highly

tion (cross-sectional and aggregate data for given

active mobile readers. These findings echo the educational sectors and levels). Nonformal educa-broad thrust of educational research knowledge

tion is subject to much less regulation (by the state

across the globe: social inequalities in educational

and public agencies), its organization is generally

access, participation, and outcome are ubiquitous

less institutionalized, consistent participation is not

and assert themselves at each and every turn; at

necessarily required or systematically recorded, and

the same time, in the case of gender, once girls and

“course completion” seldom ends with a certificate

women manage to gain access to learning oppor-

that holds recognition for formal educational or

tunities of all kinds, they are likely to become avid

labor market purposes. These characteristics do

and successful learners who may well outpace their

not fit the ways in which statistical indicators and

male peers.

data collection procedures have been developed to

The key point here is that informal and nonfor-

analyze education and training participation and

mal modalities have a stronger impact on shaping

outcome.

ChiShoL m

445

Second, what counts as educationally relevant

and sociopolitical participation—in short, it favors

participation and outcome is inherently difficult to

empowerment and the development of active dem-

define appropriately and precisely, all the more so

ocratic citizenship, as qualitative analyses from

when the perspective shifts to demand-driven pic-

around the world confirm (see, e.g., Hill, 2001;

turing—that is, grounded in what people under-

Stevick & Levinson, 2006).

stand for themselves as learning opportunities and

As far as formal education is concerned, the

experiences. Here, breadth, phasing, and variation

United Nations’ Human Development Index

of participation modalities are critical parameters,

(HDI; see UNDP, 2013 a, 2013 b) is a composite

whereas the educational meanings people attach to

indicator with three key dimensions: health, educa-

activities in which and from which they perceive

tion, and income. It can monitor changes between

themselves to have learned are not specifiable with-

and within countries as well as across time, and its

out directly interactional inquiry, and these mean-

ultimate purpose is to estimate overall quality of

ings can relate to a wide range of kinds of learning

life (Nussbaum & Sen, 1993). Material prosperity

outcomes that have precious little to do with col-

and economic development are thus not overriding

lecting certificates and diplomas. Survey inquiries

factors, and the index turns up only partial cor-

must prespecify their data collection categories,

relations between income levels and education or

and it is always difficult to uncover the frameworks

health variables. This means that policy decisions

of meaning that underlie the resulting data pat-

make a difference, and these take their cue not only

terns. These characteristics pose major problems

from available economic resources, but also from

for the operationalization of nonformal education

cultural and social values.

participation and insurmountable problems in the

The HDI groups countries into four categories

case of informal learning, which by definition is

according to their HDI index value as made up

integrated into everyday life. This also accounts for

by its three dimensions of health, education, and

the rising focus on measuring learning outcomes

income. The “very high” group includes countries

rather than participation, on the grounds that it

falling into the top quartile of HDI values; coun-

matters little where, when, and how people have

tries in the “high” group fall into the second quar-

gained knowledge and competence—the main tile; in the “medium” group into the third quartile; issue is what they demonstrably know and can do,

and countries with the lowest HDI values, falling

whatever their stage of life. However, much of what

into the bottom quartile, belong to the “low” group

people know and can do may be palpable in human

(for full details, see UNDP, 2013 a, pp. 140-143).

action but remains opaque to testing and calibra-

The 2012 edition of the HDI forefronts the faster

tion techniques—the most evident example is that

progress made in low and medium human develop-

of interpersonal and social skills.

ment categories since 1990, with the leading econ-

Qualitative inquiry can illuminate these omies of the Global South—Brazil (now in the uncharted territories of learning, but its coverage

“high” group), China, and India (now both in the

remains patchy and restricted, especially for the

“medium” group)—making enormous strides in

purposes of transnational analyses. For the moment,

purely gross domestic product (GDP) terms alone

then, it is mainly international surveys that offer

and with significant rises for 40 Global South coun-

initial and partial glimpses. Recent Labour Force

tries’ HDI values since 1990. However, at the same

Survey data (Eurostat, 2009, pp. 98–99) suggest

time, progress in the world’s 47 least developed

that, in 2007, on average about 10% of those aged

countries (the overwhelming majority of which are

15–54 in the 27 European Union Member States

in the sub-Saharan Africa region) has remained

(and more than 25% in Denmark and the United

slow (UNDP, 2013 b, pp. 1–3). Educational

Kingdom) participated in nonformal education inequalities are assessed in the HDI by combining and training. Age makes little difference in most

figures for the average number of years at school

countries, but almost everywhere (except in Greece

for 25-year-olds and for children of school entry

and Cyprus where such participation is generally

age. On this basis, educational inequalities have

low, and in Sweden where such participation is

fallen somewhat in most world regions between

generally high), better educated 15- to 29-year-olds

1990 and 2010, but from significantly different

are much more likely to engage with nonformal

starting points and most noticeably—also globally

education. During the youth phase, nonformal at the lowest levels—in Europe and Central Asia education participation not only complements for-

(UNDP, 2013 b, p. 5). Education is self-evidently

mal education, but it also fosters civic engagement

a crucial driver for human development, both in

446

eduC at ion a nd t he you t h Ph a Se

its own right and—most especially for girls and

observe extended youth phases, thereby construct-

women—as a relay for improving standards of ing “choice biographies” (Diepstraten, Du Bois health as well as contributing to economic develop-Reymond, & Vinken, 2006).

ment (UNDP, 2013 b, p. 11).

Conversely, young people from unfavorable

So far, this chapter has drawn attention to the

socioeconomic backgrounds—and therefore the

extent to which young people participate in edu-

majority of young people in poor and developing

cation and has highlighted the relevance of tak-

countries—do not enjoy this advantage to the same

ing into account the continuum across formal, extent, if at all. Here, the expectation can only be nonformal, and informal modalities of education

that they earn their own living as soon as possible,

and learning. But how are education and the youth

both to relieve their parents and, often enough, to

phase related to each other in the first place?

contribute to the household income (see, e.g., Agbu,

2009). However, recent decades’ chronic teetering

Education and the Youth Phase

crisis in youth labor markets across much of the

There is nothing inevitable about the youth world—sharpening again following the 2008 global phase, not even that it exists at all: the life course

financial crisis (International Labour Organization

and its constituent phases are social construc-

[ILO], 2012)—has perforce resulted in a general-

tions that make loose use of the physiological life

ization of the extended youth phase. This might

cycle to demarcate across time (Chisholm, 2014).

be described as the spread of a “negative morato-

In premodern cultures, the onset of puberty (real

rium” in the sense that large numbers of young

or normatively expected) prompts transition from

people are hemmed into quasi-autonomy. They

childhood to adulthood and is marked by highly

have—depending on their cultural context—vary-

diverse initiation rituals (see Schlegel & Barry, this

ing degrees of personal and social autonomy, but

volume). This stage is typically of brief duration in

poorer prospects of economic autonomy for increas-

comparison with the youth phase in modern cul-

ing periods of time. It takes longer and has become

tures. Initiation is about learning how to become

more complex to find a secure footing in the labor

an adult, so the youth phase is essentially a period

market, whereas the level and range of qualifica-

of preparation and transition. In contemporary cul-

tions, credentials, and competences that employers

tures, it has also taken on an autonomous character

demand rises incessantly. In the developing world,

via youth lifestyles and subcultures (see Dolby &

precarious and casual jobbing around and innumer-

Rizvi, 2008; Helve & Holm, 2005; Nilan & Feixa,

able varieties of low-return micro-self-employment

2006) whose commodification together with more

are typical for young people as well as for adults—

symmetrical parent–child relations have given chil-

indeed, researchers now argue that this has become

dren more space for individuation, and, as a con-

characteristic of youth transitions in the Global

sequence, children accede as “tweenies” earlier to

North (Cuervo, Crofts, & Wyn, 2013).

“youth life” (Mørch, 2003).

Extended and fragmented youth transitions

This has led to seeing the youth phase as a mora-

to adulthood are expressed not only in the tran-

torium, a time during which young people are free

sition from education to the labor market, but

to pursue their personal development and discover

equally in delayed and complex routes to estab-

what it is they want to be and to do with their lives.

lishing an independent household, entering into

In fact, this notion has its origins in early modern

stable partnership, and having one’s own children

European bourgeois culture and initially applied

(Cole & Durham, 2007; Leccardi & Ruspini,

mainly to young men (for a sociohistorical over-

2006). Conversely, rapid and turbulent transition

view, see France, 2007). Affluent modern societies

patterns—including early exit from formal edu-

have been able to afford ever-longer moratorium

cation—are likely to signal socioeconomic disad-

periods for increasing proportions of young people,

vantage that will persist throughout adult life.

anchored in lengthening periods of initial educa-

The pertinent issue for this section, however, is

tion and training, including through to university

the role that education today plays in underpinning

degree level. This only became widespread in the

extended youth phases or, in its absence, in cur-

second half of the past century, and it is impor-

tailing chances for a positive moratorium. Longer

tant to bear in mind that socioeconomic status

periods of formal education inevitably imply lon-

continues to play an important role: in general, the

ger periods of material dependency, but they also

better-off the family, the more normative are “indi-

provide a basis for longer processes of personal

viduation moratoria” and the more likely it is to

and social exploration supported by consistent

ChiShoL m

447

cognitive challenge. In other words, when young

school or participate in parallel forms of education

people stay in school to 18 rather than leave at 14,

and training nowhere ends before 14, seldom ceases

this potentially favors human development. Purely

before 16, and sometimes extends to 18 or 19 years

instrumental accounts of extended education and

of age (UIS, 2012, table 1, pp. 86–89; 90; Figure 2,

training underplay this crucial dimension of edu-

p. 10; Figure 3, p. 12. For practical purposes, almost

cation as the prime motor for the formation of the

all young people do participate accordingly (tru-

active and critically reflective subject—whereby ants, drop-outs, and special cases aside), although participation in nonformal youth education is no

not all will receive a certificate of successful com-

less significant than schooling. This adds to the

pletion or pass the relevant examinations. In the

intensity of educational experience in the sense

countries of the Global South (i.e., the world’s

that young people are not only going to school, but

transition and developing economies), compulsory

also using their free time outside school for alterna-

education characteristically ends between the ages

tive modes of learning. None of the points raised in

of 12 and 14 (in Myanmar and Pakistan at 10 years

this paragraph is an absolute: poor-quality school-

of age; in Bangladesh, Laos, and Madagascar at

ing and disaffected students are much less likely to

11 years of age; UIS, 2013). In practice, young

foster human development, whereas some of those

people may leave school earlier than this, whereas

compelled to leave school early may well achieve

in some countries many children, especially girls,

their human potential through informal learning.

never attend school regularly or at all. The figures

The everyday lives of young people in the 12–18

for 2010 (the latest available on going to print; UIS,

age range and living in countries of the Global

2012, p. 11) indicate that almost half (47%) of the

North (effectively, the world’s leading advanced

world’s primary school-aged children who are

economies) are firmly structured by formal edu-

not presently enrolled in school are unlikely ever

cation; that is, by lower and upper secondary to do so. As Table 27.2 shows, large gaps open up schooling together with, in some countries, initial

between world regions in this respect.

vocational education and training provision. In

Behind these percentages lie daunting num-

these parts of the world, the obligation to attend

bers: more than 30 million primary school-aged

Table 27.2. Primary Enrolment Rates and Distribution of Primary School-Aged Children Out of School by World Region, 2010.

World region

ANER (%)

Unlikely ever to

No longer in

Likely to enter school

enter school (%)

school (%)

in the future (%)

Sub-Saharan Africa

77

55

20

25

Central Asia

94

51

8

41

South & West Asia

93

49

45

7

Arab States

88

49

11

41

Central & Eastern

95

36

9

55

Europe

Latin America &

95

38

7

56

Caribbean

East Asia & Pacific

96

15

47

38

North America &

97

2

19

79

Western Europe

World average

91

47

26

27

ANER, adjusted primary net enrolment rate. This represents the total number of pupils or students of official primary school age who are enrolled in primary or secondary education, expressed as a percentage of the corresponding population. It measures actual school participation of the official primary school-aged population. In some cases, national data sources relate to 2011 (rather than 2010). Except for Central Asia and North America/Western Europe, world region ANER percentages are partial imputations due to incomplete country coverage because data are only available for between 33% and 60% of the region’s population (UIS, 2012, pp. 62, 82).

Source: UIS (2012, pp. 10, 190; figure 1 and table 23—amended).

448

eduC at ion a nd t he you t h Ph a Se

children do not currently attend school in from their mid-teens onward. This inevitably tilts sub-Saharan Africa—in absolute terms account-the balance of youth cultural life toward the early

ing for half of the total number of out-of-school

teenage years and hence toward less autonomous

children in the world. Table 27.2 also includes

spaces for its development and expression in every-

net primary enrolment rates by world region. Not

day life. Peer socialization and youth cultures

surprisingly, the figure for sub-Saharan Africa is

remain more closely tied to the immediate social

noticeably lower than for all other world regions.

localities of school and neighborhood and to the

Furthermore, South and West Asia return high

supervision of parents and adults in those contexts.

primary enrolment rates but, at the same time,

Furthermore, the primary setting for young peo-

most of those children in the relevant age group

ple’s individuation is less that of formal education

who are currently not in school have already ceased

and more that of nonformal and informal learning

to attend or are never likely to begin school at all.

in everyday life in the family, the local community,

Such patterns (which can also be seen slightly less

and, subsequently (frequently equally informally

sharply in Central Asia and the Arab States) reflect

structured), in working environments.

marked inequalities and polarizations of educa-

The overall picture would therefore suggest that,

tional access and participation.

in such societies, human development during the

Hence, in many countries of the world, the policy

youth phase favors the production and reproduc-

focus still remains on achieving universal primary

tion of cultural continuity together with the for-

education, and, in real terms, secondary schooling

mation of subjectivities in which the individual

is likely still to be a minority privilege—once more,

and the social are highly integrated. Contemporary

a privilege disproportionately enjoyed by boys. In

intersections of tradition and modernity, however,

sub-Saharan Africa, 2010 gross enrolment rates in

prompt reflection on the consequences for subjec-

secondary education reached only 40% of the rel-

tivities, values, and lifestyles among the young.

evant age cohorts (including repeaters); in South and

Current modernization theories, most particu-

West Asia only 59% (UIS, 2012, p. 191, table 23).

larly in analyzing postcolonial societies, no lon-

Once girls have access to school, they are less likely

ger contend that modernization is a homogeneous

to drop out or to have to repeat a year than are their

phenomenon and unilinear process (see, e.g.,

male peers—this holds for most countries in the

Appadurai, 1996). Creeping “Westernization” in

world and is especially noticeable in Latin America

rapidly urbanizing Asian and African societies is

and the Caribbean, where levels of repeating are

immediately evident yet diverse kinds of hybrid-

comparatively high in many countries (UIS, 2012,

ization between indigenous and “transnational”

chap. 2). Furthermore, secondary and postsecond-

lifestyles and values are no less striking, paradig-

ary vocational education and training pathways matically so in youth cultures (Anagnost, Arai, & continue to be less systematically available and less

Ren, 2013; Henseler, 2013; Nilan & Feixa, 2006;

widely taken up in the Global South (UNESCO

see also Brown, Larson, & Saraswathi, 2002).

International Centre for Technical and Vocational

The relative salience of formal education within

Education and Training [UNEVOC], 2013). In youth life as a whole is therefore a significant fram-comparison, general secondary education in the ing factor, but secondary schooling itself holds a Global North is increasingly a terrain on which

specific purpose, in John Dewey’s (1916/2012) sense

girls succeed at least as well as boys, although gen-

of reconstructing frameworks of experience. This is

dered subject specialization choices—where these

first reflected in its structuring: in contrast with the

are structurally foreseen—remain marked, and boys

broad sweep of comprehensive primary education,

continue to predominate in technical and vocational

secondary schools display higher degrees of internal

education and training (for a recent overview of the

differentiation (subjects, tracks, streams), and sec-

overall picture for Europe, see Eurydice, 2009).

ondary education systems are more likely to distin-

These differences and their consequences are

guish between general and vocational schools and

important for both life chances and human devel-

between schools for different ability bands. With the

opment. To begin with, the youth phase in the

transition to secondary schooling around the age of

Global South is not so firmly structured by school-

12, young people confront diversities within which

ing and certainly not for so long as is the case in the

they must find and are given educational and social

Global North. Other things being equal, the youth

positions that presage differing kinds of futures.

phase fades out at an earlier age as young people

These differentiation processes are taken up in the

begin to earn a living and found their own families

identity work that individuation in the youth phase

ChiShoL m

449

implies, whereby tensions and contradictions arise

Furthermore, evidence of community engagement,

and may engender resistance against the attribution

active involvement in organized sports and leisure

of identities, capacities, and futures that young peo-

activities, together with voluntary work and intern-

ple oppose and reject and against the nonrecognition

ships have become essential components of young

of who they are and want to become.

people’s strategies for getting a toehold in further

Second, in comparison with the more integrated

education and the labor market. In other words,

pedagogy of primary education, secondary school-

the competition has continued to sharpen, so that

ing focuses above all on cognitive learning and

the concept of a positive moratorium begins to lose

introduces a stronger instrumental dimension into

credibility as the “rush-hour of life” (Bittman &

motivation for learning. Secondary education pre-

Rice, 2000) reaches down into the everyday lives of

pares young people either to continue on to further

16-year-olds in the Global North.

and higher education (its original prime purpose;

Teenagers in the Global North hence experi-

see World Bank, 2005, chap. 1 for a compact socio-

ence both extension and intensification of learn-

historical account), or—increasingly via vocational

ing demands. Their school lives stretch ever

training—to enter the labor market. The more

further into the future, the pressure to succeed

schooling is dominated by instrumental rational-

rises, and the range of achievement demands

ity, the more values-based rationality loses contour,

expands and spills over into leisure, voluntary,

so that the initial joy of learning is increasingly

and social activities—into the domains of nonfor-

replaced by the obligation to learn with demonstra-

mal and informal learning that were traditionally

ble and legitimated outcomes. Those young peo-

beyond the reach of performance and evaluation

ple with prospects of a positive moratorium may

criteria. The potentially negative consequences for

experience disillusionment and seek compensation

young people’s well-being have drawn consider-

in individuating, motivating alternatives beyond

able public debate. Here, however, the interest

schooling. Those facing a negative moratorium lies in the implications for the meanings attached are more likely to be skeptical of the promise that

to the youth phase. It could be argued that the

formal educational credentials will lead to decent

concept of the youth moratorium is losing perti-

employment and so they “chill out” from school-

nence altogether as a result of its colonization by

ing altogether. This simmering crisis of the mean-

the instrumentalization of youth life as a whole

ing and value of education evidenced in the Global

for the purposes of the demonstrable and cali-

North (see Heckhausen & Shane, this volume) is

brated shaping of the social subject. Furthermore,

not transferable to the Global South, where access

where the transition to social adulthood (secure

to education altogether is the key issue, and young

employment, housing, family building) recedes

people are in no doubt that securing the best pos-

to a far-away, hazy horizon and in fast-changing

sible education and qualifications is the only way to

worlds where preparation for something else is a

improve their future standard and quality of life.

permanent feature of human development, the

Formal education does not directly generate rationale for the youth phase as transition begins the youth phase, but it plays a significant role in

to dissolve.

structuring its patterns and meanings, and it has

Perhaps today’s young people in the Global

exercised a key role in the extension of the youth

North are actually more like educational workers,

phase well into young adulthood. In the Global

literally learning on the job. It is worth recalling

North, being a secondary school student is becom-

that beginning work between 12 and 14 years of

ing like a full-time unpaid occupation, and rising

age was still typical for very significant proportions

proportions of young people stay in the educa-

of European populations going to school before

tion and training system beyond the minimum

World War II and, in some of these countries, was

school-leaving age—which itself has gradually still not uncommon in the 1960s. The workplaces risen since the 1950s. At the beginning of this cen-are now schools, but with fuzzy boundaries, so that

tury, the minimum threshold for securing reason-

youth life becomes a cultural workplace to be taken

able employment prospects in the Global North

seriously. Paradoxically, this kind of perspective

was already the completion of upper secondary

brings young people in the Global North conceptu-

education. Fifteen years later, postsecondary cre-

ally closer to their peers in the Global South who

dentials are desirable, and initial higher educa-

are much more likely to be leaving school earlier

tion enrolments continue to expand despite the

and trying to earn a living or performing domes-

onset of falling cohort sizes in some countries.

tic labor (or both). The conceptual similarity thus

450

eduC at ion a nd t he you t h Ph a Se

lies in their common experience of youth life as a

in practice, participation and completion rates

ubiquitous, multidimensional workplace. The criti-

vary widely between individual countries and are

cal difference lies in the reality of their respective

extremely low in some—for example, in 2009, only

economic and social circumstances: youth poverty

36% of Tanzanian students and 13% of those liv-

and marginalization frame educational chances ing in Niger went on from primary to secondary and risks for a minority in the Global North but a

schooling. The provision–participation gap is espe-

majority in the Global South.

cially wide in much of the sub-Saharan African

The differences are stark. The OECD (2012,

region, and for lower secondary completion rates it

pp. 14–16) reports that its 34 member coun-

widens still more—in effect, throughout the world

tries (the world’s leading economies) provide for

there is a strong correlation between secondary

13 years of formal education, typically beginning

education participation ratios and national pros-

between 5 and 7 years of age and of which usu-

perity (UIS, 2011, pp. 13–14, 20–22).

ally at least 9 years are compulsory (through to

The gender gap at this level shows more complex

completion of lower secondary schooling between

patterns between individual countries, but, from

14 and 16). In 25 OECD countries, at least 4 in

the viewpoint of world regions, in Latin America

5 15- to 19-year-olds are still in the educational

and the Caribbean the past 15 years have seen a

system, and, since the mid-1990s, participation widening gap to the disadvantage of boys, one that has risen on average by at least 10%. Girls are

also continues to increase through to upper second-

now almost everywhere in OECD countries more

ary school completion. Over the same period, the

likely to complete upper secondary education than

gender gap to girls’ disadvantage in most of East

are boys, in some countries (such as Iceland and

Asia and the Pacific has largely disappeared, in

Portugal) very significantly so. Yet despite greater

much of South and West Asia it remains signifi-

occupational ambition in their mid-teens, young

cant, in the Arab States this gap is still visible, and

women are still more likely than their male peers

in most of sub-Saharan Africa it opens up even

to find themselves outside employment and educa-

more at upper secondary level. Finally, in these four

tion after the end of compulsory schooling and into

world regions, together with Central and Eastern

young adulthood (OECD, 2012, pp. 16, 22, 86).

Europe, girls in the lower secondary education age

The World Bank’s recent global report on sec-

range are more likely not to be attending school

ondary education points out that in recent decades

than are boys—once more with the highest rates

the gap between the Global North and the Global

in sub-Saharan Africa and in South and West Asia

South has narrowed with respect to completion of

(UIS, 2011, pp. 18, 20, 26–27, 39).

primary schooling but has widened for the second-

Gender disparities in schooling—as is the case

ary sector (World Bank, 2005, p. xviii; see also EFA

for ethnic minorities and migrant groups, for

Global Monitoring Report Team, 2012, chap. 5).

which very little material is available beyond North

In low-income countries, policy and resources America, Europe, and Australia/New Zealand—

have focused strongly on primary and basic edu-

arise in good part in interaction with other disad-

cation (in the push to achieve Education for All

vantaging factors, such as living in isolated rural

[EFA] by 2015; see EFA Global Monitoring Report

areas, and in particular with socioeconomic back-

Team, 2014). In these countries, secondary schools

ground. But international education statistics also

are often not within easy traveling distance from

indicate that cultural traditions with respect to gen-

home, and they typically entail financial outlay

der relations and gender-specific divisions of labor

(fees, books, materials), which inevitably accentu-

do have an impact. However, in-depth sociocul-

ates personal and social disadvantage (gender, eth-

tural analyses of gender and education for specific

nicity, socioeconomic status, geographical location)

countries and communities are still not available

in access and participation. In addition, in many

for most of the world; statistical indices are but a

low-income countries, significant numbers of those

descriptive starting point (see, e.g., UNESCO,

attending primary schools are actually of second-

2010; World Economic Forum [WEF], 2013).

ary school age, whereas upper secondary schools not

The extent of the gaps between the Global North

infrequently host students of lower secondary age;

and the Global South in access to, participation in,

such students are at particular risk of ultimate non-

and completion of basic education—that is, through

completion of studies (UIS, 2011, p. 11).

to the end of lower secondary schooling—leads to

Although lower secondary education is for-

the conclusion that the youth phase for the majority

mally compulsory in many low-income countries,

of young people in low-income countries not only

ChiShoL m

451

covers a shorter period of time, but that also family

Nonformal youth education’s greater openness and

and work play particularly salient roles in configur-

flexibility of content and pedagogy offers balanc-

ing human development processes, generally privi-

ing potential and alternative spaces for individual

leging the reproduction of cultural tradition and the

development—but the degree of its provision varies

social power relations in which these are embedded.

considerably even in the richest countries, and, on

Poor material circumstances together with repres-

the whole, the young disadvantaged are less likely

sive states and societies may place strong brakes on

to participate.

the empowerment potential of formal education and

Youth cultural contexts, which open up oppor-

of autonomous youth culture—but, as youth move-

tunities for self-directed and peer-based informal

ments in favor of girls’ schooling in Afghanistan and

learning, are dependent on autonomous time

sociopolitical change in the Arab Spring countries

and space for engagement—and given cultural

have once again shown, young people can and do

commodification, to some extent on monetary

become critically reflective, active democratic citi-

resources. Here, too, social inequalities prestructure

zens regardless—profiting from the free-floating opportunities. Where young people can secure, one diversity of nonformal and informal learning expe-way or another, the access infrastructure for par-

riences (see, e.g., Feixa, Pereira, & Juris, 2009; ticipation, they can partly compensate cultural Larémont, 2012; Pechtelidis, 2011; Pfaff, 2009).

and economic barriers—as the global popularity of

Where school offers a haven of promise and

mobile devices and social media testify.

protection—as for girls growing up in highly tradi-

However carefully summary accounts such as

tional patriarchal national and familial cultures—it

those just discussed are formulated, they are indel-

becomes the very guarantor of a youth moratorium

ibly marred by the fact that theoretical picturing

in resistance to the reproduction of social inequali-

of the youth phase derives almost wholly from the

ties, including severely unequal gender relations.

Western intellectual tradition and from research

The knowledge that women’s historically long road

carried out in the Global North, social anthro-

to emancipation has everywhere passed via educa-

pological studies of ritualized transitions in pre-

tion serves as a momentary glimpse of global simi-

modern cultures notwithstanding. This body of

larity: the educational success of today’s girls and

intellectual work—however astute it may be—is

young women in the OECD countries builds on

then carried over as a base template for ordering

exactly the same insight and motivation.

and understanding the patterns, purposes, and

problems of the contemporary youth phase in the

Conclusion: Toward a Glocal Discourse

Global South. The analysis of gender relations

Social theory on the contemporary youth phase

offers a parallel, in that—for example—the study

addresses itself to two core phenomena: the exten-

of occupations and careers has its roots in the pat-

sion and fragmentation of transitions to adult-

terns and meanings of men’s working lives, which

hood, and the growth and meaning of autonomous

can result in a deficit perspective on women’s work-

youth culture. These developments are framed ing lives.

both within processes of individualization at the

Schooling as a social institution is itself a

societal level and in the context of persistent, in

paradigmatic example of template transfer,

some respects deepening, social inequalities at directly via colonization and more indirectly via multiple levels. Education’s role in all this is inevi-Euro-American economic and cultural hegemony.

tably ambivalent and contradictory: its emanci-

Education may genuinely be the best answer any-

patory potential for individual and social human

one can offer for individual, social, and economic

development meets its match in processes of social

human development, but, under current circum-

and cultural reproduction as generated and relayed

stances, much of the world cannot achieve mini-

through schooling.

mum benchmarks for access and participation.

Longer periods of initial formal education in

Leveling off the playing field through a greater

principle facilitate positive youth moratoria and

global redistribution of resources is an unavoidable

hence enriched human development opportunities

precondition for changing this state of affairs, but

for increasingly more young people. At the same

rethinking education as a global challenge is no less

time, where schooling delivers neither its intrin-

pertinent. The schooling of Western modernity

sic nor its instrumental promises, it engenders may not be the optimal template for education for enforced youth moratoria that corral young people

all in today’s world. It could be analytically help-

into closeted and closed life spaces and futures.

ful to think anew through the lens of culturally

452

eduC at ion a nd t he you t h Ph a Se

differentiated continua of formal, nonformal, that make it extraordinarily difficult to compose and informal learning modalities and practices

plausible accounts of their interactions and the

and, in doing so, consciously not to begin from

implications of these with adequate cultural and

Euro-American theoretical and empirical vantage

social specificity. At root, there is only one way to

points.

improve matters and that is to invest in human

Moreover, schooling and youth stand in rela-

development—in this case, to support, in every

tions of tension: in structuring youth life, mod-

way possible, the emergence of sustainable special-

ern education both democratizes and disciplines

ist scientific communities throughout the world

the youth phase. In opening up opportunities and the improvement of young scholars’ research for development and change, schooling equally apprenticeships in the interest of strengthening specifies legitimated subjectivities, identities, and

both independent intellectual creativity and inter-

knowledge. Coming to terms with such tensions

cultural communication capacity. That is, after all,

lies at the heart of human development yet little is

what education should be doing for much younger

known about culturally specific varieties of resis-

people than young scholars; but perhaps this is the

tance and accommodation from a globally differ-

whole point of the exercise: the purpose of educa-

entiated perspective.

tion for one and all is human development in order

Research knowledge on the youth phase is to enrich the quality of people’s lives.

weighted toward charting education–employment

transitions, characteristically quantitatively, com-

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C H A P T E R

Child Labor: Homes, Streets,

28 Armies, Factories, and Stores

Silvia Kol er, Luciana Dutra-Thomé, Normanda Araujo de Morais,

Carlos José Nieto Silva, and Juliana Prates Santana

Abstract

The main topic of this chapter is children’s and adolescents’ labor. When working in unprotected and il egal settings, labor activities are described as harmful to their development and a violation of human rights. However, children’s and adolescents’ labor present positive aspects as wel , when not affecting their schooling, health, and development. A general overview of child and adolescent labor is described while considering guides and laws established by the International Labor Organization (ILO). Domestic work, commercial sexual exploitation, and participation in armies are emphasized as sources of invisible or naturalized child labor. The chapter addresses child labor with an emphasis on developing countries. It also highlights the association between child labor and structural problems such as poverty, low education, extended work hours, and violence.

Key Words: child labor, vulnerability, poverty

Child labor is a worldwide problem that came

theoretical concepts and approaches considered in

to our attention due to the nature of our research

our investigations address the dynamics between

interests and practices. We work with populations

protective and risk factors, the ecological human

at risk, such as those living on the street, in situa-

approach, and positive psychology. CEP-RUA

tions of domestic and community violence, and in

is composed of researchers from different states

poverty, and who lack access to education and basic

within Brazil, as well as from different countries

human rights. Throughout our research and inves-

(e.g., Colombia, Mozambique, Peru, Portugal,

tigations, we occasionally must report situations of

and Uruguay). This broad network enables us to

human rights violations to human rights protection

consider both diverse contexts’ within Brazil and

services or the police.

outside the country. As a consequence, the group

Our research group is the Center of Psychological

acts as an observatory of developmental processes

Studies (CEP-RUA). The group was originally in vulnerable environments, considering and rec-called the Center of Psychological Studies of Street

ognizing human development’s particularities

Children because the main focus of our work was

and divergence when compared with “normative”

with individuals who live on the streets. Over time,

development.

the target population became more diverse, and a

In Brazil, we interviewed boys and girls who were

variety of profiles and topics were accounted for

victims of sexual exploitation in order to under-

in our research (e.g., the elderly; child, adolescent,

stand their perspective. Often, they left home due

and adult workers; teen pregnancy; transition to

to domestic violence and chose the “streets” as an

adulthood; and the measurement of psychologi-

alternative to escape the suffering they faced inside

cal variables applied in a Brazilian context). Our

their homes. These are complex cases, associated

focus remained on populations at risk. The main

with structural violence, poverty, sexual and labor

456

exploitation, and violation of human rights. As

Child Labor: Prevalence,

the researchers focused on the interaction between

Benefits, and Risks

individuals and their contexts, we considered eco-

Child labor refers to labor activities performed

nomic, political, cultural, and historical influences

by children under 18 years old who are below the

on human development. The research exposes legal minimum age permitted for work under the intriguing personal experiences. For example, in a

laws of each country. It means they are too young

case study of a 14-year-old girl and victim of sexual

to work, or, in cases where they are old enough to

exploitation, she stated, “I have sex to survive, that

work, the activity is dangerous or unsuitable.

is my work, and I like my life.” She left home due

Worldwide, there are more than 246 million child

to domestic violence and found the streets to be

and adolescent workers between 5 and 17 years

a place of opportunity to express her autonomy.

of age (ILO, 2012a). More than 100 million of

Now living outside the home, she continued to be

these workers have no access to any education, and

emotionally and physically abused, although she

leisure time is not within reach for the majority.

did not realize it. The girl classified the men with

Child labor deprives children of their childhood,

whom she had sex as her “boyfriends,” considering

potential, and dignity and is harmful to their

that some of them were frequent clients. She also

development. Children and adolescents may be

stated “I am a beautiful girl, and guys are interested

paid or unpaid, with varying degrees of risk and in

in dating me. I have fun with that. I was never

different sectors and contexts (ILO, 2004).

forced to have sex with someone I did not want to

In 2010, the Conventions No. 138 on the mini-

be with.” She does not want to go back home or to

mum age for admission to employment and No.

find another job.

182 9 on the worst forms of child labor were rati-

One of the main issues in dealing with child

fied by 156 and 175 of the 183 member states of the

labor lies in structural problems. There are interest

International Labor Organization (ILO), respec-

groups surrounding children and adolescents that

tively. Despite the fact that a significant number

use persuasive strategies to attract and lead these

of countries ratify these conventions (ILO, 2012a;

young people to believe that working is a worthy

Beghini, & Quinn, 2012), child labor differences

choice, regardless of the conditions. In Colombia,

in scale and focus are observed among them. For

a different situation highlights a similar problem.

instance, child labor is observed on a smaller scale

Children associated with armed groups (i.e., rebel

in developed nations and is a more widespread

armies) frequently join them voluntary. One of the

practice in underdeveloped nations (ILO, 2012a).

recruitment tactics of these groups is promoting

Between 2000 and 2008, the number of chil-

that children and adolescents can make decisions

dren between 5 and 14 years engaged in child

about their future, just like any adult. And after

labor decreased by 20%. This trend was not

they became a part of an illegal armies groups

observed in workers between 15 and 17 years

(IAG), it is difficult to give up: “They teach you

of age who worked in unsafe conditions.

little by little, first with a.38 and then with a big-

Approximately 113.6 million children are work-

ger gun. I was shooting an AK-47 before I was

ing in Asia and the Pacific Region, 65.1 million in

8 years old” (Bernardo, demobilized from a para-

the sub-Saharan African region, and 14.1 million

military group, quoted in Human Rights Watch,

in Latin America. The situation is most severe in

2003, p. 17).

sub-Saharan Africa, where 1 in 4 children and

The situations and testimonials described led

adolescents are working, compared with 1 in 8

us to recognize child labor as a matter of human

in Asia and the Pacific Region, and 1 in 10 in

rights and social justice. Child labor has become

Latin America and the Caribbean. The interna-

a prominent international issue due to its impact

tional community established the elimination of

on child and adolescent development and health

the worst forms of child labor as a target for 2016

(International Labor Organization [ILO], 2004).

(ILO, 2012c).

In this chapter, we first provide general informa-

tion about global child labor, including findings

Vulnerability and Protective and Risk

on the risks and benefits. In the second section, we

Factors Associated with Child Labor

delve into particular forms of work in different con-

Vulnerability is an individual predisposition to

texts. Specifically, we focus on domestic work in

develop various forms of psychopathologies or inef-

family and nonfamily settings, commercial sexual

fective behaviors in crisis situations or the suscep-

exploitation, and armies.

tibility to a negative effect on development (Pesce,

koLL er, du tr a-t homé, mor a iS, nieto, Sa nta na

457

Assis, Santos, & Oliveira, 2004). A dysfunctional

2005) is an example of a protected work activity

family, unemployment, poverty, poor access to in which young workers are engaged in protected health care and education, a shortage of structural

professional settings that do not negatively affect

work, and early involvement in economic activities

their educational or leisure activities. The contract

are situations that may increase a young child’s vul-

requires school attendance, a special schedule for

nerability (Sapienza & Pedromônico, 2005).

the performance of activities, a program of techni-

Young people living in developing countries cal and vocational education, and training appro-experience a shortage of structural work that gener-

priate to the job market.

ates problems such as social inequality. In a con-

The work activity itself may also function as

text of labor insertion marked by competitiveness

a protective factor and promote roles of growth,

and qualification requirements, the prevalence of

human development, stimulation of creativity, and

low-paying formal and informal jobs leads to poor

social approval (Forastieri, 1997; Oliveira, Fischer,

living conditions and social problems (Bastos, Amaral, Teixeira, & Sá, 2005), provided that this 2003; Cardoso, 2013; Traverso-Yépez, 2002).

work does not affect schooling or the health and

Also, early involvement in economic activities is

development of the child or adolescent (ILO,

associated with poverty contexts, violence, and poor

2004). For example, helping parents with small

housing and working conditions. In Latin America,

household chores or with the family business or

for example, adolescents and children belonging

engaging in gainful activities to support personal

to low socioeconomic status (SES) families are expenses outside school hours is considered posi-involved in performing household chores and tend

tive work. This type of work is not the target of

to enter the labor market early. Low-SES environ-

eradication programs because it may contribute to

ments are composed of the poor populations of

the well-being of children and their families, help-

urban centers whose living conditions are precari-

ing children to acquire skills and assisting them in

ous and who have limited access to health care, edu-

the development process and future insertion into

cation, basic sanitation services, and a low family

the labor market.

income. In these families, children acquire freedom

Working may also bring a sense of acquired

of movement at a relatively young age because they

legitimate social identity to young people and

are encouraged to seek autonomy and independence

their families (Heilborn, 2000). An exploratory

with regard to caring for themselves without adult

study pointed out that workers aged between

supervision (Watarai & Romanelli, 2005).

10 and 13 years in Brasilia (Federal District,

Another structural problem that increases vul-

Brazil) perceived their work experience as liberat-

nerability is unemployment. Worldwide, 73 mil-

ing, enabling them to pursue their life projects,

lion of young individuals aged between 14 and

whereas school was experienced as a place of duty

24 years are unemployed, and more than 200 mil-

(Martinez, 2001). A study developed in the State

lion are working and earn less than US$2 per day.

of Minas Gerais (Brazil) identified pleasure in the

And at least 10% of them are inactive, meaning

act of playing at work in several working children’s

they are neither working nor studying (Bartfay,

lives: many turn shopping carts (working tools)

Bartfay, & Wu, 2013; Cardoso, 2013; ILO, 2012b).

into play objects (Marques, Neves, & Neto, 2002).

In vulnerable contexts, both protective and Hence, although they would behave seriously and risk factors exist. Protection means providing the

quietly, adopting an early adult stance, they would

developing person with conditions for growth and

also express themselves as children when creating

development. Protective factors modify, enhance,

spaces for play at work (Bonamigo, 1996).

or change personal and group responses to certain

Despite the fact some young workers classify

risks for maladjustment and reduce the impact of

their work activity as positive, this does not mean

risk. The two main types of protective factors are

they do not recognize its negative aspects. A research

individual characteristics (e.g., self-esteem, mood,

study was conducted in Ribeirão Preto (SP, Brazil)

and optimism) and social support (e.g., material,

with 10 male adolescents between 16 and 18 years

emotional, informational, and counseling).

of age who were attending high school in a public

Considering that the impact of work activi-

institution. They were inserted into the formal or

ties for children and adolescents is acknowledged,

informal labor market and revealed their difficulty

legal measures and public policies work as protec-

in managing their appointments. Although they

tive factors. For instance, in Brazil, the Adolescent

valued the work experience, they complained about

Apprentice contract (Law 5598/2005, Brasil, how little time they could spend with friends and 458

ChiLd L a Bor

family. The long working hours constituted the big-

Dynamics Between Risk

gest complaint among respondents, given the need

and Protective Factors

to reconcile their work with school attendance.

The dynamics between risk and protective fac-

Despite the fact that the respondents did not con-

tors will be explained using two examples: the first

sider work detrimental to academic performance,

is associated with education and the second with

they reported difficulty in studying due to fatigue

labor activities. Education is the main instrument

(Watarai & Romanelli, 2005).

supporting higher levels of human capital and

Even with the potential benefits of working,

the promotion of individuals’ welfare. At school,

some type of work configures risk factors. Risk fac-

children and adolescents have the opportunity to

tors are related to negative life events that increase

develop social relationships, networks of friends,

the likelihood of people experiencing physi-

and contacts (Abramovay, Castro, Pinheiro, Lima,

cal, social, and emotional problems. Risk factors

& Martinelli, 2002), which are protective factors.

include poverty conditions, family disruptions, Conversely, young students are concerned about experience of some form of violence, illness of the

getting a job, which leads them to question the

individual himself or of a family member, and

relevance of formal education for their insertion

significant losses. These events increase the indi-

into the labor market, given the demands of expe-

vidual’s vulnerability to negative effects on devel-

rience to start a labor activity—an obstacle that

opment (Pesce et al., 2004).

may be regarded as a risk factor. In that context,

The list of risk factors is extensive and provides

many students drop out of school to work, which

a sense of the hazardousness, insalubrity, and hard-

compromises their training process and profes-

ship involved in child labor. Child labor not only

sional qualifications. The paradox of the previous

leads to diseases and accidents but also damages

experience requirement is established for the first

the dignity of children and adolescents. The health

job. When searching for their first job, a large

consequences include fractures, cuts, amputations,

contingent of young people experience difficulties

hearing loss, brain and eye damage, infections,

resulting from different factors, including low skills

poisoning, burns, musculoskeletal disorders, respi-

and a low degree of political articulation compared

ratory diseases, drug addiction, fatigue, malnutri-

with competing adults. Additionally, there is a lag

tion, AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases,

of formal education, considering the new demands

unwanted pregnancy, and social stigma linked to

for skills and knowledge, which is a source of vul-

delinquency. Death is also reported as a possible

nerability (Abramovay et al., 2002).

consequence of early labor (ILO, 2004).

The second example refers to labor activity,

A study conducted with 724 adolescents work-

which may simultaneously be a protective and a risk

ers in public schools in São Paulo (Brazil) identi-

factor. Professional experience may be assessed as a

fied negative factors involved in their labor activity,

protective factor when referring to forms of work

such as (a) responsibility for tasks for which they

that are considered positive, such as the adolescent

do not feel experienced, (b) excessive activities and,

apprentice’s experience regulated by Brazilian leg-

(c) stress-inducing psychosocial demands incom-

islation (Brasil, 2005) and assisting with house-

patible with their developmental time (Oliveira hold activities. For young people, engaging in paid et al., 2005). In Rio de Janeiro, Asmus et al. (2005)

activities may contribute to their wellness and the

observed that the main occupational diseases in an

wellness of their families. This process is a means

outpatient clinic specializing in the health of ado-

to facilitate the acquisition of skills, assist in the

lescent workers (with an average age of 16 years)

development process, and aid in their future inser-

were musculoskeletal diseases, upper respiratory

tion into the labor market. Precisely for this reason,

tract infections, allergic diseases, eye problems, and

youth work remains regarded as natural and neces-

hypertension. A study by Fischer et al. (2003) with

sary for families of low SES. However, the protec-

354 students in São Paulo revealed that, although

tion factor of work may represent a risk factor as

87.6% of the patients surveyed considered them-

well because the valuation of work may discount

selves healthy, they reported feeling fatigue (81.6%),

the effects of work on young people’s health and

drowsiness (55.1%), daytime sleepiness (46.3%),

their establishment of identity and academic life. In

and body aches (62.2%). The study also identified

Brazil, many parents believe that they have fulfilled

an association between work and sleep reduction,

their obligation to provide for their children’s edu-

indicating that their work schedules affect adoles-

cation at the end of middle school (Guimarães &

cents’ sleep–wake cycle.

Romanelli, 2002); these parents encourage an early

koLL er, du tr a-t homé, mor a iS, nieto, Sa nta na

459

onset of labor activity that allows young people to

Regarding gender inequality, girls’ performance of

pay for their own expenses and sometimes con-

domestic work is considered natural and a crucial

tribute to household expenses (Barros & Santos,

step for their development as women and wives in

1996; Guimarães & Romanelli, 2002; Marques,

many cultures. Girls are taught to cook, clean the

Neves, & Neto, 2002; Sarti, 1996). Nevertheless,

house, and wash dishes, while boys remain “pro-

this type of work activity is not always compatible

tected” from these obligations and are served by

with the individual’s developmental process and

women. Thus, domestic activities, whether paid

can even be damaging to health, identity formation,

or unpaid, are socially recognized as female. Child

and academic success (Amazarray, Dutra-Thomé,

and adolescent work outside the house is typical of

Souza, Poletto, & Koller, 2009).

boys, and work inside the house is typical of girls

(Colonna, 2012; French, 2009; Hesketh et al., 2012;

Four Kinds of Child Work

Hook, 2010; Montgomery, 2009; Romich, 2007).

In the preceding section, we reviewed differ-

In Northeastern Brazil, the practice of seeking girls

ent types of child labor and how they are related

from small cities to “help” with household chores

to risks, benefits, and long-term sequelae. Here,

and “play” with the children is very common and

we turn to a more in-depth account of four kinds

involves a reproduction of the inequalities of gender

of child work: domestic work in the child’s home,

and race (Santana & Dimenstein, 2005). In 2009,

domestic work at a third-party home, commercial

62% of domestic workers were non-white children,

sexual exploitation, and participation in armies.

and 94.5% of them were girls (IBGE, 2010).

We provide this in-depth account to illustrate the

structural problems associated with the trivial-

Domestic Work Within

ization of child labor and also to highlight those

the Domestic context

interest groups that reinforce this practice and use

The participation of children in household chores

seductive strategies to attract boys and girls to do

is observed in various cultures. There is an increase

this work voluntarily.

in such work from 7 to 12 years of age, which not

only reflects the child’s maturation, but also signals

Working in the Domestic

a change in social expectations concerning their

Context: General Aspects

participation in society. Such participation is made

Child and adolescent work in the domestic invisible and is negated as work because there is a context has been analyzed under two different mismatch between the actual help offered and the conditions: (a) the participation in the division of

predominant Western conception that child labor

domestic responsibilities within the family con-

might be injurious for children. As a consequence,

text and (b) the work performed by children in

an insignificant value is assigned to the tasks, and

third-party homes.

the time spent in the activities is underestimated.

Participation in household activities as part of

Nevertheless, children and adolescents actually

the family context is relevant for developing the

perform housework, and designating their activi-

notion of responsibility among children and ado-

ties as chores is a technique used to minimize the

lescents (Goodnow, 1988; Warton & Goodnow,

impact and relevance of the children’s contribu-

1991). However, working for others may be a tions. In the context of domestic work within the condition of exploitation, one placing children in

family, (a) girls typically work more than boys,

what is characterized as a socially vulnerable situ-

(b) younger adolescents perform more housework

ation (Hesketh, Gamlin, Ong, & Camacho, 2012;

than their elders as their elders begin to performing

Jacquemin, 2004; Santana & Dimenstein, 2005).

more activities outside the household, and (c) chil-

There is significant difficulty in scaling the num-

dren work more when their mothers have jobs out-

ber of child domestic workers worldwide and assess-

side the home (Romich, 2007).

ing the level of family participation in household

Work in the household context may yield posi-

chores. Both contexts of domestic work have two

tive effects, including learning practical and rela-

common and fundamental aspects in the perfor-

tional skills and developing required competences

mance of activities, namely, invisibility and gender

and a sense of responsibility for a productive

inequality. Invisibility is associated with the activ-

adulthood (Romich, 2007). A positive correlation

ity’s absence of payment or economic productiv-

between self-efficacy in young adults and the per-

ity and, additionally, with its unlawfulness and

formance of housework in the family of origin was

degrading conditions of subordination to others.

found by Riggio, Valenzuela, and Weiser (2010).

460

ChiLd L a Bor

Housework contributed as a fundamental experi-

employers and children may be relevant for the

ence in developing a sense of competence.

sense of wellness; however, it hides a series of rights

An investigation with 702 children and adoles-

violations because children who are treated like

cents engaged in work activities within the domestic

family fail to claim their labor rights and demand

context and other settings in the state of São Paulo

adequate working conditions; instead, they enter a

(Trzesniak, Libório, & Koller, 2012) indicated that

submission and debt system and are exploited by

child labor was not always a sign of adversity and

the family.

risk. Depending on context, working may be a pro-

Children under 18 years of age who perform

tective factor for the child’s adapted functioning.

activities including cooking, cleaning, and caring

This finding was also verified by Colonna (2012) in

for younger children or elderly people in nonfamily

Mozambique, in a study that focused on children

houses are termed child domestic workers (CDW).

who take care of younger siblings and participate

This practice is common in developing countries,

in domestic activities. In the African context, these

where mainly girls, especially those from rural

activities are considered as part of a child’s normal

areas, are taken into the homes of families to assist

routines, not as configuring a developmental risk

in caring for younger children and to do household

factor. In this setting, caring for siblings and per-

chores.

forming housework represent more than a job and

Housework performed by children is often

are ways of life for children.

accepted and considered safe because the children

A study about how adolescents perceive house-

are in a “protected” family context, albeit not with

work within the family context identified the their own family (Hesketh et al., 2012). The invis-development of responsibility as the main value

ibility of this work means that there is no proper

of housework (Bowes, Flanagan, & Taylor, 2001).

monitoring of the living conditions of children.

However, significant differences were observed In 2013, to commemorate the fight against child among adolescents. In the United States and labor, the ILO undertook a campaign for the eradi-Australia, participants focused on the development

cation of child labor, particularly in the domestic

of individual responsibility, whereas adolescents in

context, because of its invisible nature and the

the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Sweden attrib-

frequent reports of child labor exploitation in the

uted high value to social responsibility.

domestic context. The proposal aims to ratify ILO

Although working within the family context

Convention No. 189 regarding housework and

may present positive aspects, this activity, when

integrate it into the general convention on child

excessive and inappropriate, may become a source

labor. The ILO estimates that 15.5 million children

of stress and suffering for children and adolescents.

worldwide, 72% of whom are girls, are involved in

In some cases, children assume many housework

paid or unpaid work in nonfamily households.

responsibilities, care for younger siblings, or even

In a study analyzing the living conditions

provide emotional support to parents, a situation

of 696 child domestic workers in India and the

characterized as instrumental parentification. This

Philippines, it was observed that Indian children

situation is extreme, wherein role reversal occurs

started working earlier (one-third before the age

between parents and children, and the children

of 12), and the main reason was poverty (Hesketh

begin to take responsibility for the welfare of their

et al., 2012). Although only 12% of Indian children

parents or older siblings or their physical care.

lived with their employers, these children worked

Children subjected to this situation may have low

many hours a day, and only 8.6% had a day off.

self-esteem, high anxiety, difficulties in establish-

In the Philippines, most children worked to keep

ing interpersonal relationships that endure into studying; 54% lived with their employers and were adulthood, and limited education (Hesketh et al.,

mostly from the countryside. Regarding the psy-

2012; Hooper, 2007).

chosocial impact of housework on the development

of children, the authors note that this impact var-

Domestic Work in thirD-Party houses

ies greatly depending on the conditions in which

Although other studies indicate the positive the work occurs. Housework subordinated to oth-effects on development arising from housework

ers was thus interpreted as not in itself represent-

in the family context, the same finding is not

ing a risk for development. The differences between

true for working children subordinated to others,

the two contexts (India and Philippines) stand

which is regarded as one of the worst forms of child

out among the reported results. In India, children

labor exploitation. A good relationship between

start work earlier, live with their families, are at

koLL er, du tr a-t homé, mor a iS, nieto, Sa nta na

461

risk for physical abuse, rarely attend school, and

to the process of benefiting from others’ sexual

their psychosocial outcomes are low. Conversely,

work by creating a sex market (live sexual relations

in the Philippines, working children live with their

and/or photographs and footage of body images).

employers, are migrants, combine school and work,

Alongside drug trafficking, CSECA is character-

have a good relationship with employers, and feel

ized as one of the worst forms of child labor, given

proud of the work they perform.

its nature and circumstances, which are harmful to

These results imply that the variable housework

children’s and adolescents’ health and moral devel-

alone means very little, and the circumstances in

opment (Alberto, Silva, Gomes, Santana, & Soares,

which the work occurs, the local culture, and the

2012).

children’s own perception of their work must be

Recently, Childhood Brazil (www.childhood.

considered (Trzesniak et al., 2012). For instance,

org.br) organized a proposal for the classification one of the concerns related to domestic child labor

of the forms of child and adolescent sexual exploi-

refers to the children’s lack of education. In a study

tation based on the settings of the sex trade. Four

conducted in Bolivia, girls who performed domes-

main forms were proposed: (1) organized sexual

tic work under the subordination of others were

exploitation—child and adolescent sexual exploi-

more likely to drop out of school early (Zapata,

tation mediated by people or services, including

Contreras, & Kruger, 2011). Similar data were brothels, escort services, and nightclubs; (2) non-recorded by Jacquemin (2004) in the Ivory Coast.

organized sexual exploitation—child and adoles-

However, work does not necessarily mean dropping

cent sexual exploitation without the presence of

out of school. For the Filipino children in the study

an intermediary; (3) trafficking for the purpose of

just noted, the reason for continuing to work was

sexual exploitation—seduction, abduction, trans-

precisely so that they could stay in school (Hesketh

fer, and accommodation of children and adoles-

et al., 2012).

cents to “feed” the sexual exploitation market; and

When analyzing the implications of child labor

(4) children and youth pornography—the practice

for health, life satisfaction, and education in a shoe

of presenting uncovered body parts or represent-

factory and housework in the interior of São Paulo

ing sexual scenes with the aim of stimulating the

State, Brazil, French (2009) observed that both

viewer’s libido.

forms of work have negative impacts on children’s

CSECA is a phenomenon of international scope

wellness. The hours spent at work were negatively

and great complexity. Understanding this practice

related to physical health and school grades, while

involves placing it in a very comprehensive context,

caring for younger children during housework was

one characterized by structural, social, and inter-

negatively associated with health and life satisfac-

personal violence (Libório, 2004, 2005). Structural

tion. It should also be noted that this impact was

violence is related to the state’s failure to enforce

more evident among girls, who often take on a

public policies of quality (e.g., education, health,

double work shift.

housing, work, income, and leisure) to ensure chil-

dren’s social inclusion and quality of life. Social

Commercial Sexual Exploitation

violence is expressed regarding race, ethnicity, gen-

of Children and Adolescents

der, and generation and promotes a sexist, racist,

The commercial sexual exploitation of children

and adult-centric culture that leads to the devalu-

and adolescents (CSECA) refers to any action ation of blacks, women, and children/adolescents.

involving a child or adolescent’s body, whether Finally, interpersonal violence occurs within inter-female or male, to earn benefits or sexual advan-

personal relationships, which are strongly affected

tages based on a relationship of power and com-

by the hegemonic set of social values, and occurs

mercial exploitation (Leal, 1999, 2003; Libório,

in both domestic environments and public spaces.

2005). Victims worldwide “use” their bodies in

Structural, family, social, and personal aspects

sexual activities for commercial purposes (e.g., thus tend to precede the implementation of earning money, food, consumer goods, car rides,

CSECA in the lives of children and adolescents

and drugs). CSECA happens visibly in the streets

(Dutra-Thomé, Cerqueira-Santos, & Koller, 2011).

of cities and towns, usually in areas related to rec-

A look back at these children’s life contexts high-

reation and tourism, and invisibly in motels, hotels,

lights many situations that contribute to their

gas stations, and brothels.

subsequent involvement in CSECA, including pov-

CSECA is considered a work activity by ILO

erty, sexual violence in the family of origin, psycho-

Convention n182 (ILO, 2012a) because it refers

logical and physical violence, the use of alcohol and

462

ChiLd L a Bor

drugs, conflicts with the law, and a violent com-

inequality, (b) a strong culture of male chauvinism,

munity context. Libório (2005) corroborated these

(c) adult-centricity among truck drivers, (d) the

data in a study on the socioeconomic and family

trend toward unaccountability of abused children

characterization of 14 female victims of sexual and adolescents, (e) limited knowledge, (e) and exploitation from Sao Paulo, Brazil. Most of the

consideration of the rights and development char-

interviewed girls were Afro-descendants from fami-

acteristics of that population. Cerqueira-Santos

lies living in areas characterized by social exclusion.

et al. (2008) performed a comparative analysis of

In general, they were out of school, presented a low

two groups of truck drivers (CSECA “clients” and

level of education, and had experienced high levels

“nonclients”) belonging to the same study sample

of family conflict since childhood. Also, they had

as Morais et al. (2007). Results indicated that

been victims of sexual and psychological violence,

truck drivers who were self-proclaimed CSECA

neglect, and abandonment. These girls left their

clients ( n = 85) differed from the nonclients group

homes because of the violence suffered, fleeing to

( n = 154). They reported spending more time wait-

the streets when they were approximately 11 years

ing for cargo, going out with adult prostitutes,

old. The street, in turn, was the “gateway” to sexual

and having less knowledge about children’s rights.

exploitation. Finally, sexual exploiters (recruiters)

However, the profiles of both groups, considering

were present in most cases reported by Libório

demographic characteristics (age, income, educa-

(2005) and, according to the researcher, intensified

tion) and occupational variables (work schedule

the link between adolescents and sexual exploita-

and days on the road) were quite similar.

tion, thus complicating its disruption. A similar

In another study, Cerqueira-Santos et al. (2012)

socioeconomic and family profile was observed in

examined the conditioning factors of CSECA

a study developed by Dutra-Thomé et al. (2011),

according to the perceptions of Brazilian con-

who conducted a case study with an adolescent

struction workers and comparatively analyzed two

victim of sexual exploitation. In São Carlos, the

groups of men: those who had sexual relations with

interior of São Paulo state, a broader framework of

adolescents and those who did not. In total, 288

social vulnerability was identified among children

Brazilian construction workers were interviewed

and adolescents involved in CSECA (Bellenzani &

in different Brazilian regions; 67% ( n = 192) of the

Malfitano, 2006), one including (a) broken or respondents indicated the involvement of cowork-frayed family ties, (b) migration from peripheral

ers in CSECA, and 25.4% ( n = 73) reported their

areas lacking social amenities into the streets of

own involvement. The main variables correlated

the central region of the city, (c) school evasion,

to the problem were involvement in adult prostitu-

(d) practice of illegal acts, and (e) the abuse of psy-

tion, drug use, and the time lodged in construction

choactive substances.

works. Thus, in both studies (with truck drivers and

In addition to victims’ characteristics and their

large-company workers), involvement with adult

perspectives on commercial sexual exploitation, it

prostitutes, cargo-waiting time, and time lodged in

is relevant to consider social, cultural, economic,

construction works were the most significant vari-

and psychological factors involved in the formation

ables in predicting involvement in CSECA. “Sexual

of the “demand” for the sex trade. Restricting the

desire” manifesting during cargo waiting time or

understanding of CSECA to the victim’s perspective

time spent lodged in construction was reported as

is understandably taking responsibility away from

“uncontrollable” by the participants. That desire, in

the men and women who are clients and promoters

turn, motivates the search for paid sexual services,

of the sex trade and who therefore actively contrib-

regardless of whether they are offered by children

ute to its creation and maintenance. Studies have

or adults. Furthermore, in both contexts, many

demonstrated the relevance of understanding the

CSECA “customers” may believe that the rela-

abuser’s perspective (perpetrator, sexual aggressor)

tionship between them and the child/adolescent

in addition to the victim’s structural, family, social,

is purely commercial and that the child/adolescent

and personal aspects (Cerqueira-Santos, Morais,

with whom they relate has a lower status than chil-

Moura, & Koller, 2008; Morais, Cerqueira-Santos,

dren who are not involved in these activities (e.g.,

Moura, Vaz, & Koller, 2007).

their own children and nephews/nieces).

In an investigation with 239 Brazilian truck

Other factors are directly or indirectly related

drivers, Morais et al. (2007) reported that the to CSECA, such as (a) corruption, (b) lawlessness main determinants of CSECA from the truck or the existence of inadequate laws, (c) violation drivers’ perception were (a) social and economic

of the laws, and (d) limited sensitivity of persons

koLL er, du tr a-t homé, mor a iS, nieto, Sa nta na

463

responsible for the enforcement of these laws to the

lesser extent by each child and adolescent, depend-

harmful effects of sexual exploitation on children

ing on the personal characteristics and social sup-

(Alberto et al., 2012). In the opinion of the authors,

port that each child will rely on.

these factors favor commercial sexual exploitation

by criminal networks, individuals, and fami-

Children Associated with Armed Groups

lies. In Brazil, the connivance of the police with

and the Colombian Case

exploitative situations at gas stations was visible,

One of the most widely discussed types of child

for example, in the studies developed by Morais

labor is related to the enrollment of juveniles in

et al. (2007) and Cerqueira-Santos et al. (2008).

armed conflicts and warfare as soldiers. In periods

In some locations, for example, “sex with children/

of war, the recruitment of children into armies is

adolescents” was seen as simply another product

such a common and undesirable practice that, to

among all the others offered (gasoline, diesel, prioritize its eradication, the ILO () condemned it food, and drinks). Police cars drove through these

as one of the worst forms of child exploitation.

locations while children and adolescents exposed

UNICEF has recently proposed a change from

themselves to the sex trade, and no protective atti-

the term “child soldier” to “child associated with

tude toward children or customer accountability

armed forces and armed groups (CAAFAG)”

was observed.

because the word “soldier” does not accurately

Furthermore, certain discourses and practices

reflect the different roles that boys and girls carry

still consider the children/adolescents respon-

out when recruited or used for military purposes.

sible for their own sexual exploitation situation,

In general terms, according to the Convention on

attributing the reason for their involvement the Rights of the Child (Hodgkin & Newell, 2002) in exploitation to their willingness and desire.

and the Optional Protocol on the Involvement

This view was observed even among workers of Children in Armed Conflict by UN General from the protection network for child/adoles-Assembly, Fifty fourth Session (2000), a CAAFAG

cent victims of exploitation (Alberto et al., 2012;

is anyone under 18 years of age who participates

Cerqueira-Santos, 2009). Victims also describe

in an armed conflict by serving an armed group

exploitation as something natural. Children/

in any of several different capacities (e.g., as com-

adolescents often have difficulties in recognizing

batant, spy, messenger, cook, or even a provider of

themselves as victims of a situation of exploita-

sexual services).

tion, thus incorporating the prevailing discourse

It is estimated that in the past decade the aver-

in society that engagement in CSECA is a sur-

age number of boys and girls associated with armed

vival “alternative.” For example, in the case study

groups around the world varied between 250,000

by Dutra-Thomé et al. (20011), reported earlier

and 300,000 (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child

in this chapter, the participant (14 years of age,

Soldiers, 2008; War Child, 2014). Since 2010,

involved in exploitation since 12 years of age),

there have been at least 20 countries in which child

regarded the activity as work that provided her

soldiers participated in armed conflicts (Child

autonomy, subsistence, and survival.

Soldiers International, 2012). The conflicts in the

According to Filgueiras and Hippert (2002),

Central African Republic, the Republic of Chad,

CSECA is a degrading form of work, one that

the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, and

distances individuals from the generating com-

Sudan suggest that the African continent has the

ponents of human emotional, moral, and cogni-

highest rates of child participation in armed con-

tive development and from social recognition. flict. The arming of children with high-caliber fire-Some of the damages to health mentioned in arms in African conflicts is as grotesque as the child the literature as resulting from child/adolescent

bombs used by Palestinian paramilitary groups to

involvement in CSECA are (a) the impairment of

carry out suicide missions against Israeli soldiers

physical, psychological, spiritual, moral, and social

and civilians (see Coalition to Stop the Use of

development; (b) teenage pregnancy; (c) maternal

Child Soldiers, 2004). It is thus imperative to ask

mortality; (d) injuries; (e) developmental delay; the following questions: What are the sociocultural (f) sexually transmitted diseases; (g) decreased elements that connect children and youth to armed self-esteem; (h) decreased sense of trust in others;

conflicts? Moreover, how do these elements affect

and (i) decreased sexual satisfaction (Alberto et al.,

the development of an adequate disarmament,

2012; Faleiros, 2000; Libório, 2004). The conse-

demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) program

quences of sexual exploitation are felt to a greater or

for this population?

464

ChiLd L a Bor

health effects of chilDhooD

several barriers to accessing mental health services.

recruitment

To begin with, they face the cultural stigmata

Membership in armed groups in combat situ-

associated with mental health services in many

ations exposes children’s lives and their physical

low-income countries. Such countries often exhibit

(e.g., wounds, amputations, and scars) and men-

low understanding and recognition of mental

tal (e.g., anxiety, depression, aggressiveness, and

health and invest little in the relevant social services

posttraumatic stress disorder) well-being at risk (Saxena, Sharan, Garrido, & Saraceno, 2006). In (Betancourt et al., 2010, 2011, 2013; Denov, 2010;

addition, demobilized children face problems spe-

Klasen et al., 2010; Klasen, Oettingen, Daniels, &

cific to their situation, such as the lack of adequate

Adam, 2010; Klasen, Schrage, Post, & Adam, 2011;

government assistance to access, and even com-

Kohrt et al., 2008; Schultz, Sørensen, & Waaktaar,

munication with, programs or agencies that wish

2012). It takes away their childhood, separating

to provide health services to them (Song, van den

them from their families, disconnecting them from

Brink, & Jong, 2013).

the school system, and introducing them to a life

Betancourt et al. (2013) did not find any stud-

where playing is devalued and progressive experi-

ies in scientific journals concerning the partici-

mentation in different social roles is limited. In war

pation of child soldiers in the most widespread

situations, children are obligated to participate in

internal armed conflict currently active in Latin

or be present for all types of crimes and atrocities,

America: the Colombian conflict. In what follows,

including murder, torture, and rape. Desertion is

we attempt to give an updated perspective on the

considered a betrayal of the cause and can even be

events in this country by describing some of the

punishable by death (Álvarez & Aguirre, 2002;

elements particular to the Colombian context that

Human Rights Watch, 2003; McCausland, 2010).

affect the way children and youth are recruited into

Groups involved in armed conflicts recruit and demobilized from armed conflict as soldiers.

CAAFAGs by various means, including abducting,

forced recruitment, threats, pressure, and manipu-

chilDren associateD With colombian

lation; some CAAFAGs even volunteer. In African

iaGs: rural anD urban conflicts

countries, the most common method of recruit-

The current armed conflict in Colombia, which

ment was abduction. This method is also quite

has lasted almost 5 decades, is one of the oldest

common, although less so, in the Asian conflicts

internal conflicts on the American continent and

in Nepal and Sri Lanka. In El Salvador, the major-

is considered a particularly rural conflict, originat-

ity of boys in the conflict joined voluntarily. Age

ing in land-reform wars and wars to appropriate

of recruitment, average duration of participation in

lands for farming and livestock. In the past three

the conflict, and prevalence of mental health prob-

decades, a new agrarian element has been incorpo-

lems after demobilization also varied across the 25

rated into the conflict: drug trafficking and armed

studies analyzed by Betancourt et al. (2013).

control of the production of illicit crops. Also, there

A recent systematic review of qualitative stud-

have been armed actions and fights for territorial

ies on psychosocial adjustment and mental health

control in large cities, where the logic of war and

in CAAFAGs found 21 studies from 10 different

the characteristics of recruiting minors are dif-

countries (Betancourt et al., 2013). In spite of certain

ferent. In the urban context, such as in the poor

methodological limitations in the studies summarized

neighborhoods of Medellin, IAGs take control of

(e.g., lack of validated measures of mental health), the

micro traffic zones, extort money from small local

meta-analysis reported that increases in both inter-

businesses, and, in exchange, offer security in the

nalized and externalized mental health problems form of selective killings of drug consumers and were positively associated with (a) abduction as a

people living in the streets. The recruited youth

form of recruitment rather than voluntary involve-

are those who are already familiar with guns and

ment, (b) exposure to violence, (c) being female, and

the logic of urban criminality (Álvarez & Aguirre,

(d) community stigma and were negatively associ-

2002; Restrepo & Aponte, 2009).

ated with the age of recruitment. Temporarily, family

Currently, the two illegal armed groups are

acceptance, social support, and educational/economic

the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia

opportunities were associated with improved psycho-

(Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia;

social adjustment (Betancourt et al., 2013).

FARC) and the National Liberation Army

Unfortunately, children who succeed in demo-

(Ejército de Liberación Nacional; ELN); a series

bilizing themselves from armed conflict face of neo-paramilitary groups or criminal groups are koLL er, du tr a-t homé, mor a iS, nieto, Sa nta na

465

also involved. The third element in the conflict

and familial and social reintegration for demobi-

is the national government and its armed forces.

lized children and youth (Procuraduría General

Historically, the FARC has had more economic,

de la Nación, & UNICEF, 2006). This program

military, and territorial power.

serves children who desert IAGs and turn them-

Although Colombian laws attempt to establish

selves over to the government, as well as those

18 years of age as the cutoff marking the socially

captured during hostilities. However, a number of

accepted entrance of a citizen into the adult world

cases have been reported in which children who

(e.g., after this age, one may vote, drive a car, pur-

turn themselves into the armed forces are used to

chase and consume alcohol or cigarettes, get mar-

collect information about the war, identify pos-

ried), IAGs appear to not accept the commitments

sible guerrillas, or guide the national army to IAG

signed by the government. The IAGs have their

hideouts, actions that expose these children to

own norms and set their minimum recruitment age

new risks and facilitate a different type of connec-

below 18 years in most cases. Studies concerning

tion to the conflict.

youth and children demobilized from IAGs estimate

It is currently impossible to know how many

the average recruitment age reported by the demo-

child soldiers are involved in the Colombian con-

bilized to be approximately 15 years (Álvarez &

flict because the IAGs involved do not reveal this

Aguirre, 2002; Defensoría del Pueblo & UNICEF,

information. The figure has been estimated at

2006; Moreno, Carmona, & Tobón, 2010; Human

approximately 10,000. In any case, from 1999 to

Rights Watch, 2003). Some children are recruited

2012, the national government has served 4,836

much younger because their fathers or mothers is

minor ex-combatants through a special program

a member of the guerrilla group; as early as age 8,

for demobilizing children and adolescents from

these children begin to be linked in some way to the

armed conflict (Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar

camp and training activities of the group (Álvarez

Familiar, 2012). The majority of demobilized chil-

& Aguirre, 2002; McCausland, 2010).

dren are male (near 78%) and were demobilized

In a 1999 communiqué, the FARC confirmed

between 13 and 17 years of age (Observatorio

that involvement in its activities is personal, volun-

de Procesos de Desarme, Desmovilización y

tary, and restricted to individuals between the ages

Reintegración, 2009). However, the number of

of 15 and 30 years (Human Rights Watch, 2003). In

demobilized minors may be greater: journalists

contrast, several studies (Álvarez & Aguirre, 2002;

and human rights organizations have reported

Defensoría del Pueblo & UNICEF, 2006; Moreno,

that, during the AUC paramilitary DDR process

Carmona, & Tobón, 2010; Human Rights Watch,

that took place between 2003 and 2005, a num-

2003;) have found that many of the children and

ber of children and youth were secretly removed

adolescents demobilized from the FARC had been

from these armed groups. Their participation was

recruited before the age of 15. The FARC appears

never reported, and they did not become involved

to be invoking the Geneva Convention of 1949 on

in the national government’s program for protec-

International Humanitarian Law in armed con-

tion and service (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child

flicts, which states that 15 is the minimum age for

Soldiers, 2008).

recruitment to armed groups. It appears that they

Before concluding a final peace process with the

are not aware of other, more up-to-date regulations

main guerrilla army in the Americas, Colombia

and agreements signed by almost all world govern-

must increase its efforts to ensure that the policy

ments, such as the Convention on the Rights of the

of protection of children demobilized from the

Child (Hodgkin & Newell, 2002) or the Optional

armed conflict will be effective. Psychosocial care

Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed

programs for these children should be based on

Conflict (UN General Assembly, Fifty

fourth evidence. This process could be an example to the

Session, 2000), which establish 18 as the minimum

world on how to achieve successful interventions

age for recruitment into armed forces.

in children who have been victims of one of the

All of the Colombian IAGs have continually

worst forms of child labor, participation in war as

recruited children younger than 18 years of age.

soldiers.

Since the end of 1998, several different govern-

ment regimes have considered IAG soldiers under

Future Research

the age of 18 as victims of the conflict. As a

The current structural fragility of the configu-

result, the Colombian government has developed

ration of the working world in general is one of the

a demobilization program that seeks protection

main causes of child labor. Unemployment, failure

466

ChiLd L a Bor

to comply with labor laws, and difficulties in job

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ChiLd L a Bor

C H A P T E R

Adolescent Civic Development

29 Across Cultures

Constance Flanagan, Cynthia Lin, Helyn Luisi-Mil s, Al ison Sambo, and Ming Hu Abstract

Two cultural frames (the nation-state and groupways) as lenses for understanding adolescent civic development are explored. The authors argue that distinct cultural models of citizenship reflect different definitions of the prerogatives and obligations that bind people in a political community.

These models change as groups chal enge the status quo and as younger generations become part of the body politic. Through their col ective, public actions in the mediating institutions of civil society, adolescents construct their civic identities and, in the process, contribute to social stability and social change. Adolescents’ civic consciousness is built up over time via groupways (their everyday actions and relationships of power as members of cultural groups).

Key Words: dynamic civic identities, civil society, mediating institutions, groupways, generational replacement, col ective action, prerogatives and obligations

Adolescents’ civic development refers to the citizens of nations. Second is the frame of groupways that younger generations engage in collective

ways, which we have adapted from cultural psy-

actions that contribute to their local communi-

chology’s concept of selfways (Markus, Mullally, &

ties, nation-states, and global societies. As a conse-

Kitayama, 1997) to refer to the accumulation of

quence of their actions, both the young people and

activities and choices made over time by members

their polities change. According to generational

of groups, choices shaped in fundamental ways by

theorists, political change is inevitable as each new

the position of status and power of that group in

generation comes of age and replaces their elders in

the larger polity (Flanagan, Martínez, Cumsille, &

the task of determining the future of their society

Ngomane, 2011).

(Delli Carpini, 2006). Civic action is often char-

We begin with an anecdote from our own

acterized within a narrow range of partisan and

research experience and revisit it throughout

electoral politics, but the focus on adolescents who

the chapter to illustrate our main arguments.

have not reached the age of majority enlarges its

Following that, we present an ecological model

meaning. Our understanding of civic development

that emphasizes the collective quality of civic action

is further enriched by examining the process across

in public settings, as well as the reciprocal influ-

cultures.

ences between the proximal and distal layers of

In this chapter, we engage two different inter-

the model. Central to our argument is the role of

pretive frames about culture and discuss the mediating institutions or mini-polities as public explanatory power of each for understanding ado-spaces where youth build relationships and engage

lescent civic development. First is the nation-state,

in collective action with fellow members of their

perhaps the most common approach for framing

communities. It is in the creative tensions of these

discussions of civic agency insofar as people are

public spaces that younger generations construct

471

their civic identities and, in the process, contribute

observes from her studies of immigrants, “… the

to social stability and social change.

zone of the hyphen for the hyphenated American

is a territory rich in meaning and dynamic in pro-

Insights from Practice

cess, belying efforts to impose simple categorical

Some years ago, Connie Flanagan was con-

systems.”

ducting studies in a high school with a majority

Cultural models of a political community

Arab-American student population. The goal of

and a “good citizen” also are dynamic. The

the research was to gain insights about civic iden-

Arab-American adolescents invoked a liberal nar-

tity formation in the United States based on the

rative about American identity when referring to

experiences of adolescents from different cultural

acts of self-expression that challenged their cultural

backgrounds. With rare exceptions, all of the ado-

traditions. When we asked them to describe some

lescents were citizens of the United States. Some of

times when they “felt American,” several men-

their families had been in the country for several

tioned exercising religious freedom. Interestingly,

generations; others were more recent immigrants.

although some referred to their family’s choice to

Most fascinating in their conversations was the

follow Christian traditions, one young woman

facility with which the teens moved between iden-

discussed her decision to wear a hijab with full

tifying themselves as Americans or in opposition

awareness of its cultural and religious mean-

to that identity. When discussing American foreign

ing, as a mature informed decision, an act of

policy, especially in the Middle East, many used

self-determination. This image of the autonomous

the term, “You, Americans,” severing themselves,

self who is responsible for her own decisions res-

for the moment, from that civic identity. This nam-

onates with a Western interpretation of virtue as

ing of groups (You vs. Us) was, at once, a political

the individual making self-determined choices

statement of objection to the policies of their nation

(Rosemont, 2004). But, even in the United States,

and an alliance and identification with their cul-

the bearer of individual rights has not been the only

tural group—with other Arab-Americans and with

model of a good citizen, although it has eclipsed

others in the Middle East. Among other things, we

other images in recent decades. Sandel (1996)

learned from these interactions that some adoles-

points to an alternative “republican” narrative of

cents develop their civic identity not just in groups

American identity, one common in earlier eras. In

of others with whom they identify, but in opposi-

that model, the role and responsibilities of a citizen

tion to those with whom they do not.

are paramount insofar as liberty is only achieved if

At other times, when discussing relationships

one deliberates with fellow citizens about how, col-

with their parents, many of the adolescents iden-

lectively, they want to live.

tified strongly as Americans, even employing the

Dominant models of a good citizen have under-

term as an epithet that their parents or others in

gone change in other nations as well. In contempo-

their cultural group used to refer to how liberal

rary China, for example, citizens are encouraged

their social mores had become. One young woman

to “stand out” rather than meld into the group.

noted that the relative autonomy that her fam-

As the state aims to grow the economy, con-

ily allowed her had earned them a reputation as

sumption and entrepreneurship are encouraged,

“Americans” in this Arab-American community,

and parents are expected to nurture the unique

“My family isn’t strict on what I do, or what I where

talents of their children. Such “model citizen”

[sic] so my family is referred to as ’Americanized.’ ”

actions oppose the definition of a good citizen

Others referred to tensions between generations

at the height of the socialist era when a citizen’s

over typical parent–adolescent issues such as cur-

identity was melded to the collective, and refer-

fews or dating as times when the teenagers were

ences to individualism, privacy, and separation

“acting American.” When asked to describe times

of one’s fate from that of others were discouraged

when she felt “very American,” one young woman

(Anagnost, 2008). At the same time, in a context

referred to embracing opinions or beliefs that “my

of tight controls on free speech and assembly, the

culture doesn’t agree to” and another to “going

entrepreneurial Chinese citizen has few outlets for

out with guys of their races.” The flexible way that

political action. Compared to their peers in Japan

these adolescents managed their multiple identi-

or Korea, Chinese youth are members of more

ties alludes to the dynamic nature of cultural and

associations but only politically sanctioned ones

civic identities, especially for racial-ethnic minori-

such as the Communist Party or Youth League.

ties and new immigrants. As Deaux (2008, p. 937)

Apparently, membership in these organizations

472

a doL eSCent Ci v iC dev eLoPment aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

has not affected the youths’ self-determination:

In summary, distinct cultural models of citizen-

compared to their peers in the region, they have

ship follow, in part, from different cultural models

greater respect for those in authority and place less

of the self and of a political community. That said,

importance on youth having a voice in community

models of citizens and their prerogatives and obli-

or state affairs (Min, 2010).

gations within political communities are dynamic:

A “universal” definition of citizenship can be

they adapt to changing conditions and policies

found in Walzer’s simple summary: “A citizen is,

within nations. They also change as younger gener-

most simply, a member of a political community

ations explore and consolidate their civic identities.

entitled to whatever prerogatives and encumbered

The pace of that change may be most apparent in

with whatever responsibilities are attached to mem-

parts of the majority world as younger generations

bership” (Walzer, 1989, p. 211). Note that the use

negotiate cultural clashes that emerge as the forces

of the word “prerogatives” rather than “rights” of formal education, migration, and the Internet associated with membership in a political commu-impact their lives. For example, as we discuss in

nity is an important distinction. For example, in

our ecological model, youth in East African societ-

the Confucian social ideal, the interdependence of

ies are negotiating the push of the Western models

members’ fates and the responsibilities associated

of the rights-bearing self in their schools or as por-

with their roles as citizens overshadow notions of

trayed via the Internet at the same time that their

individual rights as a basis for citizenship (Ihara,

families and cultural groups emphasize the rela-

2004). Relationships and political integration tional self and the collective good. For the remain-supersede autonomy and self-determination in con-

der of our chapter, we use an ecological model to

cepts of the self (Rosemont, 2004). In this model,

illustrate the intersecting contexts that influence

the goals of an individual largely coincide with the

adolescents’ civic identity formation.

common good—rather than being at odds with it

(Ihara, 2004).

Ecological Model

Different models of the self and of a political

In the tradition of community psychol-

community imply alternative obligations as well.

ogy and human ecology, we frame adolescent

In an autonomous rights-bearing model of a citi-

civic development in a transactional ecological

zen, fellow citizens must respect the right of one

model (Figure 29.1). An ecological model high-

another to free speech and opinion—but there is

lights the nested settings in which people develop

no necessary obligation to listen or to find com-

(Bronfenbrenner, 1979), and a transactional

mon ground. In a model where citizens’ roles as

approach attends to the interactions among per-

co-members of a community are paramount, social

sons, groups, and organizations within and across

and economic guarantees take precedence over these settings.

rights to free speech and autonomy. Consequently,

Adolescents are at the center of this model, but

fellow citizens have responsibilities to act on one

we refer to adolescents in the plural rather than

another’s behalf (Rosemont, 2004).

the singular to emphasize that civic action is not

Adolescents situated in

mediating institutions

Nation-state

Global community

Fig. 29.1 Transactional Ecological Model of Adolescent Civic Development.

fL a nag a n, Lin, Lu iSi-miLL S, Sa mBo, hu

473

done by individuals acting alone. Not only is the

best to live together in a society can be aired and

civic domain an arena of collective action, it also is

debated in the process of finding common ground.

a public domain. Consequently, the center of our

During the Arab Spring the need for a public realm

model places adolescents in mediating institutions

in a democratic society emerged in interviews with

(schools, faith-based or cultural groups, commu-

young Egyptian activists who challenged autocratic

nity organizations, public squares, social media,

rule and mobilized for a more democratic society.

etc.), public spaces where adolescents’ collective

These youth used a folk saying to contrast the pub-

actions with others are the bases for their civic

lic claiming of their voice against the constraints

identity formation. Actions and ideas in those con-

they felt about speaking up during the days of the

texts are informed by policies and practices in the

autocratic regime: the saying, “walking beside the

communities and nations where adolescents reside.

wall” referred to the people’s posture of staying

Thus, the nation-state is an important lens through

out of the way and letting the government handle

which to frame culture as a force in civic identity

economic and political matters (Barber & Youniss,

formation. Finally, nations are part of a global

2013). As one youth reflected, “I used to think

community; the policies of nations are affected by

[about] what is right, but silently. Now I am not

their membership in this global community, and

silent anymore” (Youniss, Barber, & Billen, 2013,

the choices of adolescents are informed by possibili-

p. 9). Claiming a collective voice in the free space

ties and events in the global community.

of the public square was described by other youth

At the same time, adolescents bring their unique

as the signature accomplishment that would mark

(cultural, religious, etc.) backgrounds with them as

their generation historically: “Our generation had

they enter the public realm. Their civic identities are

not given anything to the country. One generation

informed by the knowledge, values, customs, and

had the war of 1973 against Israel. Others were the

meanings that are shared among a group of people

generation of the Suez Canal or the Aswan Dam.

and that constitute a way of life (Jensen, 2008). In

But now I have participated and helped create an

addition, because adolescents from diverse cultural

event in the history of this country” (Barber &

backgrounds interact in the public realm, their col-

Youniss, 2013, p. 71). Tellingly, this generation of

lective actions in those spaces will redefine the civic

young people felt that, through their civic actions

ties that bind them with fellow citizens.

that challenged Hosni Mubarak’s rule, they were

reclaiming their authentic identities as Egyptians

Mediating Institutions in Civil Society

who, as a culture, had historically contributed to

“Civil society” has many meanings. Here it world civilization.

refers to a third sector of society where the collec-

The celebration of the “Arab Spring” in the

tive actions of people challenge and stabilize the

Western media should remind us that the historical

other two sectors, that is, the government and the

context in which particular civic actions are taken

market. Civil Society includes formal organiza-

frames the way they are interpreted. However, civic

tions that “mediate” between individuals, families,

organizing and action are not always perceived in

communities, and nations, as well as less formal

positive terms, especially when changes in state

associations or “free spaces” that people create.

policies are the reason for mobilization. For exam-

“Mediating institutions” refer to the public spaces,

ple, in the aftermath of prolonged civil wars and

physical or virtual, where members of the public

the recruitment of “child soldiers” into militias in

gather to decide together what is in their common

the nations of Eastern Africa, youth activism can

interest.

be perceived as threatening to the community and

The public nature of the civic sphere is impor-

can pose dangers to the youth themselves.

tant. As Arendt (1958) points out, the term “public”

In contrast to the free spaces created by Egyptian

signifies that things that appear in that realm can

citizens, adolescents’ civic development is typically

be seen and heard by everybody and that this realm

shaped by the routine practices of mediating insti-

brings everyone, regardless of status, social back-

tutions. Those practices and the rationale defend-

ground, or beliefs, together. Thus, the public realm

ing them tend to reinforce dominant narratives

is a more diverse context for civic identity forma-

and beliefs (e.g., independent work in school trains

tion than the more homogeneous settings of fam-

character and results in independent success in life;

ily life. Consequently, although people will choose

a good citizen should help his comrades with their

different ways to live their own private lives, it is in

school work; youth should remain silent and learn

the public realm that a wide range of beliefs on how

from the wisdom of elders; students have a right

474

a doL eSCent Ci v iC dev eLoPment aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

to disagree with their teachers, as long as they are

Americanized”) refer to the very practices whereby

respectful). Civic concepts, beliefs, dispositions,

the meaning of civic and cultural identities are

and identities flow from participating with others

explored in relationships and are renegotiated over

in these practices. Because they are both routine

time and across generations. The fluidity with

and because everyone “like me” does them, these

which the adolescents managed their intersecting

practices tend to reinforce the belief that they are

cultural identities illustrates the fact that culture

the natural, proper, perhaps the only way to do

cannot be essentialized as if it were fixed or static;

things. Consequently, dominant cultural beliefs rather, culture is collectively constituted by groups gain hegemony and often are adopted even by

of people in relation to each other within a particu-

groups whose interests are marginalized by those

lar place and time. Although we cannot capture the

views (Jost, Banaji, & Nosek, 2004).

historical context in our ecological model, it is the

With respect to adolescents’ civic development,

case that the very ways that groups create and make

mediating institutions serve as “mini- polities” that

sense of their shared lives is always done in “rela-

enable youth to practice what it means to be a citi-

tionship to others within specific social/economic/

zen of the larger polity (Flanagan, 2013). Many of

political/historical contexts” (Reyes Cruz & Sonn,

the practices of mediating institutions reinforce

2011, p. 205).

dominant cultural narratives and thereby stabilize

Because they hold multiple interlocking identi-

political and economic systems by inculcating a set

ties, and because they receive and create multiple

of beliefs in younger generations. In other words,

meanings about these identities, young people

societies are economic and political systems, but

often create hybrid identities—as insiders and out-

they remain stable because societies also are think-

siders, as subordinated and powerful, as agents and

ing systems; that is, the citizens in them share a

objects. Feminist scholars of color have used the

set of ideas, values, and beliefs that reinforce and

term “intersectionality” to draw attention to the fact

legitimate the principles on which the political

that individuals are members of multiple identity

or economic system is based. But the practices

groups (Collins, 2008). The following two exam-

of mediating institutions are not deterministic. ples illustrate how intersectional identities operate Citizens have agency, and younger generations in political mobilization. The first comes from the exercise that agency by taking advantage of the free

2011 Arab Spring. Youth played significant roles in

spaces of mediating institutions where they can

that movement, but there are various intersectional

create alternatives to the status quo and even chal-

identities in the rather large and elastic category of

lenge existing policies and regimes in power.

“youth.” After the mobilizations began, attention

The broken lines in the concentric circles of our

was brought to the harassment and sexual assault

ecological model (see Figure 29.1) emphasize the

experienced by female participants. To address

mutual influences of contexts on each other, the

it, young Egyptian women and allies formed Op

mesosystem if you will (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In

Anti-Sexual Harassment, mixed-gender groups

the civic identity formation of the Arab-American

of volunteers identified by the boldly emblazoned

adolescents, we witnessed the intersections of T-shirts that they wore in public (Op Anti-Sexual religion, gender, the political dynamics of send-Harassment/Assault, n.d.; Rowland, 2012). Their

ing and receiving nations at the macrolevel and

primary purpose was to protect women from mob

of vertical relationships between generations and

assaults during mass mobilizations, but the broader

customs at the proximal level. Concerning the last

goal was to make visible and to take a public stand

of these, some adolescents referred to times when

against these entrenched forms of gender-based

they asserted their independence and the cultural

violence within the society. In the context of a

clashes that ensued in their families as times when

movement to redefine Egypt as a democratic alter-

they were “acting American.” These adolescents

native to an authoritarian regime, large numbers of

brought ideas from their interactions in the pub-

people have seized the political moment to assert

lic domain into the private space of their families,

that discrimination against women cannot be part

where generations wrangled over these intersecting

of the vision of a new democratic Egypt nor can

identities and redefined what it meant to be both

it be tolerated within the political movements that

Arab and American.

seek a new society. In other words, Egyptian youth

The intergenerational dynamics to which are insisting that the vision of a democratic society some of the youth alluded (“my parents let me

to which they aspire includes equal treatment of

date boys from their cultures, so we’re considered

women and that this (distal) aspiration can only be

fL a nag a n, Lin, Lu iSi-miLL S, Sa mBo, hu

475

realized by changing the (proximal) relationships

self-determination and low standards of living had

and practices of the very political organizations

become too great to bear.

(the mediating institutions) they have formed to

Notions of duty and obligation, on the one

create the new social order.

hand, and prerogatives and entitlements, on the

The second example comes from Mische’s (2008)

other, describe a common structure that binds

research on youth activists in post-dictatorial Brazil.

citizens with their nation. Indeed, despite the fact

As these activists networked and organized across

that the forms of organization in modern societies

student movements, political parties, faith-based,

are relatively recent phenomena in human evolu-

and other civic organizations, they created new

tion, Hatano and Takahashi (2005) contend that

forms of political communication and different

some aspects of the civic domain may be privileged

kinds of publics. Based on her extensive tracking of

knowledge; that is, knowledge that human beings

young activists as they navigated these networks,

need to survive, including production, resource

Mische concludes that the interstitial spaces at the

distribution, division of labor, exchange, and social

intersections of multiple identities or projects allow

status, which may be basic to the life of the human

people to suspend the contentious relations defined

species.

by particular identities and to generate new forms

Although the structure of a social compact is

of political communication and joint action.

universal, the specific tenets vary for different poli-

ties, such as the degree to which governments, mar-

Nation-State and the Social Contract

kets, or individuals are responsible for managing

The nation-state is a second level of our ecologi-

risk; the degree to which resources are distributed

cal model. Citizenship is fundamentally embedded

based on principles of equity, equality, or need; the

within a nation, and opportunities for adolescents

degree to which cultural diversity is celebrated or

to explore and consolidate civic identities are outlawed in public institutions, and the like. The shaped by the principles and policies of the nation

terms of the social contract will vary across societ-

where they reside. Our discussion of the role of the

ies and even at different periods within a society

nation-state in adolescents’ civic identity formation

(e.g., as eligibility for social programs is renegoti-

is informed by social contract theory. Although

ated, as the age range that defines “youth” for pol-

there are valid criticisms of social contract theory

icy purposes is redefined, and so on).

that draw attention to the fact that those in power

Concerning changes in social policy or eligibil-

tend to make the rules of the contract to the dis-

ity for social programs, two examples are illustra-

advantage of women and minorities (Mills, 1997;

tive. The first comes from China and Vietnam,

Pateman, 1988), we use the framework to empha-

where there has been massive within-country

size that the principles that bind members of a

migration, disproportionately of young people,

society together inform the practices of mediating

in search of employment. However, whereas job

institutions (Flanagan, 2013).

opportunities may be located in one province,

Every nation operates based on some compact,

young migrants have a hard time accessing services

some set of rules and obligations by which the state,

such as housing, education, or health care in the

the market, the institutions of civil society, and the

same community where they find jobs since they

people live in harmony. Examples include the degree

lack a local residence card. A second example of

to which the state monitors and exerts control over

changes in state entitlement policies can be seen

the market or allows it free rein, whether and how

in university students’ protests to the 2012 aus-

the state provides for the security and social welfare

terity policies in Spain, Greece, and other parts

of people, and the degree to which independence

of Europe. Youth mobilized around their identity

and individual rights to self-determination or inter-

as students to object to declining state support for

dependence and mutual responsibilities figure in

higher education.

the model of selves and citizens. The stability of any

Concerning the elastic definition of “youth,” the

society will be undermined if actors in any of these

structural lag or mismatch between the readiness

spheres violate the terms of the compact. Indeed,

of youth to assume adult responsibilities and the

the dissolution of the Soviet bloc in 1989 was due,

dearth of institutional, especially economic, oppor-

in part, to the collective perceptions of the citizens

tunities in developing countries (Hamilton &

of Eastern Europe that the state was not holding up

Hamilton, 2009) has resulted in official desig-

its end of the bargain of ensuring the health and

nations of “youth” for policy purposes in many

welfare of citizens and that the costs to citizens in

nations as persons between 15 and 35 or even 40.

476

a doL eSCent Ci v iC dev eLoPment aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

By designating such targeted groups, the state is sig-

people’s prerogatives and duties) are enacted and

naling things such as their eligibility for particular

interpreted. The structure and practices of mediat-

programs or their obligations to society (e.g., mili-

ing institutions are shaped by the policies of nations

tary service) as members of the designated group.

(e.g., whether public schools are free, which is the

As just one example, in response to the tightening

official language of instruction, whether personal

of European emigration policies that limited the

symbols of cultural or religious difference can be

number of educated Cameroonians who could seek

worn in public buildings, whether women and men

their fortunes outside of their homeland, the rul-

can assemble in public groups, what form of iden-

ing party in Cameroon created a national youth

tity papers is required to apply for a job or to vote

organization that made it easier for youth to access

in an election).

state resources (Jua, 2003). This move by the state

The mediating institutions of civil society also

may have been an attempt at creating a safety valve

compensate for failures of the state and the market

insofar as other Cameroonian youth were attracted

to provide for the needs of citizens. This is especially

to opposition and even secessionist movements at

evident in the majority world where states have

the time (Fokwang, 2003). In fact, concerns about

much less capacity to provide services—from edu-

the political defiance potential in the “youth bulge”

cation to sanitation to health to security (Kassimir

(the disproportion of young people as a percentage

& Flanagan, 2010). Self-help, charitable, or reli-

of overall population in a society) has moved gov-

gious organizations—the nonstate, nongovern-

ernments to put youth at the center of policy agen-

mental institutions often seen as the components

das in many parts of the majority world (Fussell &

of civil society—play a significant role in filling in

Green, 2002).

for the functions that the state is not providing. In

Cultures differ in how they define the obliga-

Africa, many of these institutions provide services

tions of citizens. For example, responsibility may

directly (taking on a governance role) and also

be construed by some as a choice, by others a duty.

make claims to other powerful institutions (a rep-

The duties of citizens may be enforced by laws,

resentational role; Kassimir 2001). In this represen-

habits, or normative pressures, or a combination of

tational sense, such institutions also provide spaces

these. In some nations, citizens are bound by law to

where citizens can engage in political work that

vote or to aid in national defense or service. State

holds the state or market accountable, challenging

policies such as the age of compulsory schooling

the government or market to perform their desig-

and definitions of child abuse and neglect are just

nated functions. For example, the Panchayat Raj

some examples of the ways in which states act to

program in India informs women and marginal-

protect children’s welfare and prescribe what par-

ized groups ( dalits) about their rights as a means for

ents can/should do. The construal of prerogatives,

increasing participation in democratic governance.

entitlements, and rights is likely to differ as well.

The evolution of Set Setal in Dakar, Senegal, is

Within a social citizenship framework in which

an example of how youth have created new politi-

citizens are entitled to the provision of state ser-

cal organizations by challenging ineffective ruling

vices to meet basic needs, health care is conceived

parties and providing some of the services that

as a basic right of citizens. But rights also can be

were neglected by those parties (Diouf, 1996).

understood as matters of self-determination (i.e., a

Faced with a general lack of educational opportu-

citizen’s right to voice his or her views).

nities and with a dearth of employment opportuni-

ties for those who managed to get educated, local

Reciprocal Influences Between Levels

athletic and cultural associations came together

in the Ecological Model: Nations

with student organizations in the late 1980s and

and Mediating Institutions

1990s to call attention to their plight and to do

In our ecological model, the broken lines something about it. They first engaged in massive between the nation-state and mediating institu-and sometimes violent protest during an electoral

tions are meant to illustrate that the (social, eco-

campaign against the return of the ruling party.

nomic, political) principles that hold a society Having failed to prevent victory for the incum-together at the macrolevel shape and inform the

bents, some of the youth turned on ethnic minori-

policies and practices of institutions at the micro-

ties in the city. Then, in what Diouf called an act

level (Flanagan, 2013). It is in mediating institu-

of purification for the violence, they set about to

tions that the rules of the social order (e.g., what

clean up and beautify their neighborhoods, provid-

are our responsibilities to one another, what are

ing desperately needed public services and a sense

fL a nag a n, Lin, Lu iSi-miLL S, Sa mBo, hu

477

of public space while demonstrating an autonomy

free spaces where people challenge the way things

from a political system from which they already felt

are and, by their actions, change the status quo

excluded. Neighborhood groups stood alongside

(Evans & Boyte, 1992). The administration and

student organizations to act, self-assess, and change

staff at the school that we discussed in our case

direction toward self-reliance and more construc-

study respected the decisions of some of the students

tive public purposes. The movement, known as Set

to fast in observance of Ramadan. This decision of

Setal, was a new form of doing politics by these

the adults in the school is critical to understanding

marginalized young people, one that created new

the role of schools as public spaces where the ties

practices of citizenship out of a refusal to acquiesce

that bind members of a community and the very

to the old forms of traditional political action.

definition of the polity are regularly renegotiated.

The discussion of Arab-American students in

In this example, the administrators and teachers

our opening account alludes to the role of medi-

hold power over students, but they decided to share

ating institutions as contexts where civic identities

authority and decision making—to respect and

are explored. These adolescents attended a public

include the cultural traditions through which the

school where they pledged allegiance to the flag of

students consolidate a sense of collective identity,

the United States of America, studied American

thus enabling them to incorporate their cultural

history, and engaged in service to their local com-

identities as they consolidate their American iden-

munity. Although the student body was a majority

tities. In so doing, the actors expand what it means

Arab-American population, there were differences

to be an American (Flanagan, 2013). Schools have

in religious affiliation, with some students identi-

also been sites where young people in other coun-

fying as Christian, others as Muslim. The student

tries have claimed a free space. For example, in rev-

body included students from diverse backgrounds,

olutionary Turkey, the university was the contested

and teachers generally encouraged open dialogues

space where Muslim women adopted religious

in which students shared different perspectives on

symbols as a means of protesting their assigned

social issues.

status and identity. Today, girls as young as 10 are

The fact that the public school was a site where

disrupting cultural routines and challenging gen-

adolescents could have these conversations, der norms in parts of Afghanistan, Pakistan, and embracing and contesting what it means to be an

India, risking acid attacks and even death as they

American, a space where they both pledged alle-

don their uniforms and go to school.

giance to the American flag and celebrated reli-

gious traditions such as Ramadan, made us think

Groupways

twice about the role of the school in civic devel-

In addition to the nation-state cultural lens, an

opment. Across most nations, schools are sites adolescent’s civic identity also reflects the degree where the principles of the social order tend to be

to which he or she identifies with a particular cul-

reinforced. Typically, schools encourage students’

tural group. This alludes to the second cultural

identification with the dominant culture through

lens (groupways) that we apply to civic identity

three common sets of practices: through the ethno-

formation. Awareness of their identity as members

centric biases of curricula, through explicit positive

of a cultural group may develop, in part, from

narratives about the nation’s history, and through

attentiveness to how society treats people “like

adoption of symbols and practices of civil culture

them.” Our concept of groupways has resonance

(Barrett, 2007). These national narratives taught in

with standpoint theory, developed by feminist

school may combine a sense of national pride with

scholars steeped in Marxist traditions, to refer

enemy images that reinforce it. For example, the

to the fact that one’s knowledge and worldview

strong identification with the nation found among

develop out of experiences that accrue due to one’s

Chinese students has been attributed to practices in

position of power and privilege (or lack thereof) in

schools that have inculcated both feelings of pride

a society. Both material conditions and the rou-

in the thousands of years in which China was a

tine practices of everyday life are shaped by domi-

leading power and humiliation during the one cen-

nant structures and relations of power (capitalism,

tury in which the nation was partially colonized by

patriarchy, colonialism, racism). According to

Western powers (Xie, 2009).

standpoint theory, groups who are oppressed in

However, in addition to their role in reinforc-

these asymmetries of power have a particular,

ing the social order and allegiance to the nation,

so-called privileged knowledge about the systems

mediating institutions such as schools also can be

of oppression that constrain their freedoms and

478

a doL eSCent Ci v iC dev eLoPment aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

about the individuals and institutions that hold

people had to exist as second-class citizens. At the

power over them. In many cases, their very lives

same time, anger about the toll that second-class

depend on their ability to assess or “read” those

status and grinding poverty had taken on their par-

who hold power over their lives. Struggles for lib-

ents had built up in their consciousness. It was the

eration, therefore, are best articulated from the

historical intersection of a growing antiapartheid

standpoint of those who are oppressed by the par-

resistance movement with their generation’s atten-

ticular system (Hartsock, 1983).

dance at predominantly black agricultural colleges

To illustrate, we briefly summarize the civic iden-

that enabled them to take collective action and ulti-

tity formation of black South African youth living

mately to change the course of their nation’s his-

under apartheid in the 1980s. Their “privileged”

tory. In summary, one advantage of a cultural lens

view of apartheid as a system and of the relations

on civic identity formation concerns the epistemic

of power that held it up was different from an out-

“privilege” of everyday life for oppressed groups.

sider’s view, no matter how sympathetic. Although

That awareness may lie dormant, however, until

there were international “allies” who supported the

historical conditions render a free space to explore

struggle against apartheid with, for example, dives-

that knowledge and its possibilities for imagining

titures of gold and rand campaigns, knowledge

an alternative political system.

about and resistance to apartheid was built up over

Youth of color and their allies have, in various

generations of black South Africans’ accumulated

movements, leveraged this kind of material and

experiences as an oppressed group in the social con-

embodied awareness into their movement activities.

tract of the apartheid regime. The repeated enact-

For example, undocumented youth in the United

ments of being a second-class citizen and observing

States sought to make their status visible with the

its toll on one’s loved ones is the “privileged” per-

slogan “Undocumented, Unafraid” emblazoned on

spective of the black South African’s standpoint.

posters and T-shirts in protest of anti-immigrant

However, for generations, apartheid had been suc-

bills (Seif, 2011). These youth had migrated with

cessful at keeping tribal communities isolated from

their families to the United States when they were

one another, to say nothing of the exclusionary

young and had no documentation that allowed

policies of the apartheid system that had denied

them to participate in the civic process once they

all black South Africans the prerogatives of citi-

came of age. At the transition from childhood to

zenship. In their rural communities and, for some,

young adulthood, they faced a political contradic-

separate so-called homelands, black South Africans

tion: whereas their right to a public education in

were largely cut off from the media and from fel-

the K–12 years was legally guaranteed by the gov-

low citizens until the 1980s when apartheid’s needs

ernment’s policies, at 18, they were cut off from

for an educated black workforce meant that slots

pathways to citizenship. In response, these youth

in agricultural colleges opened for the generation

claimed a political identity as DREAMers, linking

who was entering adulthood at that time. For the

their identities and aspirations to a very “American”

first time, youth from different cultural and lan-

model of education and self-improvement. Their

guage groups (e.g., Zulu, Xhosa, Tsonga, Venda,

political savvy illustrates the epistemic “privilege”

Swazi, Ndebele, etc.) who had been cordoned off

of their standpoint as “illegals”: they understand

from contact with one another attended college

relationships of power better than those who are in

together. Their worldviews were expanded by this

power. As illegals in the system, it is incumbent on

experience as they were exposed to the different

them to know the system. Furthermore, the stereo-

perspectives of fellow black South Africans and

type of “illegal” and the profiling policies targeting

of worlds outside of the narrow conclaves of the

their cultural group (citizens and undocumented

rural areas and homelands to which they had been

alike) united those who shared a Latino identity

assigned. Together in the relatively free space of the

and culture around a common political issue. Their

agricultural colleges, they also explored the pos-

collective actions have resulted in victories includ-

sibilities of political resistance and imagined that

ing increased access to higher education and a path

another world beyond apartheid might be possible

to citizenship for other undocumented youth.

(Ngomane & Flanagan, 2003).

Adolescents belong to multiple identity groups,

Concerning their political identity formation,

and their civic identity formation develops out

W. E. B. Du Bois’s (2007) theory of the double

of the complementary and conflicting tensions

consciousness experienced by oppressed groups is

between these identities. In one way or another,

apt. To survive in the apartheid system, these young

most of the Arab-American youth in our case

fL a nag a n, Lin, Lu iSi-miLL S, Sa mBo, hu

479

study identified as Americans while holding onto

mentioned Arabs as a popular enemy image were

their own cultural “other-ness.” They also were

more likely than their peers who did not do so to

negotiating what it means to be an Arab-American

report personal instances of discrimination and to

at a historical juncture when Islamophobia was

express doubts that the tenets of the social con-

ascending across the globe. Not surprisingly, these

tract in the United States (i.e., equal opportunities

adolescents, like other ethnic minorities, were for education and treatment under the law) were more aware of discrimination than were their enjoyed by all groups (Wray-Lake, Syvertsen, & European-American peers. And experiences of dis-Flanagan, 2008). In summary, adolescents develop

crimination were associated both with a stronger

a critical consciousness (Watts, Diemer, & Voight,

commitment to their cultural identity and with a

2011) about the terms of the social contract in

political awareness about how their cultural group

their society as they make connections between

was excluded from full inclusion as citizens of the

personal experiences of exclusion and the relative

United States.

position of power of their cultural group in the

At times, these adolescents exhibited a kind

larger polity.

of reactive identification with their ethnic group

The cultural lens expands the meaning of “ideo-

and with their parents’ sending country, as Portes

logical alternatives” that Erikson (1968) argued

and Rumbaut (2001) found in second-generation

adolescents will consider as they seek a concordance

American immigrant adolescents who experi-

between their own ideals and identities and those

enced discrimination. Note that it is not the act of

of groups to which they belong. The very range of

embracing one’s ethnic roots that poses a threat to

alternatives for civic identity formation that ado-

the person’s allegiance to the United States. Rather,

lescents are likely to consider will vary based on

feeling excluded from the terms of the American

the cultural (as well as gender, class, etc.) groups

social contract, believing that one’s claims to to which youth belong, as well as on the affec-citizenship are conditional, causes individuals to

tion and allegiance they feel toward those groups.

choose a form of ethnic identification that is a reac-

With respect to the levels in our ecological model,

tive identity against an exclusionary one that privi-

adolescents may have more freedom to negotiate

leges some groups over others.

their multiple cultural and civic identities and to

But a reactive identification is not the only embrace both if they reside in a nation with a lon-civic alternative. Adolescents from ethnic minority

ger history of immigration. In societies that have a

groups in our studies were as committed to serv-

long history of large-scale immigration, the asso-

ing the United States as were their ethnic major-

ciation between an individual’s ethnic and national

ity peers; they also were more committed to other

identity tends to be positive or to approach zero. In

forms of civic action, such as improving race rela-

contrast, the relationship is negative and seemingly

tions and advocating for their people (Flanagan,

incompatible in countries where there has been a

Syvertsen, Gill, Gallay, & Cumsille, 2009). Among

shorter history of immigration (Berry, Phinney,

immigrants to the United States, discrimination

Sam, & Vedder, 2006).

can motivate withdrawal from political action or

increased activism. In fact, Jensen (2008, 2010)

Global Communities

has shown that cultural stereotypes can motivate

Our outermost circle draws attention to the fact

a “counter-push” to discrimination when academi-

that nations themselves are situated in global com-

cally capable adolescents help out their peers in

munities. The very policies of nations, as well as

order to challenge negative stereotypes about their

the ideas and choices of adolescents, are informed

cultural group.

by membership in a global community. There

Among the Arab-American students, indi-

are many examples that illustrate our point. For

vidual experiences of discrimination were not the

example, multinational institutions and organiza-

only example of prejudice against their cultural

tions such as the World Bank, the International

group. When we asked adolescents to name groups

Monetary Fund, the G-12, and the United Nations

who came to mind as an enemy of America, many

have a significant impact on the policy choices

mentioned Arabs, Muslims, or people from the

of nations, especially those in the developing or

Middle-East as popular images in the media. And

majority world. The bases for credit, lending, and

this was before September 11, 2001. Awareness

interest rates can put governments in a dilemma of

of such media images had implications for politi-

repaying debt at the expense of providing services

cal identity formation: those adolescents who to their citizens. International pressure in the form 480

a doL eSCent Ci v iC dev eLoPment aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

of conditional country loans and the programs of

relationships, the clarity of roles, and the sense of

nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) stress belonging and purpose that constituted life in the the importance of national identities over ethnic

rural community.

ones with the goal of equitable resource distri-

Even more dramatically, those who leave their

bution across ethnic lines. Even the good will of

nation in search of better opportunities in other

Western media and the donor policies of interna-

countries often have no guarantees or protections

tional NGOs inform the options that young people

as citizens. They are stateless citizens, with little or

will consider in their civic identity formation. For

no protection in the receiving country and compar-

example, appeals for aid in parts of the develop-

atively little clout from the sending country to rep-

ing world that have been ravaged by war or natural

resent their interests on the world stage. In short,

disasters emphasize images of despair rather than

many youth in the majority world are wrangling

agency. Consequently, to access aid youth may find

with a cultural clash over the values and images of

it necessary to assume the burden of a helpless iden-

citizens and communities—the interdependent val-

tity (Hammack, 2010).

ues and community roles of their family and tribal

The clash of cultures between local and global

groups and the individualist entrepreneurial values

communities is most apparent in developing coun-

of big cities and global (largely Western) culture.

tries where migration from rural to urban areas

In the context of globalization, youth also are wit-

and global forces such as the Internet are intro-

nessing the reimagining of their cultural customs

ducing new conditions for exploring civic identi-

and the rearranging of their local communities to

ties. Consider a village in Botswana where the arc

remain economically and socially viable.

of a person’s life is organized around increasing

The Internet and social media provide another

interdependencies. Therefore, developmental prac-

example of the global community that has punc-

tices during one’s youth enable people to build a

tured the bubbles that some nations have tried to

wide range of relationships, through horizontal

create to manage the political actions of citizens.

relations in peer groups and through service to

Social media played an important role in mobilizing

different adult households (Durham, 2008). By

crowds of protestors to Tahrir Square in January,

participating in these “groupways,” Botswanan 2011. As Barber and Youniss (2013) remind us, the youth not only build relationships but also develop

incident that ignited those protests was the beating

a self-concept and a civic identity that is intimately

by security police of an Alexandrian man, Khaled

tied to fellow members of their cultural group. In

Said, and the uploading of the incident onto

community gatherings, youth as well as elders have

Facebook for the public to witness and, ultimately,

a voice in community affairs, but it is the elders

to protest.

whose role it is to “listen to the speeches of all the

Social media also have been used to critique

others, and then, when the time is right, speak,

mainstream media and politicians both for nar-

referring to others’ points, considering all the rowly framing politics to privilege those in power angles, and relating these to ‘our customs’ before

and for treating “youth” as apathetic and disin-

forming and presenting their own understanding”

terested. An example comes from the YoSoy132

(Durham, 2008, p. 171).

movement in Mexico. In 2012, after a 12-year

This experience of a civic community contrasts

hiatus, the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary

with the one that youth in many parts of Africa

Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional; PRI,

experience as they move from rural to urban areas

which had formerly been in power for 71 years)

in search of economic opportunity. Migration was reelected in a highly contested election. Across to urban areas can expose young people to new

the country, university students called for trans-

ideas about their rights in contrast to the routine

parency and equal access to information about

arrangements and roles in traditional communities

the election. In a public forum (which several

that can be restrictive, especially for women. For

candidates refused to attend, citing expectations

example, in Ghana, women living in urban areas

of low youth turnout), 131 students turned out.

report more access to health care services, as well

When politicians claimed that fewer than 131

as greater empowerment in terms of their right to

youth attended, the students all posted their stu-

health care when compared to the reports of their

dent identification through social media in pro-

peers in rural areas (Boateng & Flanagan, 2008).

test. Joining in the protest, thousands claimed

But there are costs to migration as well, includ-

solidarity and identified themselves as the 132nd

ing the loss in everyday experience of the web of

attendee. Starting the next day, through websites,

fL a nag a n, Lin, Lu iSi-miLL S, Sa mBo, hu

481

YouTube, a Facebook page, and Twitter, YoSoy132

(LGBT) community parade in all of Latin America,

challenged the mainstream media (which was in part due to influences from North America and largely controlled by the administration in office)

in part due to the city’s open policies, practices, and

to provide inclusive coverage of all of the candi-

laws. Although city-specific laws across Mexico exist

dates and parties, not only the powerful or domi-

to protect the LGBT community from discrimina-

nant ones. Like the “illegal alien” DREAMers who

tion and give them rights to civil union and adop-

mobilized for access to higher education in the

tion, many parts of the country have been more

United States, YoSoy132 embraced the derogatory

reticent to adopt these laws. Yet Mexico City’s liberal

image of apathetic students as a symbol of their

laws have a ripple effect. The combination of mas-

movement and, in so doing, reframed the political

sive urban migration (disproportionately young) to

discussion: apathetic youth were not the political

Mexico City from all parts of Latin America along

problem. Rather, a narrow representation of politi-

with the city’s liberal laws and tolerant social norms

cal choice offered by mainstream media and domi-

portend significant changes in the political attitudes

nant political parties was.

of the younger generation, changes that would be

As such case studies illustrate, the participatory

less likely to occur had they stayed in their home

potential of the Internet and new technology is only

communities.

realized when people on the ground take advantage

A third example comes from women’s solidarity

of it. Yang (2003) has argued that, although the

in movements for social change in African nations

Internet facilitates civil society activities by offering

recovering from prolonged civil war. As Tripp

new possibilities for citizen participation, civil soci-

(2010) argues, the issue in these contexts is not

ety facilitates the development of the Internet by

that cultural or ethnic differences don’t matter; it is

providing the necessary social basis—citizens and

that, after many years of civil war, the women have

citizen groups—for communication and interac-

decided that those differences have mattered too

tion. Furthermore, he contends that the innovative

much, with deadly consequences. Thus, the goal

potential of the Internet is more likely to be real-

of women’s movements has been to unite women

ized in contexts like China, where civil society is

around a common agenda that transcends ethnic

relatively young. The incipient nature of civil soci-

divisions. As a consequence, countries coming out

ety means that it absorbs new things quickly and is

of years of civil conflict have actually doubled the

open to innovations, especially to those technolo-

rates of women’s legislative representation in Africa

gies that may meet its needs.

compared to nations that have not endured such

The Internet and other global forces also make it

prolonged conflict (Tripp, 2010).

possible for younger generations to engage in soli-

darity movements for social justice that transcend

Conclusion

the borders of cultures, ethnicities, and nations.

Adolescents’ civic development refers to the

Three case studies illustrate the point. First, in

ways in which youth become engaged in collec-

the spring of 2013, students at Yale University

tive action to create the future of their local com-

protested the proposal of a US Department of

munities, nation-states, and global societies. Our

Defense-funded intelligence research center, the

understanding of that process is enriched by exam-

US Special Operations Command (USSOCOM)

ining civic development through cultural lenses.

Center of Excellence for Operational Neuroscience.

Adolescents’ civic consciousness is built up over

In particular, the students objected to the DOD

time in their everyday actions and relationships

plans to recruit immigrants as research subjects

as members of various cultural groups. The stand-

in order to test new interviewing techniques for

point of their cultural group(s) affords young peo-

gathering intelligence (Gonzalez & Goodman, ple a particular “privileged” understanding of their 2013). Although the Yale students were not directly

social order. The identities and practices of cultural

affected, they acted as allies to draw attention to

groups offer critical narratives about the polity and

the social injustice of exploiting a group with little

where one’s group belongs in it.

power to object.

Younger generations make their mark on his-

Second, the movement for gay rights has tran-

tory and contribute to social change by redefin-

scended the borders of nations, as illustrated in Mexico

ing their cultural identities within new historical

City and Tijuana, where US influence through conditions. Disproportionately, “youth” live in the media and tourism is strong. Mexico City now Global South, but we know the least about their boasts the largest lesbian-gay-bisexual-transgender

civic actions and aspirations and about how new

482

a doL eSCent Ci v iC dev eLoPment aCroSS Cu Lt ur eS

economic, political, and climate change conditions

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P A R T 5

Emerging and Young

Adulthood

C H A P T E R

The Cultural Psychology

30 of Emerging Adulthood

Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

Abstract

This chapter explores the cultural themes and variations of emerging adulthood worldwide.

Similarities and differences among developed countries are described, including the European form of identity development emphasizing freedom and leisure and the Asian form, tempered by values of family obligation. Social class differences and the importance of tertiary education are also considered.

It is noted that emerging adulthood does not yet exist in developing countries as a normative life stage, but may expand along with economic development in the 21st century. The chapter also considers cultural beliefs that may underlie emerging adulthood, including the importance of establishing independence and self-sufficiency before entering into adult commitments, that romantic love should be the basis of marriage, that work should be identity-based, and that the emerging adult years should be devoted to self-focused leisure and enjoyment. Whether these cultural beliefs apply broadly to emerging adults worldwide remains to be investigated.

Key Words: emerging adulthood, cultural beliefs, transition to adulthood, cultural psychology, young adults, Europe, Asia

It is now 20 years since I first began studying

of the Sambia of New Guinea, that made me a

18- to 29-year-olds, and more than a decade since

cultural psychologist and permanently grounded

I proposed emerging adulthood as a new life stage

my understanding of human development in a

in between adolescence and young adulthood, last-

cultural context.

ing from the late teens through the mid to late 20s

• I am married to a Dane—the editor of

(Arnett, 2000). Although most of my research has

this volume—and I have spent a lot of time

taken place on Americans, from the beginning,

in Denmark over the past 25 years, including

I thought of emerging adulthood as taking place in

a Fulbright Fellowship year in 2005–06. Our

a historical and cultural context.

regular trips to Denmark and my interviews with

Three personal experiences have been important

Danish emerging adults, have served to underscore

in shaping my view of the cultural basis of emerging

for me that the experience of emerging adulthood

adulthood:

can vary widely depending on where you live. For

• I was a postdoctoral fellow for 3 years at

example, young Danes frequently take a gap year

the Committee on Human Development at

(or two or three) in between secondary school and

the University of Chicago during 1989–92.

further education or training, something that is

The Committee combined psychology and

rare among American emerging adults.

anthropology and gave me my first exposure

• In the past decade, I have traveled to China

to anthropology. I read ethnographies there,

and India at the invitation of scholars there. On

particularly Gilbert Herdt’s (1987) ethnography

my visits, I have met and observed many young

487

people in the age range 18–29, and this experience

and young adulthood over the past half century

has provoked reflections on how their lives are

in developed countries. Fifty years ago, most

similar to and different from the lives of emerging

young people in these countries had entered stable

adults in developed countries. For example, I have

adult roles in love and work by their late teens or

noted how their identity explorations in both love

early 20s. Relatively few people pursued education

and work are restricted by the strong value on

or training beyond secondary school, and, conse-

family obligations in both societies.

quently, most young men were full-time workers

From the beginning, emerging adulthood was

by the end of their teens. Relatively few women

proposed as a cultural theory. I emphasized that

worked in occupations outside the home, and

it exists only under certain cultural-demographic

the median age of marriage in 1960 was around

conditions, specifically widespread education and

20 years for women in the United States and most

training beyond secondary school and entry into

other developed countries (Arnett & Taber, 1994;

marriage and parenthood in the late 20s or beyond.

Douglass, 2005). The median marriage age for men

In a book on emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2004),

was around 22, and married couples usually had

I proposed five features of emerging adulthood

their first child about 1 year after their wedding

based on my research on hundreds of Americans

day. All told, for most young people half a century

aged 18–29 from diverse ethnic groups and social

ago, their adolescence led quickly and directly to

classes. However, I emphasized that these features

stable adult roles in love and work by their late teens

applied specifically to Americans and would not

or early 20s. These roles would form the structure

necessarily be found to apply to emerging adults in

of their adult lives for decades to come.

other cultures.

Now all this has changed. A higher propor-

Since 2000, research on emerging adulthood

tion of young people than ever before—more

has taken place in a wide range of cultures in many

than 60% in the United States—pursue education

regions of the world, including Asia, North and

and training beyond secondary school (National

South America, and Europe (e.g., Arnett & Tanner,

Center for Education Statistics, 2013). The early

2006; Douglass, 2007; Facio, Resett, Micocci, &

20s are not a time of entering stable adult work

Mistrorigo, 2007; Macek, Bejček, & Vaníčková,

but a time of immense job instability; the average

2007; Nelson & Chen, 2007). This research has

American changes jobs 7–8 times from age 18 to

added a great deal to our understanding of the cul-

29 (US Bureau of the Census, 2012). The median

tural variations in development during emerging

age of entering marriage in the United States is

adulthood. However, it is important to delineate the

now 27 for women and 29 for men (US Bureau of

underlying cultural basis of emerging adulthood as

the Census, 2013). Similar demographic changes

well. As cultural psychologists have emphasized,

have taken place in other developed countries

understanding the cultural basis of development

(Douglass, 2007). Consequently, a new period of

requires more than simply comparisons across dif-

the life course—emerging adulthood—has been

ferent cultures (Shweder et al., 2006): it requires

created, lasting from the late teens through the

an illumination of the cultural beliefs that underlie

mid-20s.

normative patterns of behavior.

I have proposed five features that distinguish

In this chapter, I begin by giving a brief over-

emerging adulthood from the adolescence that

view of the theory of emerging adulthood. Then,

precedes it or the young adulthood that follows

I summarize the demographic and cultural changes

it (Arnett, 2004). Emerging adulthood is the age

that have taken place in many regions worldwide

of identity explorations; that is, the period of life

to lay the groundwork for the emerging-adulthood

when people are moving toward making crucial

life stage. Next, I describe the demographic and

choices in love and work based on their judg-

cultural variability that exists in emerging adult-

ment of their interests and preferences and how

hood worldwide. Finally, I propose some ideas these fit into the possibilities available to them.

on the cultural beliefs that may be at the heart of

It is the age of instability because, in the course

emerging adulthood worldwide.

of pursuing their identity explorations, emerging

adults frequently change love partners, jobs, edu-

cational directions, and living arrangements. It

Emerging Adulthood: An Overview

is the self-focused age because it is the period of

The theory of emerging adulthood proposes life when people have the fewest daily role obliga-that a new life stage has arisen between adolescence

tions and thus the greatest scope for independent

488

T he Cu lT ur a l Ps yChology of emerging a du lT hood

decision making. It is the age of feeling in-between

Emerging Adulthood in OECD

because emerging adulthood is when people are

Countries: The Advantages of Affluence

most likely to feel they are neither adolescents nor

The same demographic changes described for

adults but somewhere in-between, on the way to

the United States have taken place in other OECD

adulthood but not there yet. Finally, it is the age

countries as well. This is true of participation in

of possibilities because no matter what their lives

tertiary education, as well as of median ages of

are like now, nearly everyone in emerging adult-

entering marriage and parenthood (Douglass,

hood believes that eventually life will smile on

2007; Dubois-Reymond & Chisholm, 2006).

them, and they will achieve the adult life they

Participation in tertiary education is driven

envision.

primarily by changes in the global economy. Over

These features distinguish emerging adulthood

the past half-century, economies in OECD coun-

from adolescence or young adulthood but are not

tries have shifted from a manufacturing base to

unique to it. All of them begin in adolescence and

a base in information, technology, and services.

continue into young adulthood, but emerging Many manufacturing jobs have been eliminated adulthood is when they reach their peak.

by the increased use of machines to do jobs once

performed by employees. For example, it takes far

International Patterns: What

fewer workers to staff an automobile factory today

Applies Across Societies?

than it did 50 years ago because many of the jobs

The theory of emerging adulthood was based

are now mechanized. Other manufacturing jobs

originally on my research involving about 300

have been moved from OECD countries to devel-

Americans aged 20–29 from various ethnic groups,

oping countries as companies seek to lower their

social classes, and geographical regions. To what

production costs by hiring cheaper workers.

extent does the theory of emerging adulthood

Meanwhile, jobs in information, technology,

apply internationally? The short answer to this and services have surged in OECD countries.

question is that, demographically, similar patterns

Fewer automobile workers may be needed, but peo-

indicate that the life stage of emerging adulthood

ple are needed to design the new machines making

has appeared across developed countries, char-

production more efficient and less labor intensive.

acterized by longer and more widespread tertiary

An entire industry has grown up around computer

education and later ages of entering marriage and

services that did not exist 50 years ago. The health

parenthood. However, the five features proposed

services area has burgeoned because people in

for American emerging adults have not yet been

OECD countries live longer and need health care

investigated in other countries, and whether or not

during their later years. As a consequence of such

they apply broadly is an open question.

changes, an expanding proportion of young people

As a demographic phenomenon, the evidence

have obtained tertiary education. Table 30.1 shows

for emerging adulthood depends greatly on what

rates of tertiary education in a range of OECD

part of the world is considered. Demographers countries (UNESCO, 2013).

make a useful distinction between the “develop-

The change over recent decades is especially

ing countries” that comprise the majority of the

striking for women. At the same time as the shift

world’s population and the “developed countries”

from a manufacturing economy to an information/

that are part of the Organization for Economic

technology/services economy has taken place, a

Co-Operation and Development (OECD), includ-

revolution in women’s roles and rights has taken

ing the United States, Canada, Western Europe,

place, and the combination has brought young

Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand.

women into higher education in vast numbers.

The current population of OECD countries is Fifty years ago, women across OECD countries 1.2 billion, about 17% of the total world popula-were much less likely than men to obtain tertiary

tion (United Nations Development Programme education. Now, in every single OECD country,

[UNDP], 2013). The rest of the human popula-

women exceed men in educational achievement, as

tion resides in developing countries that have much

Table 30.1 shows.

lower median incomes, much lower median edu-

Similarly, revolutionary changes have taken

cational attainment, higher birth rates, and earlier

place in median ages of entering marriage and par-

ages of entering marriage and parenthood. First, let

enthood. As opportunities expanded for women in

us consider emerging adulthood in OECD coun-

the workplace and in higher education, there was

tries, then in developing countries.

less pressure on them to marry at a young age in

a r neT T

489

Table 30.1. Gross Tertiary Enrollment, Selected

place in OECD countries worldwide, and these

Organization of Economic Cooperation and changes laid the foundation for the rise of the Development (OECD) Countries, 2010.

new life stage of emerging adulthood. For most

Country

Total

Female

Male

people in these countries, the age period from the

late teens through most of the 20s is no longer a

South Korea

103

86

119

period of entering and settling into stable adult

roles. On the contrary, it has been transformed

United States

95

111

79

utterly, into a stage not of commitment but of

Finland

94

103

85

exploration, not of stability but of exceptional

instability, not of making enduring commit-

Australia

80

92

68

ments to others but of self-development. In short,

Spain

70

86

70

instead of making the transition from adoles-

cence to young adulthood at around age 20, as

Chile

66

68

64

young people did for most of the 20th century,

Italy

65

76

54

today young people in OECD countries experi-

ence adolescence through most of the second

Canada

62

72

53

decade of life, then emerging adulthood during

Israel

62

71

55

their 20s, then young adulthood beginning only

by the time they approach 30. The same demo-

Hungary

61

70

52

graphic changes have taken place in all OECD

countries, and a common life stage of emerging

United Kingdom

60

70

50

adulthood is now normative in across these coun-

Japan

60

56

63

tries. However, there is also substantial variabil-

ity in how emerging adulthood is experienced, as

Czech Republic

64

75

53

we will see in the following section.

France

57

64

50

Gross enrollment ratio is the total enrollment in a specific level

Variations Among OECD Countries

of education, regardless of age, expressed as a percentage of the

In every OECD country, young people now

eligible official school-aged population corresponding to the same

participate in tertiary education at higher rates

level of education in a given school year. For the tertiary level,

the population used is that of the 5-year age group following

than ever before, marry later than ever before,

on from the secondary school leaving. Consequently, a country

and have their first child later than ever before.

can have a gross enrollment ratio of more than 100 if some of

However, this pattern of demographic changes

the participants in tertiary education are more than 5 years past

leaving secondary school.

is only the structure of emerging adulthood. The

Source: UNESCO (2013).

content of emerging adulthood is how the years

from the late teens through the mid-20s are expe-

order to avoid the dreaded fate of becoming an

rienced, and this varies widely among OECD

“old maid,” with only a marginal role in their soci-

countries.

ety, and there was more incentive for them to wait

Europe is the region where emerging adulthood

until they had finished a period of tertiary educa-

is longest and most leisurely. The median ages of

tion and established themselves in the workplace

entering marriage and parenthood are near 30 in

before entering marriage and parenthood (Cherlin,

most European countries (Douglass, 2007). Europe

2009). For both young women and young men, the

today is the location of the most affluent, gener-

Sexual Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s trans-

ous, egalitarian societies in the world—in fact, in

formed premarital sex in many OECD countries

human history (Arnett, 2007). Governments pay

from a rare and forbidden pleasure to a normative

for tertiary education, assist young people in find-

experience. Cohabitation, too, changed from taboo

ing jobs, and provide generous unemployment ben-

to tolerated in many countries. The combination of

efits for those who cannot find one. In northern

premarital sex and cohabitation meant that it was

Europe, many governments also provide housing

no longer necessary to get married in order to have

support. Emerging adults in European societies

a regular sex life.

make the most of these advantages.

The demographic changes of broader partici-

Abundant insights on emerging adulthood in

pation in tertiary education and higher ages of

Europe can be found in the ethnographic work

entering marriage and parenthood have taken

of Carrie Douglass and her colleagues (Douglass,

490

T he Cu lT ur a l Ps yChology of emerging a du lT hood

2005; 2007). Douglass and her colleagues are Western European model of emerging adulthood.

anthropologists who set out to investigate the For example, in the Czech Republic, the freedom human experience behind the European trend to “work, travel, and study” during the 20s is now of lower fertility rates. In the course of exploring

highly prized (Nash, 2005). Unlike in much of the

the basis of lower fertility rates, they inevitably

rest of Europe, low birth rates are viewed by Czechs

explored the larger question of how the nature of

young and old not as a crisis but as a happy mani-

young people’s lives have changed now that they

festation of the new freedoms young Czechs gained

no longer devote their 20s mainly to marriage and

with the fall of communism.

caring for young children. Consequently, they

The lives of emerging adult “singles” are

unearthed a great deal of fascinating and important

romanticized in Czech popular culture. “Singles”

information on emerging adulthood.

are young men and women of marriageable age

Douglass and her colleagues described the who choose not to marry but to enjoy an active diversity that exists across Europe, but the consis-self-focused leisure life. They are depicted as part

tent theme across countries was that young people

of a global youth culture, with lifestyles that have

all over Europe want to enjoy a period of emerging

more in common with those of young professionals

adult freedom and independence beyond adoles-

in New York and Paris than with their own par-

cence before they commit themselves to the endur-

ents. Rather than resenting the enjoyments of the

ing responsibilities of adulthood. In Norway, for

young, parents generally support and encourage

example, most young people want to have children

their children to enjoy the emerging adult freedoms

eventually, but there are many prerequisites that

they never had.

must first be attained: to live independently for

The lives of Asian emerging adults in OECD

some years, to finish education, to be settled in a

countries such as Japan and South Korea provide a

job, and to have lived with a partner for some time

striking contrast to the self-focused leisure lives of

(Ravn, 2005). There is also the expectation that the

emerging adults in Europe. Like European emerg-

20s will include a period devoted to travel or some

ing adults, Asian emerging adults in these coun-

other self-focused, self-developing activity. There

tries tend to enter marriage and parenthood quite

is a clear social norm that emerging adulthood

later, usually around age 30 (Rosenberger, 2007).

“should” be enjoyed for some years before parent-

Like European emerging adults, Asian emerg-

hood is entered.

ing adults in these countries enjoy the benefits

Douglass’s own ethnographic research in Spain

of living in affluent societies with generous social

provides a complementary example from southern

welfare systems that provide support for them in

Europe (Douglass, 2005). In recent decades, the

making the transition to adulthood, for example

median marriage age in Spain has risen to nearly

free university education and substantial unem-

30, and the fertility rate has plunged to among the

ployment benefits.

lowest in the world despite a strong cultural tradi-

However, in other ways, the experience of

tion of large extended families. There are a variety

emerging adulthood in Asian OECD countries is

of reasons for this change, including new opportu-

markedly different from that in Europe. Europe

nities for women and high youth unemployment,

has a long history of individualism, dating back

but the largest reason appears to be that young

at least to the Reformation, and today’s emerg-

Spaniards in their 20s prefer to focus on enjoy-

ing adults carry with them that legacy in their

ing the freedom and fun of emerging adulthood.

focus on self-development and leisure during

Young people in their 20s repeatedly told Douglass

emerging adulthood. In contrast, Asian cultures

that marriage (and especially children) would put

have a shared cultural history emphasizing col-

a damper on their freedom to go out, travel, ski,

lectivism and family obligations. Although Asian

and “enjoy life.” This comfortable lifestyle is made

cultures have become more individualistic in

possible by remaining at home, with their par-

recent decades as a consequence of globalization,

ents’ care and support until marriage. Asked why

the legacy of collectivism persists in the lives of

they remained home well into their 20s, emerging

emerging adults. They pursue identity explora-

adults in Spain often retorted along the lines of,

tions and self-development during emerging

“Why should we leave? We’re fine here. We live in

adulthood, like their American and European

a five-star hotel!”

counterparts, but within narrower boundaries set

Eastern Europe, after decades of oppression by their sense of obligations to others, especially under communism, is rapidly headed toward the

their parents. For example, in their views of the

a r neT T

491

most important criteria for becoming an adult,

in Japan and South Korea (Hatfield & Rapson,

emerging adults in the United States and Europe

2006). Consequently, the identity explorations that

consistently rank financial independence among

are typical among young Americans may not apply

the most important markers of adulthood. In

to young Asians, at least with regard to love and

contrast, emerging adults with an Asian cultural

sex. More generally, the Asian form of emerging

background especially emphasize becoming capa-

adulthood may have distinctive features, different

ble of supporting parents financially as among the

from the West, that remain to be delineated.

most important criteria (Arnett, 2003; Nelson,

Badger, & Wu, 2004). This sense of family obli-

Variation Within OECD

gation may curtail their identity explorations in

Countries: Social Class

emerging adulthood to some extent, as they pay

In addition to variations across OECD coun-

more heed to their parents’ wishes about what

tries in the content of emerging adulthood, there

they should study, what job they should take, and

is also variation within countries. One impor-

where they should live than emerging adults do

tant aspect of variation within countries is social

in the West. In Japan, the derisive term parasite

class. Social class is unquestionably an important

singles has become a popular epithet for emerg-

element in the lives of emerging adults, as it is in

ing adults who extend their individualistic iden-

the lives of people of other ages. Specifically, the

tity explorations past the age of 30, and this is

pursuit of tertiary education structures the lives of

one way of warning emerging adults of the risk of

some emerging adults but not others, and this dif-

social sanctions if they carry their individualism

ference has repercussions for their lives in emerging

too far (Rosenberger, 2007).

adulthood and beyond.

Another notable contrast between Western

For those who pursue tertiary education, their

and Asian emerging adults is in their sexuality. In

lives are structured around going to classes and

the West, premarital sex is normative by the late

doing course work. Many of them work at least

teens, more than a decade before most people enter

part-time as well to support themselves and to pay

marriage. In the United States, Canada, and in

educational expenses, which can make for a very

Northern and Eastern Europe, cohabitation is also

busy life. Those who are not in school but working

normative; most people have at least one cohabiting

or seeking a job face the formidable challenge of

partnership before marriage. In Southern Europe,

finding a well-paying, enjoyable job without edu-

cohabiting is still taboo, but premarital sex is toler-

cational credentials at a time when such jobs are

ated in emerging adulthood.

increasingly elusive. Furthermore, future prospects

In contrast, both premarital sex and cohabita-

vary greatly for these two groups, with those pursu-

tion remain rare and forbidden throughout Asia.

ing postsecondary education having a higher likely

Even dating is discouraged until the late 20s, when

social class destination than those who do not, in

it is seen as a prelude to a serious relationship leading

terms of income and occupational status.

to marriage. Parents often provide an educational

Although social class is crucial to how the years

rationale for why their adolescents and emerging

from the late teens through the 20s are experi-

adults should avoid dating (Lau, Markham, Lin,

enced, people in this age range can be designated

Flores, & Chacko, 2009). “You should be focus-

as emerging adults across social classes. At its core,

ing on your education during these years,” they tell

the birth of emerging adulthood over the past

their children, and dating would be a distraction

half-century is a demographic phenomenon, aris-

from this focus (Saraswathi & Oke, 2013). This

ing from the substantial increase in median ages of

rationale fits well with the Asian cultural tradi-

marriage and parenthood in every OECD country.

tion of extolling education and learning. However,

A half-century ago most people entered these roles

there is also a long-standing cultural tradition of

at age 20–22, placing them in “young adulthood”

sexual conservatism and female virginity at mar-

right after adolescence, with adult responsibilities

riage in Asian cultures. It seems likely that the ban

of coordinating family life with a spouse, including

on dating, premarital sex, and cohabitation that

running the household, paying the bills, and caring

exists today in Asian cultures is in part a legacy of

for children. Now that the median ages of enter-

this tradition. In cross-cultural comparisons, about

ing marriage and parenthood have moved into the

three-quarters of emerging adults in the United

late 20s or even the early 30s, a stage of emerging

States and Europe report having had premarital

adulthood has opened up between adolescence and

sexual relations by age 20 versus less than 20%

young adulthood, during which people are more

492

T he Cu lT ur a l Ps yChology of emerging a du lT hood

independent of their parents than they were as

However, as globalization proceeds, and economic

adolescents but have not yet entered the roles that

development along with it, the proportion of young

structure adult life for most people. Young people

people who experience emerging adulthood is likely

in lower social classes may enter these roles a year or

to increase as the middle class expands.

two earlier than their peers in the middle and upper

For young people in developing countries who

classes, but for most that still leaves a period of at

do experience emerging adulthood, there are com-

least 5 years between the end of secondary school

plex identity challenges. It has been proposed that

and the entrance into adult roles, certainly long

many of them develop a bicultural or hybrid iden-

enough to be called a distinct life stage (Arnett,

tity, with one aspect of themselves for participat-

Kloep, Hendry, & Tanner, 2011).

ing in their local culture and a different aspect of

My research has indicated that there are other

themselves for participating in the global economy

similarities among American emerging adults (Arnett, 2002; Jensen, Arnett, & McKenzie, 2012).

across social classes, beyond the demographic simi-

One example of retaining a local identity even as a

larities (Arnett, 2004; Arnett & Schwab, 2012). For

global identity is developed can be found among

both the lower/working class and the middle class,

young people in India. India has a growing, vigor-

the years from the late teens through the 20s are a

ous high-tech economic sector, led largely by young

time of trying out different possibilities in love and

people. However, even the better-educated young

work and gradually making their way toward more

people who have become full-fledged members of

stable commitments. For both groups, instability

the global economy still mostly prefer to have an

is common during these years as frequent changes

arranged marriage, in accordance with Indian tra-

are made in love and work. For both groups, their

dition (Chaudhary & Sharma, 2007). They also

hopes for the future are high, even though the real

generally expect to care for their parents in old age,

prospects for those with relatively low education

again in accord with Indian tradition. Thus, they

are not favorable.

have one identity for participating in the global

economy and succeeding in the fast-paced world

Emerging Adulthood in Developing

of high technology and another identity, rooted in

Countries: Low but Rising

Indian tradition, that they maintain with respect to

Emerging adulthood is well-established as a their families and their personal lives.

normative life stage in the countries described

Although the demographic patterns point to the

thus far, but it is spreading in developing coun-

rise of emerging adulthood in developing coun-

tries. Demographically, in developing countries tries, so far there is little research to shed light as in OECD countries, the median ages of enter-on who experiences emerging adulthood in these

ing marriage and parenthood have been rising in

countries or how it is experienced. Here, as in other

recent decades, and an increasing proportion of

areas of psychological research, the vast majority

young people have obtained tertiary education. of research is on people in OECD countries, espe-Nevertheless, currently, it is only a minority of

cially the United States, and research on the devel-

young people in developing countries who expe-

oping countries that comprise more than 80% (and

rience anything resembling emerging adulthood.

growing) of the world’s population is relatively

The majority of the population still marries at

scarce (Arnett, 2008). This can be seen as a great

around age 20 and has long finished education by

challenge and a great opportunity, to study the

the late teens or sooner, as illustrated in Table 30.2.

phenomenon of emerging adulthood as it spreads

For young people in developing countries, around the world in the course of the decades to emerging adulthood exists only for the wealthier

come (Arnett, 2006).

segment of society, mainly the urban middle class,

whereas the rural poor have no emerging adult-

Many Emerging Adulthoods

hood and may even have little adolescence because

In sum, emerging adulthood is growing as a

they enter adultlike work at an early age and also

worldwide phenomenon in demographic terms, yet

begin marriage and parenthood relatively early. As

there is a great deal of variation worldwide in how

Saraswathi and Larson (2002) observed about ado-

it is experienced, both across and within countries.

lescence, “In many ways, the lives of middle-class

A useful analogy can be made here to the life stage

youth in India, South East Asia, and Europe have

of adolescence. Cross-cultural studies, most notably

more in common with each other than they do

Schlegel and Barry’s (1991) study of 186 traditional

with those of poor youth in their own countries.”

cultures, have found that adolescence exists in nearly

a r neT T

493

Table 30.2. Gross Tertiary Enrollment, Selected

whereas others live in cultures where virginity at

Developing Countries, 2010.

marriage is prized and love relationships before

Country

Total

Female

Male

marriage are discouraged. Yet emerging adult-

hood can be considered to exist wherever there is

Iran

49

49

48

a period of at least several years between the end of

adolescence—meaning the attainment of physical

Saudi Arabia

41

42

40

and sexual maturity and the completion of second-

Philippines

28

31

25

ary school—and the entry into stable adult roles in

marriage or love and work. The structure of emerg-

Mexico

28

28

28

ing adulthood may be consistent in OECD coun-

China

27

28

25

tries, as in the demographic patterns of widespread

tertiary education and entering marriage and par-

Brazil

26

29

22

enthood in the late 20s or early 30s, whereas the

Indonesia

23

22

24

content—how it is experienced, what the real range

of educational and occupational opportunities is,

India

18

15

21

how much premarital sex is or is not tolerated—

varies greatly and may continue to do so.

Pakistan

8

8

9

At this point, emerging adulthood is not nearly

Ethiopia

8

5

11

as widespread as adolescence. It exists as a norma-

tive life stage only in OECD countries. In contrast,

Kenya

4

3

5

it exists in developing countries only among the

Gross enrollment ratio is the total enrollment in a specific level

small but growing urban middle class and not in the

of education, regardless of age, expressed as a percentage of the

eligible official school-aged population corresponding to the same

more populous rural areas where even adolescence

level of education in a given school year. For the tertiary level, the

is often brief, and adult roles and responsibilities

population used is that of the 5-year age group following on from

are entered into by the mid-teens for many people.

the secondary school leaving.

Source: UNESCO (2013).

Nevertheless, in developing countries around the

world, the urban middle class is likely to continue

all human cultures as a period between the time

to grow in the decades to come. It may be that a

puberty begins and the time adult roles are taken on.

century from now emerging adulthood will be a

However, the length of adolescence and the nature of

normative life stage worldwide, although it will

adolescents’ experiences vary vastly among cultures.

continue to show variations within and between

Some adolescents attend secondary school, and some

cultures, as adolescence does today.

drop out or never go (Lloyd, 2005). Most live in the

same household as their parents, but some become

The Cultural Beliefs Underlying

“street children” and live among other adolescents in

Emerging Adulthood

urban areas (UNICEF, 2003). Some marry by their

The variations in emerging adulthood across and

mid-teens, especially girls in rural areas of develop-

within countries are of great interest in understand-

ing countries, whereas others will not marry until

ing this new life stage. However, there is more to

after adolescence and a long emerging adulthood.

understanding the cultural psychology of emerging

Consequently, it makes sense to speak not of one

adulthood than merely charting national and cul-

adolescent experience but of adolescences worldwide

tural variations. Cultural psychology is fundamen-

(Larson, Wilson, & Rickman, 2010). Yet we still rec-

tally about exploring the belief systems that underlie

ognize adolescence as a life stage that exists in nearly

cultural patterns of thought and behavior. What,

all cultures, in some form.

then, are the beliefs that underlie and sustain the

In the same way, we can expect that there are

new life stage of emerging adulthood? I propose

likely to be many emerging adulthoods; that is,

that there are four such interconnected beliefs: the

many forms that the experience of this life stage

belief that independence and self-sufficiency should

can take depending on social class, culture, and

be attained before entering into adult commitments,

perhaps other characteristics such as gender and

the belief that romantic love should be the basis of

religious group. Some emerging adults obtain ter-

marriage, the belief that work should be an expres-

tiary education, and some do not. Some live with

sion of one’s identity, and the belief that the years

their parents during these years, and some do not.

from the late teens through at least the mid-20s

Some experience a series of love relationships, should be a time of self-focused leisure and fun.

494

T he Cu lT ur a l Ps yChology of emerging a du lT hood

These beliefs may not prevail in every culture

Most have an employer, but they change jobs so

where emerging adulthood is prevalent. All four are

often that they may disregard any employers’

individualistic, based on what Jensen (2008) calls

demands they consider onerous and simply move

an ethic of autonomy, and they are most promi-

on to the next job. Many of them attend college

nent in Europe and the English-speaking OECD

or university, but if they occasionally decide not

countries (the United States, the United Kingdom,

to attend class or do the required reading, there

Canada, Australia, and New Zealand). In the Asian

are few repercussions.

OECD countries of Japan and South Korea, these

But the centrality of independence and

beliefs wrestle with more traditional collectivistic

self-sufficiency in the lives of emerging adults is

beliefs that promote the well-being and interests

more than just the consequence of their lack of

of the group, especially the family, over the pref-

social and institutional structure: it is a belief they

erences of the individual. It is an open question

hold among their highest values. This can be seen

which beliefs will ultimately prevail in this contest,

in the criteria they value most for becoming an

not just in Japan and South Korea, but also in the

adult. For more than a decade, I and many others

many developing countries that have similar tra-

around the world have been asking young people

ditions of collectivistic values and where emerging

about the criteria they consider to be important

adulthood is expanding.

in marking when a person has become an adult.

This research has taken place among a variety of

Becoming Self-Sufficient:

American ethnic groups (Arnett, 2003) and in

Learning to Stand Alone

countries including Argentina (Facio & Micocci,

In many cultures, becoming independent and

2003), Austria (Sirsch, Dreher, Mayr, & Willinger,

self-sufficient is seen as the central task of the

2009), China (Nelson, Badger, & Wu, 2004), the

emerging-adulthood life stage. Emerging adult-

Czech Republic (Macek, Bejček, & Vaníčková,

hood is viewed by young people in these cultures as

2007)), Israel (Mayseless & Scharf, 2003), and the

a time when they need to move away from depen-

United Kingdom (Horowitz & Bromnick, 2007).

dence on their parents and show that they can man-

With remarkable consistency across countries and

age their lives on their own. It is important to them

cultures, three criteria have stood out as crucial for

to demonstrate, to themselves and others, that they

marking the attainment of adulthood: accepting

have learned to stand alone as self-sufficient persons

responsibility for one’s self, making independent

(Arnett, 1998). Only after this is accomplished do

decisions, and becoming financially independent.

they feel they are ready to enter binding long-term

All three of these criteria reflect a belief in the

commitments to others, such as marriage, parent-

value of becoming independent and self-sufficient.

hood, and a stable occupational path.

Accepting responsibility for one’s self means learn-

The social and institutional structure of emerg-

ing to handle life’s problems and the consequences

ing adulthood—or rather, the lack of structure—

of one’s actions alone, without relying on others for

enhance this emphasis on independence and assistance. Making independent decisions means self-sufficiency. Emerging adulthood is unique in

deciding for yourself about matters large and small,

the life span as the nadir of social and institu-

from what to have for dinner to whether to move in

tional control. Children and adolescents live with

with your love partner. Becoming financially inde-

their parents, and their lives are structured by the

pendent means reaching the point where you do not

rules and requirements set down by their par-

rely on others to provide for you. For all three crite-

ents and by the daily obligation to attend school.

ria, interviews with emerging adults show that the

Adults (beyond emerging adulthood) mostly live

independence they seek is primarily independence

with a spouse or other long-term partner, and

from parents (Arnett, 1998; 2004). Although most

most have children. Their lives are structured by

continue to love their parents—and in fact they

their obligations in those relationships and by

often get along with them far better in emerging

the daily responsibility to perform work specified

adulthood than they did in adolescence (Arnett &

by an employer. However, for emerging adults,

Schwab, 2012)—by emerging adulthood they may

social and institutional structures are at their

not want their parents to be involved in their lives

weakest. Most still have regular contact with to a degree that would compromise or obstruct their parents, but they are not bound to follow

their pursuit of independence and self-sufficiency.

their parents’ rules and wishes as they were when

It is important to add that emerging adults see

they were younger, even if they still live at home.

this emphasis on independence and self-sufficiency

a r neT T

495

as unique to their current life stage (Arnett, 1998;

enduring commitments in love and work. With

2004). Almost none of them want to remain unfet-

respect to both love and work, cultural beliefs of

tered indefinitely, and very few of them will remain

individualism often underlie emerging adults’

so beyond the age of 30. They see the attainment

explorations.

of independence and self-sufficiency as the primary

With regard to love, the individualism of emerg-

challenge of their life stage. Once they have estab-

ing adults is evident in their descriptions of what

lished that they have learned to stand alone—and

they seek in a marriage partner. The modern ideal

only then—they will be ready to commit them-

for marriage in Western countries is to find one’s

selves to enduring roles and long-term commit-

“soul mate.” According to a national US survey by

ments to others in love and work.

the National Marriage Project, 94% of single 20-

Although I originally proposed these ideas to 29-year-old Americans agree with the statement, about the importance of independence and “There is a special person, a soul mate, waiting for self-sufficiency in emerging adulthood based on my

you somewhere out there” (Popenoe & Whitehead,

interviews with Americans (Arnett, 1998; 2004),

2001). Young Europeans share this romantic ideal

there is evidence that this is important in a vari-

in seeking a marriage partner (Douglass, 2005).

ety of cultural contexts. As noted, the emphasis

The soul mate ideal is highly individualistic.

on criteria for adulthood that have connotations of

A soul mate is someone who complements your

independence and self-sufficiency has been found

identity perfectly. This does not mean that a soul

in many countries around the world. Also worth

mate is a perfect person; a soul mate is a person who

mentioning is an investigation by Leslie Chang on

is perfect for you. All your needs, wants, and dis-

“factory girls” in China, young women in their late

tinctive personal qualities fit snugly into the recep-

teens and early 20s who leave their rural villages

tors your soul mate provides. You feel completely

to seek work in China’s booming industrial cities

at ease with your soul mate because your soul mate

(Chang, 2008). In the cities, away from their fami-

views life just as you do. There is no need for con-

lies, they quickly adopt a lifestyle that emphasizes

flict because you and your soul mate want the same

self-focused identity development and the pursuit

things out of life.

of independence and self-sufficiency. Yet there are

Like most ideals, the soul mate ideal is elusive.

also differences from the Western pattern of emerg-

One reason for the later marriage age today than in

ing adulthood. For example, these girls send money

previous decades may be that it takes a long time to

home to their families, and they often live in fac-

find someone who resembles the soul mate ideal—or

tory dormitories where there are many rules and

to give up this ideal and settle for a flesh-and-blood

restrictions on their activities that few emerging

human being (Arnett, 2004). Until recently, find-

adults in the West would tolerate. Further cultur-

ing a marriage partner may have been relatively

ally based and culturally diverse work will shed

simple (Cherlin, 2009). A woman looked for a man

more light on the different forms that the pursuit

who would be a good provider, a decent father, and

of independence and self-sufficiency may take in

hopefully reasonably nice and attractive. A man

different cultures.

looked for a woman who would run the household,

Studies of Chinese university students (Nelson

take care of the children, and hopefully be reason-

et al., 2004) and Asian-American emerging adults

ably nice and attractive. Many people within the

(Arnett, 2003) have found a similar balance of

average person’s social circle would fit within these

individualistic and collectivistic values in their broad guidelines. However, once the expectation for views of the most important criteria for adulthood.

a marital partner is a “special person” who is ideally

They prize the three individualistic criteria men-

and uniquely suited to you, there may be very few

tioned, but they also rank highly the capability to

persons, perhaps only one, “somewhere out there,”

support their parents financially, a criterion never

who will be deemed worthy, and finding that per-

mentioned in American interview studies (Arnett,

son is likely to take a while.

1998; 2004). They strive for autonomy even as they

But what about cultures in which personal

also maintain a strong sense of obligation to their

choice in marriage is circumscribed, and parents do

parents.

much of the choosing? In most of the world, there

is a long tradition of arranged marriages in which

Looking for Love: Finding a Soul Mate

young people barely knew their prospective spouse

Emerging adulthood is a life stage in which

prior to the wedding (Hsu, 1983; Prakasa & Rao,

young people move gradually toward making 1979). In these cultures, marriage was mainly a 496

T he Cu lT ur a l Ps yChology of emerging a du lT hood

transaction between families, not individuals. Love

In the modern postindustrial economy, all this

was expected to grow after marriage, not be the

has changed. Few people in OECD countries

basis for entering marriage, and intimacy expecta-

(1–2%) work in agriculture. More work in manu-

tions were low (Hatfield et al., this volume). Married

facturing, but the number is decreasing daily as

couples spent little time alone with each other and

manufacturing jobs are replaced by automation

often did not even sleep in the same room.

and companies relocate to developing countries

Today, however, the tradition of arranged mar-

with lower wages and weaker labor laws. Instead,

riage is dead or waning everywhere, and the soul

there is a vast range of jobs in information, tech-

mate ideal is ascending. India is one place where

nology, and services. This economic change, along

arranged marriage remains the norm, but, even

with growing individualism, has spawned a cul-

there, nearly 40% of young Indians now say they

tural belief that work should be enjoyable, not bor-

intend to choose their own mates (Chaudhary &

ing, and self-fulfilling, not deadening to the body

Sharma, 2007). Furthermore, many arranged mar-

or soul.

riages today are in fact “semiarranged” marriages

Consequently, as they enter the job market,

in which parents influence the mate selection of

emerging adults have high expectations for the

their children but do not simply decide it without

rewards of work. Unlike generations past, they do

the children’s consent (Naito & Geilen, 2003).

not believe that work is inherently and irremedi-

Parents may introduce a potential mate to their

ably arduous and dreary. On the contrary, they

child. If the young person has a favorable impres-

believe that work should be enjoyable and fulfill-

sion of the potential mate, they date a few times.

ing, a form of self-expression (Arnett, 2004). In

If they agree that they are compatible, they marry.

the same way that they believe they can find a soul

Another variation of semiarranged marriage is that

mate who provides an ideal complement to their

young people meet a potential mate on their own

identity, they are hopeful they can find work that

but seek their parents’ approval before proceed-

is an expression of their identity, an activity that

ing to date the person or consider marriage. This

allows them to use their abilities to do something

suggests a movement toward a balance between

they find engaging, gratifying, and self-fulfilling.

individual choice and family considerations (i.e.,

This attitude toward work can be frustrating

between individualistic and collectivistic values).

to employers who do not typically get up in the

Still, there remains little research on how emerg-

morning and ask themselves, “Whom can I fulfill

ing adults in the middle class in developing coun-

today?” On the contrary, most ask themselves how

tries such as India and China view marriage, and it

they can get their employees to do the most work

is a question that merits investigation. Do emerging

for the least amount of money in order to maxi-

adults in developing countries now have a soul mate

mize company profits. This disconnect between the

ideal of marriage, much like their counterparts in

expectations of employers and the expectations of

the West? Or do they have less lofty expectations

their young employees can lead to conflict in the

for marriage, seeing it in the more traditional sense

workplace and to high turnover. Surely, one rea-

as a practical arrangement for distributing respon-

son emerging adults change jobs so often during

sibilities of child care, providing for and running a

the decade of the 20s is that finding identity-based

household, and the other requirements of daily life?

work is elusive, and they are quick to drop a job

that does not seem to promise this possibility in

Looking for Identity-Based Work

favor of another job that might.

Like love, the nature of work has changed

Their high expectations for work are also likely

in recent decades. Work has been traditionally to be frustrating to emerging adults themselves, ulti-regarded as an unpleasant but necessary require-

mately. Just as the search for a soul mate must end

ment of life. In the Bible story, some 3,000 years

in a partnership with a real person, warts and all,

old, work is a punishment from God, the penalty

the search for identity-based work is likely to end in

inflicted on Adam and Eve for their disobedience

a job that is not everything one would have liked it

in the Garden of Eden. Most work in the past of

to be. Yet I have found that by the end of their 20s

10,000 years of human history has been agricul-

most American emerging adults have made peace

tural work, which is strenuous, boring, and subject

with their dreams, in both love and work (Arnett,

to random catastrophe. When industrialization 2004). They may not have quite found their soul arose, the tedium of factory work became a dubi-mate ideal, but they have found someone they love

ous alternative to the tedium of field work.

and who loves them back. They may not have found

a r neT T

497

self-fulfilling work that they look forward to going

secondary schools are notoriously demanding

to every day, but they have found a job they can live

and competitive, leaving little room for leisure

with for now as they continue to strive toward the

in adolescence (Rohlen, 1983; Stevenson &

ideal of finding a job they truly love.

Zusho, 2002). However, once they enter college,

grades matter little, and standards for perfor-

Glory Days: Emerging Adulthood

mance are relaxed. Instead, they have “four years

as a Time of Unparalleled Fun

of university-sanctioned leisure to think and

Finally, one other key cultural belief that under-

explore” (Rohlen, 1983, p. 168). Japanese col-

lies the new life stage of emerging adulthood is

lege students spend a great deal of time social-

that it should be a time of unparalleled enjoyment

izing with friends, walking around the city, and

of life. This is when you have the most freedom

hanging out together (Fackler, 2007). Average

for self-focused fun. This is when you have the

homework time for Japanese college students is

chance to do things you never could have done

half the homework time of secondary school stu-

when younger and will never be able to do when

dents (Takahashi & Takeuchi, 2007). For most

older: stay out until all hours partying with friends,

Japanese, their emerging adulthood is the only

try unusual mind-altering substances, travel far

time in their lives, from childhood until retire-

and wide on a slender budget, or take a low-paying

ment, that will be relatively free of pressure.

but adventurous job for a while.

Until they enter college, the exam pressures are

Europe is the cultural area where this cultural

intense, and once they leave college they enter a

belief in emerging adulthood as a time of joie de

work environment in which the hours are notori-

vivre is most pronounced, as shown in ethno-

ously long. Only during their college years are

graphic work by Carrie Douglass (2005) and her

they relatively free from responsibilities and able

colleagues. As mentioned earlier, most European

to enjoy extensive hours of leisure.

emerging adults prefer to spend the decade of their

20s enjoying travel, time with friends, and other

Future Directions

self-focused fun.

Although a great deal of research has taken place

In my research on American emerging adults,

on emerging adulthood over the past decade, it is

I have observed similar views of emerging adult-

still a new field, and there is much to be learned. As

hood as a peak time of freedom to enjoy life. In

in many fields in psychology, most research so far

a recent national survey I directed, 83% of 18- to

has taken place in the United States (Arnett, 2008).

29-year-olds agreed with the statement, “This time

Research in other developed countries has begun,

of my life is fun and exciting” (Arnett & Schwab,

in areas such as identity (Luyckx, Goossens, &

2012). American emerging adults value the free-

Soenen, 2006 and relations with parents (Kins &

dom and independence of the life stage and seek

Beyers, 2010, but is in its early stages. Research in

to make the most of it, realizing that once they

developing countries is promising but is limited so

enter adult commitments their “glory days” will

far (Nelson & Chen, 2007).

be over. They plan marriage, parenthood, and a

One important question to be investigated is

long-term job commitment for after those days are

to determine the distinctive features of emerg-

over. Because they enjoy their emerging-adulthood

ing adulthood in various cultures. The five fea-

freedom and leisure, they view adulthood with

tures described in this chapter were proposed for

ambivalence. All of them realize they will enter it

American emerging adults, but they may or may

eventually; virtually none vows to remain in his or

not apply to other societies and to the various cul-

her glory days forever. But, like Augustine contem-

tures within American society. Rather than inves-

plating the virtuous life—“Make me chaste, Lord,

tigating if the five features apply to other cultures

but not yet”—most are in no hurry to take on the

as well, it would be advisable to start fresh each

onerous responsibilities of adult life.

time, in these early years of emerging-adulthood

Do emerging adults outside the West have

research, and ask what features are distinctive to

a similar view of the emerging-adult years as a

emerging adulthood in each cultural group where

time of peak freedom and leisure? Or are they

it is studied. This will require the use of qualita-

more focused on fulfilling their duties and fam-

tive methods because quantitative methods tend

ily obligations? There is little research yet to

to be laden with assumptions about what the find-

answer these questions, but some interesting ings will be, especially in questionnaires that have clues come from research in Japan. Japanese predetermined responses. Because little so far is 498

T he Cu lT ur a l Ps yChology of emerging a du lT hood

known, it is important to ask open-ended questions

these beliefs include the desirability of striving

that allow emerging adults to articulate their views,

for self-sufficiency before adult responsibilities

and we must learn to develop our theories and ideas

are taken on in love and work, the importance of

from what they have to say about their lives.

finding a marriage partner who ideally comple-

In developing countries, emerging adulthood

ments your identity, the importance of finding

exists demographically only among the relatively

identity-based work, and the desirability of using

small urban middle class who spend a longer time

the freedom of the emerging adulthood life stage

on education and have later ages of entering mar-

to pursue self-focused fun. Yet these beliefs are by

riage and parenthood than most of the other young

no means universal, and the individualism that

people in their society. This represents a great runs across these beliefs is tempered in cultures opportunity for researchers on emerging adult-that emphasize obligations to others. The field of

hood. Research can be done now in developing

emerging adulthood is barely a decade old, and

countries, before emerging adulthood has become

one of its chief challenges in the years ahead will

normative, and continue through the 21st century

be to chart the cultural themes and variations of

as the new life stage grows and spreads. It would

this new life stage.

be fascinating to see how young people’s cultural

beliefs may change as their economies change and

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C H A P T E R

The Intersection of Culture,

31 Health, and Risk Behaviors

in Emerging and Young Adults

Laura Ferrer-Wreder, Kazumi Sugimura, Kari Trost, Senel Poyrazli,

Marie-Louise Klingstedt, and Sarah Thomas1

Abstract

This chapter provides a cross-cultural exploration of antisocial behavior, substance use, and sexual behavior in relation to health among emerging and young adults. By summarizing what is known about these risk behaviors and health in Sweden, Japan, and Turkey, the authors discuss differences and commonalities between countries in terms of proximal causes and the relations between risk behaviors and disease. Final y, the authors discuss the importance of the development of theories that have the potential to bridge the not-so-distal connection between cultural resources, developmental processes, and health. The chapter ends with an examination of selected themes across the respective nations and recommendations for how to advance future research on risk and health in emerging and young adults.

Key Words: emerging adulthood, young adulthood, antisocial behaviors, substance use, sexual behaviors, Turkey, Japan, Sweden

Personal Reflection

is partly linked to taboos surrounding young peo-

The chapter authors are presently living in or

ple’s risk behaviors. In Japan, for instance, antiso-

were born and raised in Sweden, Japan, or Turkey.

cial and sexual behaviors among adolescents and

Much of this chapter involves a description of what

young adults are recognized but are often viewed

is known about health and risk behaviors—namely,

as an exception or as extraordinary, even though

sexual and antisocial behavior and substance use—

many young people may engage in these behaviors.

in these three countries. With this focus, we illus-

In Turkey, there are cultural and religious prohi-

trate how aspects of culture can be fundamental to

bitions against unmarried women and adolescent

the global study of risk and health. A comparative

girls having sexual intercourse. Accordingly, several

spirit is also central to our personal reflection.

of the Turkish studies that have been conducted on

Recently, in Japan, one of the chapter coauthors

risk behaviors and health have been with university

asked school personnel for permission to conduct a

students or married young adults (e.g., Boratav &

study on family relationships, risk behaviors, and

Çavdar, 2012), leaving questions about what might

mental health. School officials declined the invita-

be the situation for unmarried young adults not

tion to participate. Their reason was that asking

attending university and for adolescents.

questions about such subjects would likely cause

In Sweden, the literature on risk behaviors and

shame in students who had engaged in antisocial or

health, although more extensive than in Japan or

sexual behaviors. The Japanese and Turkish research

Turkey, can also be expanded. However, limita-

literatures on adolescent and emerging, and young

tions in this instance are less tied to taboos about

adult sexual and antisocial behavior are not as

sex, violence, and drug use because social prohibi-

extensive as one would wish, and this shortcoming

tions that exist for these behaviors tend to be more

502

specific or lacking. For example, legal drug use in

that are revived and redefined by people (Tankink,

moderation among emerging adults (e.g., alcohol)

2013) and such narratives “inform a person about

is viewed as a conventional behavior in Sweden. Yet

what gives life meaning, what is inspiring or dan-

a person of any age would be expected to abstain

gerous and risky or what is worth taking a risk

from alcohol when driving any distance due to laws

for… . This cultural ideology can be problematic

and informal social norms against drunk driving.

for people who have to cope with experiences for

In other cases, past taboos are no longer socially

which their culture has no constructive answer”

accepted. Sexual intercourse in the mainstream

(p. 394). For many people, concerns about health

Swedish culture, for instance, is viewed as a nor-

and engagement in risk behaviors are nuanced and

mal behavior for late adolescents and young adults,

relevant parts of everyday life, but they also involve

regardless of one’s gender or sexual orientation (e.g.,

taboos. By comparing and contrasting risk and

Danielsson, Rogala, & Sundström, 2003). Indeed,

health in three countries, our intention is to make

social unconventionality in relation risk behaviors

transparent those aspects of culture that may have

is with us across the globe, yet it differs in expres-

importance to these risk behaviors and health, with

sion and consequence. Stigma associated with risk

the wider aim of informing future research that

behaviors has, in some countries, contributed to

supports people in their efforts to preserve their

less inquiry into taboo behaviors. Although limited

health despite taboos.

in some cases, the literature on risk behaviors and

health in many countries is important, especially

in a comparative framework. When risk and health

Chapter Organization

are put in a context outside of the familiar, insight

We begin with a brief explanation of constructs

is gained into the specific nature of the research

that are fundamental to the chapter. After that,

problems to be solved, leading to further investiga-

the subsequent section describes young people’s

tion and a broadening of our conceptions.

risk behaviors and health in relation to the disci-

This chapter involves a consideration of risk

pline of developmental psychopathology. This is

behaviors and health. In some risk-protective followed by a description of the empirical litera-models, a risk behavior (which can be viewed as

ture on young people’s risk behaviors and health

a risk factor in some situations) is not necessar-

in Sweden, Japan, and Turkey. The focus on these

ily socially prohibited but functions as a prob-

particular countries is useful considering that the

ability marker or indication that an undesired literature is dominated by studies from North future outcome maybe more likely to occur (e.g.,

America and English-language countries such as

a physical disease state emerges, one is incarcer-

the United Kingdom and Australia (e.g., Stone,

ated for a crime, or one becomes drug addicted;

Becker, Huber, & Catalano, 2012). This chap-

Small & Memmo, 2004). Interwoven with this

ter section also contributes to the international

idea is that, in some cultures, risk behaviors (e.g.,

literature by describing research findings that, in

any sexual behavior with another person or certain

some cases, have not yet been reported in English.

types of sexual behaviors or substance use) are also

The chapter ends with an examination of selected

norm-breaking behaviors that have real repercus-

themes across the respective nations and recom-

sions (e.g., self-silencing or social exclusion result-

mendations for how to advance future research on

ing in declines in social support and connection

risk and health in emerging and young adults.

to others in areas where it matters to the person;

Tankink, 2013). Taboos about risk behaviors also

Fundamental Constructs

have importance for the preservation of health. For

Culture

example, cultural taboos can contribute to how

Culture can include a combination of symbols

people perceive their illness, its causes, and likely

and behaviors shared between and built by mem-

solutions, as well as whether individuals seek out

bers of a group (Shweder et al., 2006). Aspects of

health services, engage in health-promoting behav-

culture include “conceptions of divinity, nature,

iors, or respond to interventions (e.g., Stutterheim,

society, and persons, and behavioral inheritances

Bertens, Mevissen, & Schaalma, 2013).

consisting of common or habitual familial and

Conceptions of health and risk behaviors that

social practices” (Jensen, 2011, p. 4). Culture is

also break cultural norms form part of the cul-

not distal. Rather, it operates as a condition that

tural scripts or meta-narratives in any given soci-

infuses other levels of the individual’s ecologies

ety. These narratives are living, dynamic entities

(Bronfenbrenner, 2005). In other words, people

fer r er-W r ede, sugimur a, TrosT, Poy r a zli, K lingsTedT, T hom a s

503

can be viewed as living, open, and adaptive systems

In the United States and in several European

that come into contact with cultural and biologi-

countries, young adults are a risk group for

cal resources (Overton, 2010). These actors (i.e., the

health-related risk behaviors such as substance use

person, culture, and biological forces) “merge” and

(Mulye et al., 2009; Rehm, Room, van den Brink,

co-act on each other across time (Overton, 2010,

& Kraus, 2005). Areas of special concern regard-

p. 7). Importantly, as already illustrated, culture

ing young people’s2 health from a global standpoint

can also be central to the wider consideration of

include early pregnancy and childbirth, HIV and

what is desirable or taboo and thereby have bearing

other sexually transmitted infections, poor nutri-

on the scientific enterprise itself.

tion, undernourishment and obesity, violence and

unintended injury, substance use, and mental disor-

Health and Adulthood

ders (WHO, 2011 a). The right of youth3 to the best

Health can be viewed as “not only the absence

health possible is laid out in more than one United

of disease or infirmity, but a state of complete phys-

Nations Convention—calls for action on this

ical, mental and social well-being” (World Health

front can be found in the UN Convention on the

Organization [WHO], 2011 a, p. 1). Adulthood is

Rights of the Child, as well as in the Convention

a developmental period that is ascribed social and

on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination

cultural meaning. Seeing oneself as an “adult” can

Against Women (WHO, 2011 b).

also be salient to how people view themselves and

act toward others (Arnett, 2011). This chapter pre-

Risk Behaviors

dominately deals with health and risk behaviors

This chapter focuses on a selection of risk

in people aged 16–39 years. Young adulthood is

behaviors, namely sexual and antisocial behavior

thought to span the third decade of life, emerg-

and substance use. These risk behaviors are empiri-

ing adulthood can be viewed as occurring from

cally associated with young people’s health (WHO,

18 to 29 years, and the period of adolescence con-

2011 b). Connections between health and antisocial

sists of most of the second decade of life (Arnett,

behavior (criminality or violence) and drug use

2011). Although the main focus of this chapter is

(e.g., addiction) are self-evident. However, relations

on emerging and young adults, in some cases, for

between health and sexual behavior require more

theoretical or practical reasons, we include a con-

explanation. Several scholars have made arguments

sideration of late adolescents, those aged 16 years

for not automatically equating sexual behavior

and older. Unless otherwise noted, the term “young

with the contraction of a disease (e.g., Tolman &

people” is used in this chapter from here on out

McClelland, 2011). When sexual behavior is recast

as an umbrella term for adolescents and emerging

in a wider, balanced context, it is more likely that

and young adults. This usage is consistent with

we will be able to hone in on “both positive aspects

developmental psychologists’ conceptualization of

and risk management and how they develop in tan-

when emerging and young adulthood are likely to

dem or dialectically at the individual, relational,

begin and end in many cultures (e.g., Arnett, 2011),

and cultural levels into the overarching concept of

as well as on age ranges for the term “youth” (15–

sexuality development” (Tolman & McClelland,

24 years old) as used by the United Nations and

2011, p. 251). Accordingly, sexual behavior can

the term “young people” (10–24 years old) as used

be a positive influence on one’s development (e.g.,

by the World Health Organization (WHO, 2011 a).

promoting changes in social, emotional, and

This chapter’s focus on young people is timely

interpersonal domains of development), as well

given that too many young people’s health is at

as having health risk potential (e.g., engaging in

stake both now and in the future (WHO, 2011 b).

health-compromising behavior such as unpro-

(See Table 31.1.) The global facts about young peo-

tected sexual intercourse). A conceptualization of

ple’s health are profound:

sexual behavior as having positive and negative

potentials in relation to health and well-being is

More than 2.6 million young people age 10 to 24

also consistent with international priority areas for

die each year, mostly due to preventable causes.

public health action; for instance, youth-related

About 16 million girls aged 15 to 19 give birth every

Millennium Development Goals, which call for

year. An estimated 150 million young people use

improvements in health connected to sexual behav-

tobacco. Approximately 430 young people aged 10

ior, such as universal access to reproductive health

to 24 die every day through interpersonal violence.

care for young women and reduced HIV incidence

(WHO, 2011b, p. 1)

(WHO, 2011 b).

504

T he inTer seC T ion of Cu lT ur e, he a lT h, a nd r isK Beh av ior s

Table 31.1. Health and Substance Use in a Selection of Nations.

Income Grouping

Prevalence of raised

Adults aged 20

Alcohol consumption Prevalence of smoking

and Nation

blood pressure

and older who are

among adults aged any tobacco product

among adults aged 25

obese (%) h

15 and older (liters among adults aged 15

and older (%) g

of pure alcohol per

and older (%) j

person per year)

2008

2008

2008

2009

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Low-income

Gambia

39.7

34.2

2.3

14.4

3.6

31

3

Kyrgyzstan

38.5 n

33.4 n

11.7

21.6

4.7

45

2

Lower middle income

Egypt

27.1

27.0

22.5

46.3

0.3

40

…

El Salvador

27.8

20.7

20.2

32.9

4.0

…

…

Upper middle income

Saint Vincent

35.4 n

27.5 n

16.4 n

33.5 n

5.0

18

6

and the

Grenadines

Turkey

24.0

24.9

22.8

35.6

3.0

47

15

High income

Japan

26.4

16.7

5.5

3.5

7.8

42

12

Sweden

29.7

19.3

18.2

15.0

10.00

…

…

Information in this table is directly quoted from the World Health Organization (2013). World health statistics 2013. (pp. 111, 115) and income groupings are based on World Bank rankings (July 2012), and derived mainly on the basis of household surveys. Abbreviated notes to the figures presented in the original report are also directly quoted from the report and are as follows (pp. 116–117).

g Percentage of population aged 25 years and older with raised blood pressure (systolic blood pressure ≥140 or diastolic blood pressure ≥90).

Global Health Observatory. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2011.

h Percentage of population aged 20 years and older with a body mass index ≥30.00 kg/m2. Global status report on noncommunicable diseases 2010. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2011.

j WHO report on the global tobacco epidemic, 2011: Warning about the dangers of tobacco. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2011.

Definition of indicator: smoking at the time of the survey of any form of tobacco, including cigarettes, cigars, pipes, bidis, etc. and excluding smokeless tobacco. These figures represent age-standardized prevalence rates for smoking tobacco and should only be used to draw comparisons of prevalence between countries and between men and women within a country. They should not be used to calculate the number of smokers in a country, region, or globally.

n No country data available. Estimate modeled using data from other countries and specific country characteristics.

Developmental Psychopathology,

markers that signal whether an undesired future

Risk, and Health

outcome is more (i.e., a risk factor) or less likely

Developmental psychopathology (Cicchetti, (i.e., a protective factor; Small & Memmo, 2004).

2010) has informed inquiry into risk behaviors

In a cumulative risk model, it is the interaction

and health, particularly in the areas of antiso-

and equilibrium of risk and protection that

cial behavior and addiction (e.g., Moffitt, 2006;

makes the prediction of a later outcome more

Zucker, 2006). This is a field concerned with

precise (i.e., which groups would be more likely

adaptation and dysfunction across the lifespan.

in a particular cohort to be drug-addicted as an

As in other disciplines, such as public health or

adult).

prevention science, developmental psychopathol-

From the vantage point of developmental

ogy makes use of concepts such as risk and pro-

psychopathology and other related disciplines,

tective factors, which can be viewed as probability

risk and protective factor profiles can vary in

fer r er-W r ede, sugimur a, TrosT, Poy r a zli, K lingsTedT, T hom a s

505

developmental or contextual salience. For exam-

in terms of gender and sexual orientation, as well

ple, a literature review of studies from several

as expectations for the care of individuals by

countries indicated that some risk and protective

social welfare-oriented institutions. Sweden has

factors important to young adult substance use

universal public health care as well as education,

were unique to this developmental period and

including university education. Globally, Sweden

included in the case of protective factors—cohab-

ranks amongst the highest on life expectancy,

iting or being married, working, or university

education, gender equality, and standard of liv-

graduation (Stone et al., 2012). In relation to the

ing (United Nations, 2013). Sweden was the first

contextual salience of risk and protective factors,

country in the world to legally prohibit corpo-

a case in point can be found in a literature review

ral punishment of children, has a parental leave

of 30 European studies on antisocial behav-

act in which parents together have 480 days of

ior among young people (Wong, Slotboom, &

paid leave per child, and has a well-structured

Bijleveld, 2010). Results indicated that several

public preschool system for children older than

risk and protective factors generalized across 12 months. All of these factors have bearing on American and European studies; however, there

the characteristics of Swedish young people and

was also evidence of unique risks for subgroups.

their health and risk behaviors.

For instance, single parenthood was related to

young women’s antisocial behavior in the United

Japan: RiSkS in a Society UndeRgoing

States but not in the reviewed European stud-

Rapid economic gRowth

ies (Wong et al., 2010). Researchers posited that

and changing VaLUeS

European social welfare systems may in part mit-

Long-standing mainstream Japanese cultural

igate poverty associated with single parenthood

values include an emphasis on collectivism as well

(Wong et al., 2010).

as care of individuals by society (i.e., social welfare

In developmental psychopathology, the iden-

as expressed by universal public education and

tification of a risk or protective factor for an out-

health care) combined with competitive perfor-

come is seen as the starting point, and inquiry

mance contexts; for example, entry into and per-

should go beyond this to explain how the salience

formance in school including university and adult

of risk and protective factors are also modified in

professions. The historical times are also of impor-

the context of processes of lifespan change and

tance in Japan: since the rapid economic growth

specific, substantive developmental processes (e.g.,

and urbanization after World War II, values and

achievement of developmental tasks; e.g., in terms

beliefs, as well as lifestyles, in young people have

of social interactions and competence development

dramatically changed over time. This change is

across time; Cicchetti, 2010, p. 515). In the next

interwoven with the characteristics of young peo-

section, the focus is on three national literatures,

ples’ health and risk behaviors.

and although important and useful in a number

of regards, these literatures are predominated by

tURkey: RiSkS in a Society that mixeS

descriptive accounts of risk and protective factor

tRaditionaL VaLUeS with moVement

profiles among young people living in the respec-

towaRd a gLobaLLy connected Society

tive nations.

Turkey is considered both a Middle Eastern and

European country. It has land in both regions and

Health and Risk Behaviors

is a culture that has traditional roots but is increas-

in Three Countries

ingly becoming more globalized. This trend is more

Historical, Social, and Cultural Factors

visible in urban rather than rural settings. Some of

Sweden: RiSkS in a LibeRaL Society

the contextual conditions relevant to young peo-

In many ways, the Sweden of today can be

ple’s risk and health are connected to the main-

viewed as a socially liberal society, in particular

stream Turkish culture, subculture of the family,

as it relates to fewer taboos about sexual behav-

socioeconomic background, and gender of the indi-

ior, and there is also diversity in family structure.

vidual. It is especially important to discuss gender

For example, 54% of children are born outside of

role socialization in a Turkish context. Children are

a marriage (Eurostat, 2012), and same-sex mar-

brought up based on cultural stereotypes related

riages have been legal since 2009. Add to this

to how each gender should behave (e.g., Oksal,

liberalism a strong dose of expectations for social

2008). Although some families follow a variety

responsibility, as well as aspirations for equality

of approaches, many families follow a traditional

506

T he inTer seC T ion of Cu lT ur e, he a lT h, a nd r isK Beh av ior s

mainstream Turkish cultural approach. Sons are

appear to be related to an increase in abortions

given more independence. For example, they are

among young adults in Sweden a decade follow-

allowed to go out with their friends and stay out

ing this law. In 1992, cost-free medication-induced

late in the evenings. Girls, on the other hand, tend

abortion (using mifepristone) was introduced, and

to be strictly monitored; behaviors like dating and

the emergency contraceptive pill has been avail-

staying out late are discouraged. This permissive

able without prescription at pharmacies since 2001.

style for boys and close monitoring of girls places

From 1996 to 2003, there was a rise in the abor-

each gender at a different risk level when it comes

tion rate that some Swedish scientists attribute to

to problem behaviors. These are a few of the many

financial cuts in sex education and an increase in

factors that have relevance to Turkish young peo-

unprotected casual sex (Sedgh, Henshaw, Singh,

ple’s health and risk behaviors.

Bankole, & Drescher, 2007).

Although contraception itself and contraceptive

Sexuality and Health

information are widely available, about a quarter

Sweden

of 16- to 24-year-olds report that they did not use

Nonmarital cohabitation and premarital sex is

a condom at sexual debut, and STIs still remain

considered normative in Sweden. By age 15, one

most represented in this age category (Herlitz,

can consent to sexual intercourse. It is generally

2008). The rate of chlamydia, the most common

accepted that as long as one is in a monogamous

STI in Sweden, has been on a steady increase since

relationship, it is normative for late adolescents to

1997 in both young men and women. During the

have sexual intercourse, although adolescent preg-

past few decades, gonorrhea and syphilis have also

nancy is still viewed as undesirable (Danielsson

increased, and heterosexual men between ages 25

et al., 2003). The average age for first sexual inter-

and 34 have highest incidence (Velicko & Unemo,

course is approximately 16 years in Sweden. Sexual

2009). The observed increase for women with gon-

debut does not usually involve alcohol or other

orrhea has been for those aged 15–24 years; during

drugs (Trost, 2006). Those who have an earlier sex-

2007–2011, 62% of all female cases were repre-

ual debut tend to have more sex partners in young

sented in this age group. Sweden continues to have

adulthood (Tikkanen, Abelsson, & Forsberg, one of the lowest rates HIV and AIDS in Europe 2012). Some research suggests that early initia-

(WHO, UNAIDS, UNICEF, 2012).

tion of sexual activity in Sweden is associated with

Due to the substantial Internet infrastructure

continuing risk of STIs and unintended pregnancy

in Sweden, young adults in Sweden are amongst

(Andersson-Ellström, Forssman, & Milsom, 1996).

the most online in the world. As in most coun-

In their longitudinal study of 522 Swedish girls fol-

tries, those who are most on the Internet are aged

lowed from early adolescence (age 14) to middle

16–24 years (Findahl, 2012). More access and

adulthood, Magnusson and Trost (2006) reported

greater popularity of social network sites have aided

that early sexual debut was linked to specific repro-

the rise of Internet-based problems like negative

ductive health consequences (e.g., multiple termi-

sex-related acts (i.e., grooming, prostitution; asking

nated pregnancies) and other risky sex practices

for sex) and exploitation (i.e., posting or e-mailing

(e.g., no contraception, more sex partners) in adoles-

non/consensual photos online). Although most

cence and early adulthood and to poor reproductive

remain online relationships, those who meet online

health in middle adulthood. Other sexual behavior

and are thereafter exploited offline tend to have

prevalence rates beyond sexual debut involve num-

poor relations with their parents throughout their

ber of sexual partners. The percentage of 18- and

childhood, report feeling poorly, and have low

19-year-olds who have three or more sexual partners

self-esteem (Priebe & Svedin, 2009). Furthermore,

in the last 12 months is 25% for women and 23%

those most at risk for exploitation online and are

for men, and the percentage of 20- to 24-year-olds

exploited thereafter offline tend to have a history

who report three or more sexual partners in the last

of sexual or physical abuse and have poorer health

12 months is 19% for women and 26% for men

than their counterparts who are not exploited

(Herlitz, 2008). In a study of 15,000 young Swedes

offline. The Internet seems to be yet another con-

aged 15–29, one in five participants had sex with

text for abuse over time for these individuals. As a

someone they did not know before or had casual sex

result of increased abuse of varying types on the

with a friend (Tikkanen et al., 2012).

Internet, organizations have been commissioned to

Cost-free state-provided abortions have existed

focus on Internet safety for young people (Swedish

since 1975 in Sweden. This, however, did not Media Council, 2012).

fer r er-W r ede, sugimur a, TrosT, Poy r a zli, K lingsTedT, T hom a s

507

Other arenas for health information and inter-

20–24 (Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare,

vention work are educational institutions and 2012 b). The rate of STIs has been generally decreas-health services. Throughout their compulsory ing for the past decade, but the period during the education, Swedish children and adolescents par-late teens and early 20s is still the time of life when

ticipate in sex education that includes information

one is most likely to contract some diseases such

on puberty, contraceptives, pregnancy, sexual ori-

as chlamydia, the most common STI in Japan

entation, STIs, pedophilia, petting, pornography,

(Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, 2012 a).

and prostitution. In regards to Swedish health Importantly, the numbers of HIV infections and services, emerging adults are offered contraceptive

AIDS cases has been steadily increasing, especially

information and are encouraged to check for STIs.

in persons aged 20–39; specifically, 30.4% of new

Since the late 1960s, youth clinics have provided

HIV infections in Japan occur in persons aged

information on intimate relationships, contracep-

20–29 (Japan Foundation for AIDS Prevention,

tion, and STIs (Edgardh, 2002). These clinics 2012).

focus on those aged 25 and younger and are cost

Based on this situation, sex education and pre-

free. Moreover, surveillance of STIs in general is

vention programs have been increasingly recog-

well monitored through electronic registries (see

nized as important since the 1990s. Researchers

Velicko & Unemo, 2009). Despite this and other

point out that many young people do not have

health initiatives, sexual exploitation and risky sex-

accurate information about the risks involved in

ual behaviors remain as societal concerns.

sexual behavior (Kihara, 2006). For instance,

although some contraceptives are effective for

Japan

prevention from unintended pregnancy and HIV

Sexuality is one of the most important top-

infection, approximately 20% of high school and

ics and one that represents a changing feature of

university students reported that they do not use

Japanese young people over the past few decades.

contraception at all when they have sex (Japanese

Partly in light of earlier biological maturation4 and

Association for Sex Education, 2013). Research

urbanization, adolescents experience sexual activi-

shows that Japanese emerging adults tend to have

ties at an increasing younger age than in the past.

negative feelings about the use of contraception

For instance, approximately half of university stu-

(i.e., condoms in most cases), and one of the major

dents reported having had sexual intercourse: 54%

factors is embarrassment caused by the purchasing

for males and 47% for females in 2011, relative

of condoms (Higuchi & Nakamura, 2009). On the

to 23% and 11% in 1974, respectively (Japanese

other hand, positive feelings toward one’s own sex-

Association for Sex Education, 2013). This increase

uality have been associated with better awareness

took place from the late 1980s to the early 1990s,

of sexual risks and responsible contraceptive use in

a period characterized by the peak of an economic

emerging adults (Kusano, 2006). Clearly, sex edu-

bubble that also corresponds to the rapid spread

cation and prevention programs for young people

of personal media, such as cell phones and com-

in Japan may need to deal more with positive atti-

puters, to young people (Japanese Association for

tudes toward sexual behaviors and relationships,

Sex Education, 2001). The increasing availability

as well as providing evidence-based information

of these tools has accelerated young people’s access

about sexual risks.

to media items with sexual content and to more

freely have romantic interactions outside of paren-

tURkey

tal control. This trend is indicative of a changing

Sexual health in Turkey is often viewed differ-

feature of Japanese young people, which has been

ently by women and men. As research indicates

conceptualized as “privatization” and that refers to

(e.g., Celik & Esin, 2012), a concern among some

an increased emphasis on leading one’s own private

females in Turkey is to protect the hymen before

life (Kuze et al., 1988). Thus, some Japanese young

marriage; however, male youth often define sexual

people increasingly value individualism rather than

health within the boundaries of HIV/AIDS and

traditional collectivism.

protection from it. This gender difference is rooted

Relative to the past, more adolescents and in a practice in which the families and the new emerging adults experience unintended pregnancy,

groom expect the bride to bleed as a result of break-

and the rate of abortion has risen since the 1990s,

age of the hymen during the first sexual encounter

especially in younger age groups; the rate is 7.1 per

between the couple. Although female youth will

1,000 teenage girls and 14.1 per 1,000 females aged

focus more of their attention onto preserving their

508

T he inTer seC T ion of Cu lT ur e, he a lT h, a nd r isK Beh av ior s

hymen, male youth may focus more of their atten-

Centers were opened by the government to provide

tion onto how to protect against STIs. Premarital

individuals access to reproductive health services,

sex for Turkish women tends not to be tolerated.

these centers are frequently not utilized. In Celik

In one study with college students, 41% of male

and Esin’s (2012) study, it was found that although

students and 3.5% of female students reported that

some youth knew about the existence of these cen-

they have had premarital sexual intercourse (Yasan,

ters, they did not seek services there, fearing that

Essizoglu, & Yildirim, 2009). The emphasis on the

they would be seen by somebody they knew or that

hymen as sexual health, however, may lead to the

what they ask or share may not be kept confiden-

utilization of other forms of sexual behaviors such

tial. As a solution to this problem, peer education

as anal or oral sex, especially among the unmarried

methods could be utilized. Research shows that

female adolescents and young adults (Aras, Orcin,

peer education-type interventions show promise

Ozan, & Semin, 2007; Civil & Yildiz, 2010).

in reducing risky sexual behaviors among sexually

The mainstream culture in Turkey discourages

active college students (Bulduk & Erdogan, 2012).

individuals such as researchers and policy makers

to study or address culturally sensitive topics such

Antisocial Behavior, Substance

as sexuality among adolescents or unmarried young

Use, and Health

adults (Celik & Esin, 2012). As a result, research

Sweden

in this area is limited, and educational programs

Swedish cultural views and legal policies on

related to sexuality for these groups are scarce. Most

adolescent antisocial behavior have a rehabilita-

research related to sexuality tends to be conducted

tive, child welfare ethos rather than orientation

with married individuals. Researchers infer from

toward punishment, partly based on the idea that

these studies to identify health risk behaviors both

care instead of prison protects adolescents from

for unmarried and married young adults. An exam-

too early or unnecessary iatrogenic prison experi-

ple of such studies is a national survey (Hacettepe

ences (Janson, 2004). Adolescents are criminally

University Institute of Population Studies, 2008)

responsible at 15 years (Janson, 2004). Swedish

that identified that young married adults’ knowl-

drug policy is aimed at promoting a drug-free life-

edge related to birth control methods was inad-

style among people in general and young people in

equate. Whereas birth control pills or intrauterine

particular, with a special emphasis for this group

devices (IUDs) were among the methods used, the

to delay the onset of alcohol and tobacco use, as

most popular method was the withdrawal method

well as prevent young people’s death from alcohol

(26%) among the group that was between the ages

poisoning or other drug use (e.g., Swedish National

of 20 and 29. The calendar method was used by

Institute for Public Health [FHI], 2012).

some others. In the same survey, when those who

For several years running, according to school

were not using any type of contraception and who

surveys, Swedish adolescents reported lower alco-

were younger than 30 years were surveyed further,

hol, tobacco, and other drug use relative to com-

it was found that 8% indicated not having any

parably aged adolescents in several other European

knowledge about birth control methods. Therefore,

countries (e.g., Hibell et al., 2011). A recent excep-

lack of knowledge related to contraception or the

tion to this trend is an elevated amount of pure

use of ineffective methods could increase the likeli-

alcohol that surveyed adolescents’ had during their

hood of unintended or early pregnancy.

last drinking occasion (Hibell et al., 2011). Use of

As mentioned, many young people in Turkey

illegal drugs is not common in Sweden on a pop-

are brought up in a culture in which they are

ulation level (FHI, 2012). In various age groups,

taught that asking questions about sexuality is however, use of illegal drugs is an important prob-inappropriate and that it is indicative of the young

ability marker for other problems, such greater

person being interested in sexual activities. As a

tobacco use and alcohol use/misuse (FHI, 2012).

result, the main source of information for sexual

As in the research literature on antisocial

and reproductive health-related topics is peers behavior, there is a concern about understanding (Celik & Esin, 2012). Internet resources also tend

variability in patterns of substance use in females

to be used especially by older youth and young

and males (Hibell et al., 2011). According to a

adults, but to a lower degree compared to peers

national study not conducted in a school setting,

as a resource (Cinsel Egitim Tedavi ve Arastirma

young women aged 16–34 years evidenced an

Dernegi, 2013). Even though in recent years places

increase in lifetime cannabis use—the most com-

such as the Youth Counseling and Health Service

monly used illegal drug in Sweden from 2008 to

fer r er-W r ede, sugimur a, TrosT, Poy r a zli, K lingsTedT, T hom a s

509

2011 (FHI, 2012). Young men (aged 15–24) and

like running away, prostitution, vagrancy). Gender

emerging and young adult women (aged 25–34)

was of interest in this study, and girls reported

were more likely to report illegal drug use—such

being sick more often and assessed their health as

as cannabis or amphetamine use—relative to other

worse than did boys (SiS, 2010). Girls’ common

age groups (FHI, 2012). In another survey, those

health problems were sleeping problems (68%),

aged 18–34 years reported a lifetime prevalence of

back pain (39%), frequent headaches (43%), eat-

illegal drug use of 19%, with full-time university

ing problems, or nausea and vomiting (24%); and

students more likely than those employed full-time

sex-related health concerns among girls were geni-

to report recent illegal drug use (FHI, 2012). In

tal diseases (3%) and vaginal infections (5%; SiS,

Sweden, more focused information is needed on

2010). Some had gone through pregnancy (3%) or

16- to 24-year-olds in order to better determine

abortion or miscarriage (16%; SiS, 2010). Although

substance use patterns and risk/protective profiles

important general population longitudinal studies

in an age group that appears to be at elevated risk

exist in Sweden and have been highly informative,

for illegal substance use (FHI, 2012) and thereby

youth in compulsory care who experience multi-

other legal drug misuse.

ple problems are not regularly reported on in the

Moving to antisocial behavior, in a Swedish

English-language research literature and thus merit

longitudinal study, Stattin and Magnusson additional systematic research attention.

(1991) found that antisocial behaviors were stable

into adulthood. The long-term consequences on

Japan

health, however, are less generally known. In their

Researchers have pointed out that after World

follow-up study of 1,947 individuals using antiso-

War II there were four peaks in over-time trends

cial behavior as a predictor for adverse outcomes in

in the number of Japanese young offenders

adulthood, Molero and colleagues (2010) reported

(Mugishima, 1982; Okamoto, 2005). The first

that those who expressed antisocial behavior before

peak came around 1951, immediately after Japan’s

the age of 15 tended to continue doing so into the

defeat in war; this period was characterized by

adulthood years (i.e., an early starter model of anti-

property crimes (e.g., theft) caused by poverty. The

social behavior). Compared to non-antisocial peers,

next peak, around 1964, reflected a youth culture

these individuals used more substances, were hos-

in the context of urbanization and industrialization

pitalized more often, and even died earlier (Molero

during a period of rapid economic growth. Young

et al., 2010).

people pursued pleasure, and this resulted in a

In Sweden, an understudied group is youth who

relatively high rate of violent crimes (e.g., assault)

are placed in compulsory care by social services due

and sexual crimes (e.g., rape). The flourishing of

to such circumstances as abandonment and abuse.

a consumer-driven culture led to the third peak,

In some instances, those aged 20 years and younger

around 1983, when many young people commit-

may be removed from their homes and be placed

ted less serious crimes (e.g., shoplifting and bicycle

in the care of social services based on their own

theft) with simple motives including fun and curi-

wish, or they can be sentenced to time-indefinite

osity. Antisocial behaviors among young people

care by social services without the consent of young

since the fourth peak, around 1998, were diversi-

people or their parents (Janson, 2004). Being taken

fied, with the number of young offenders fluctuat-

into compulsory care by the social services can

ing. Experts suggest that more serious crimes (e.g.,

happen when the young person’s home conditions

robbery), sexual crimes (e.g., molestation), and sub-

are viewed as significantly harmful to the youth’s

stance use (e.g., amphetamines) have increased in

health or development. Compulsory care can also

this period (Muramatsu, 2000). The use of amphet-

take place in response to the young person’s behav-

amines is particularly evident in some young adult

ior, including criminal activity or other destructive

groups. For example, based on penal code offenses,

behavior (Janson, 2004).

the rates of amphetamine drug use offenses were

In 2009, some youth in compulsory care 0.3% for those aged 14–19, 3.6% for those 20–24, were interviewed (Swedish National Board of and 7.0% for those 25–29 (Ministry of Justice, Institutional Care, Statens Institutionsstyrelse 2012). However, drug problems are generally not

[SiS], 2010; N = 683): the sample was predominately

common among Japanese young people (Ministry

boys (67%), ages ranged from 12 to 20 years, and

of Justice, 2012).

participants reported multiple risks and problems

Studies have found that developmental pro-

(e.g., drug problems, crime, or destructive behavior

gression of antisocial behavior in Japanese

510

T he inTer seC T ion of Cu lT ur e, he a lT h, a nd r isK Beh av ior s

adolescents and emerging adults is similar to largely been overlooked (Ayvasik & Sumer, 2010).

the pattern of findings from studies conducted

These predictors, however, need to be identified

in Western countries (Steinberg, 2011). For so that contextually appropriate interventions can instance, a 3-year longitudinal study of deviant

be developed. Drug use can increase the chance

behavior among junior high school students of other antisocial behaviors, especially when found a trajectory from mild deviant behav-an individual with an addiction is experiencing

iors, such as smoking and truancy, to more seri-

financial strain (e.g., United Nations Office on

ous ones, such as stealing and driving without

Drugs and Crime, 2003).

a license (Nishino et al., 2009). Generally, two

Antisocial behavior such as getting into fights,

sets of risk factors have been identified. The first

stabbing, shooting, robbery, bullying, stalking,

set of factors is psychological. Several studies sexual violence, and drug use among young people reported that individuals with certain person-in Turkey is on the rise in comparison to the past.

ality characteristics are more likely to engage in

For example, the incidence of using weapons such

antisocial behaviors. These characteristics include

as a knife or a gun in physical violence has increased

aggressiveness (Hamaguchi, Ishikawa, & Mieno,

over time (TBMM Arastirma Komisyon Raporu,

2009), self-directedness (Sakai et al., 2007), and

2007). Compared to the past, more individuals

self-assertiveness with low self-inhibition (Harada,

today are carrying a weapon. For instance, a study

Yoshizawa, & Yoshida, 2009). The second set of

conducted with the tenth-graders in Istanbul found

factors is contextual. Individuals with distal par-

that 23% of the youth reported having carried a

ents (Nishino et al., 2009; Sakai et al., 2007) and

sharp object such as a knife, and 10% reported car-

deviant peers (Nishino et al., 2009) are more likely

rying a gun (e.g., Ogel, Tari, & Eke, 2006). Male

to develop antisocial behaviors.

tenth-graders, however, were more likely to carry

and use a weapon than were female tenth-graders,

tURkey

and, in the same study, 26% of these youth indi-

With respect to substance use, the use of ille-

cated physically assaulting another person at least

gal drugs in Turkey is not as common as it is in

once in their lifetime, 10% reported being part of a

some European and North American countries

gang, and 11% reported having gotten into trouble

(Corapcioglu & Ogel, 2004; Turkish Drug and

with the law (Ogel et al., 2006). These antisocial

Drug Addiction Monitoring Center, 2010). For

behaviors during adolescence may increase the

example, 4% of those between 15 and 16 years

likelihood of similar antisocial behaviors in young

of age have reported cannabis use within the last

adulthood.

year, and 3% have reported the use of solvents/

Researchers attribute the increase of delin-

inhalants in the last year (Turkish Drug and Drug

quency and violent behavior in Turkey to changes

Addiction Monitoring Center, 2010). However,

in the economic and social structure, as well as

the prevalence rate of drug use is on the rise across

to increases in the student population, which is

Turkey (Corapcioglu & Ogel, 2004; Turkish associated with increasingly crowded classrooms Drug and Drug Addiction Monitoring Center,

(Unal & Cukur, 2011). In addition, contextual fac-

2010). Drug use is especially prevalent in large cit-

tors may increase young adults’ chances of engag-

ies, with more than half of drug users estimated

ing in an antisocial behavior. In one study with

to be between the ages of 15 and 24 (United

youth and emerging adults (Roberts, Gunes, &

Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2003). In

Seward, 2011), more than 400 participants from a

addition, male adolescents and young adults prison (mean age 16 years) and a college were sur-report use of drugs more frequently than compa-

veyed (mean age 19 years). When the groups were

rably aged females (Gorgun, Tiryaki, & Topbas,

compared, the results showed that fewer incarcer-

2010). Also, intravenous drug use has increased

ated individuals reported growing up in intact fam-

in Turkey relative to the past (United Nations

ilies than did the college group. The incarcerated

Office on Drugs and Crime, 2003). However, no

group was also more likely to be from high-crime

Turkish information was found about the rela-

neighborhoods and from families with a low socio-

tion between intravenous drug use and infection

economic background. Among the college group,

by HIV or hepatitis. Although the prevalence of

gender seemed to serve as a protective factor against

drug abuse has often been tracked by researchers

delinquent behaviors. Female young adults were

in Turkey, predictors of drug abuse (e.g., biologi-

less likely to engage in delinquent behavior com-

cal, sociological, or psychological factors) have

pared to male young adults.

fer r er-W r ede, sugimur a, TrosT, Poy r a zli, K lingsTedT, T hom a s

511

It is important to discuss sexual and physical

conducted with 6,000 youths between the ages of

violence among married young adults in Turkey

16 and 25, the Swedish National Board for Youth

because the average age of marriage tends to be

Affairs reported that 43% think that it is acceptable

younger compared to that in developed nations.

that other people have sex in exchange for some-

Specifically, the average age of first marriage for a

thing else (not necessarily for money), as long as it

woman in Turkey is 23, while it is 26 for a man in

is consensual, and approximately 12% would do it

Turkey (United Nations Economic Commission of

themselves (Priebe & Svedin, 2009). In their study

Europe, 2013). In a national survey assessing part-

of 876 emerging adults, Abelsson and Hulusjö

ner violence among married couples (Hacettepe

(2008) reported that 11.4% of young men and

University Institute of Population Studies, 2009),

7.4% of the young women had sold sexual services

it was identified that the younger groups had the

online. Another study, however, shows that emerg-

highest level of partner violence. Twenty-one per-

ing and young adults who have prostitution experi-

cent of women between the ages of 15 and 24

ences, independent of providing sex or exchanging

and 16% of women between the ages of 25 and

for sex, were significantly different from their peers

34 reported physical or sexual violence by their

who did not have prostitution experiences (Priebe

husbands within the previous year. Another sur-

& Svedin, 2009). Those with prostitution experi-

vey underlines physical and sexual violence as a

ences had lower feelings of social belongingness,

problem among single young adults who are col-

worse financial status, poor psychological and

lege students. The survey conducted by Pinar and

physical health, poorer self-concept, and higher

Algier (2006) showed that 15% of these young

alcohol and drug use than their peers (Priebe &

adults reported that they had been slapped or

Svedin, 2009).

punched by a friend/partner, 12% indicated they

were forced by a friend/partner to have sexual rela-

Japan

tions, and 1% indicated being subjected to sexual

One of the problems with which adults have

violence.

been concerned for the past two decades is Japanese

Interpersonal violence, especially toward female adolescents’ involvement in deviant or women, could be explained by the patriarchal destructive sexual behaviors. Although the number values or mainstream gender role socialization. of juvenile victims of penal code offences has been Female chastity and protection of the family’s decreasing during this period, the number of teen-honor is important. To protect the family’s honor,

age girls prosecuted for sexual offenses (e.g., por-

male children can be given the right to control

nography, prostitution) has been persistently stable

the behavior of female members of their families,

(National Police Agency, 2012). Some suggest that

restrict their autonomy, and use violence when nec-

contemporary teenage girls may be less resistant

essary. Other empirical research has shown that

to “commercialization of sex” than the previous

18% of surveyed men believed that they have the

generations, and this puts them at risk (Uchiyama,

right to beat their wives, and 29% reported that

2000). There have been two major discussions

they had beaten their wives at least once (Ozcakir,

on the factors associated with this situation. One

Bayram, Ergin, Selimoglu, & Bilgel, 2008). In

explanation focuses on environmental changes in

addition, there is a double standard when it comes

contemporary Japan. The widespread prevalence

to the sexual behavior of females and males. Unlike

of cell phones and the Internet has weakened the

women, the culture recognizes heterosexual males’

barrier against sex businesses coming into con-

sexual development and behavior as predominately

tact with children and adolescents (cf. Shirai,

normative and expected, supporting the right to

Tsuzuki, & Mori, 2012). In line with this notion,

sexual expression for some and, in some cases, to

the Japanese Internet Dating Site Control Act came

the detriment of others, like female sex workers,

in force to protect children and adolescents against

and in terms of interpersonal violence.

sex-introducing services on the Internet (National

Police Agency, 2003). The other explanation

Prostitution and Health

refers to psychological characteristics of contem-

Sweden

porary adolescents in Japan. One study focusing

Youth in Sweden do seem accepting of prostitu-

on female high school students found that those

tion. In Sweden, for those of consenting age, it is

who had engaged in paid dating, including sex,

illegal to purchase but not to sell sex. In a study

expressed a stronger desire to receive compliments

512

T he inTer seC T ion of Cu lT ur e, he a lT h, a nd r isK Beh av ior s

from others or wanted to be viewed by others as

influential trends in these nations. In 2011, for

outstanding, relative to those who had not engaged

instance, mobile phone subscriptions were 119 in

in this behavior (Sakuraba et al., 2001). This desire

Sweden, 105 in Japan, and 89 in Turkey per 100

was thought to be based on a feeling of loneliness,

people (WHO, 2013).

poor interpersonal relationships, and sensation and

Being connected online, including participation

pleasure seeking that may be more common in an

in social media, may make life more similar even

individualized and consumer-driven society.

in geographically dispersed nations and thereby

accelerate the effects of globalization on young

tURkey

people. An information-based society also may

Growing up in a culture where young women

open up new arenas for risk such as exploitation,

are expected not to have sexual intercourse before

as described in the sections on Sweden and Japan.

marriage, some male young adults seek other alter-

Undoubtedly, life online also offers advantage and

natives, such as the use of a sex worker. Prostitution

possibilities, such as greater access to trade and uni-

is legal in Turkey, and brothels are legal businesses.

versity education, and, more specifically in relation

Lack of knowledge about STIs and prevention to risk and health, access to online health services methods could put both customers and sex work-and interventions. In all three nations, the Internet

ers at risk for STIs. Although research in this area

and universities represent important future venues

is limited, it is estimated that 50–70% of female

for health-related interventions.

prostitutes working in brothels are infected with

Although Sweden, Japan, and Turkey share

trichomonosis, a type of STI (Daldal, Karaman,

much, several specific differences are also clear

& Atambay, 2002). In one particular study (Ocal

from the described literature. In comparison to

& Borekci, 2008), it was found that women work-

Japan and especially Sweden, Turkey appears to

ing in brothels had inadequate knowledge about

have more marked gender role expectations. Unlike

STIs. They knew the most about HIV/AIDS, Sweden, nonmarital cohabitation or premarital sex but they had limited knowledge about syphilis

in Turkey is either strongly discouraged or simply

and hepatitis C. Another finding of concern was

not accepted, especially in rural areas and small

that only 18% of surveyed sex workers used con-

cities. Both Turkey and Sweden have health clin-

doms. Researchers call for action to better educate

ics designed to educate young people about health

high-risk groups about safe-sex practices to prevent

and sexual behavior; however, these clinics seem

the spread of STIs (Daldal et al., 2002).

to be more utilized in Sweden. These more specific

points of contrast, mainly in the domain of sex-

Selected Themes Across Nations

ual behavior and health, are in part connected to

Several specific commonalities are evident efforts to maintain some traditional values in what from the described literature on risk behaviors and

are changing societies. Sweden, Japan, and Turkey,

health among young people in Sweden, Japan, and

in varied life domains and to differing degrees, are

Turkey. For example, male university students’

in the process of reconsidering values surrounding

reports of having had sexual intercourse are not

individual choice, social responsibility, and the care

uncommon in Japan (54%) and Turkey (41%).

of others. However, in Turkey and Japan, relative to

Cannabis is one of the more widely used drugs

Sweden, there appears to be more of a pull to main-

in Sweden and Turkey, and the sale of sex is also

tain some traditional values, such as gender-role

legal in these two nations. The rate of young peo-

expectations in Turkey or collectivism in Japan.

ple’s antisocial behavior in Japan and Turkey has

Thus, in Japan and Turkey, young people appear to

increased relative to the past, and, for both coun-

be navigating unique landscapes that hold a mix-

tries, urbanization and changes in the economic

ture of old and new risks. For example, in Japan,

and social structures are thought to play a role

this is illustrated by the opposing depictions of

in these changes. More broadly, Sweden, Japan,

young people as sometimes avoiding contraceptive

and Turkey are, or are quickly becoming, postin-

use due to shame about purchasing of condoms in

dustrial information-based societies. Sweden and

contrast to young women’s greater participation in

Japan are considered to be high-income nations,

paid dating and/or sex. These features offer illustra-

and Turkey is ranked as an upper middle-income

tions about how stability and changes in values can

nation (World Bank, 2012). Globalization, alter the daily lives of young people in these three urbanization, and information exchange are also

nations.

fer r er-W r ede, sugimur a, TrosT, Poy r a zli, K lingsTedT, T hom a s

513

Future Directions

same way to the social welfare or justice systems’

The country profiles in this chapter highlight

response to their criminality. Thus, people may

promising specific aspects of culture that could be

share a similar ecology but respond to those con-

measured in relation to risk behaviors and health—

ditions in dissimilar ways (i.e., illustrating the

promising constructs, for example, include values,

concept of multifinality; Cicchetti, 2010). See

socialization practices, and cultural meta-narratives

Raffaelli and Iturbide’s chapter for more on risk,

and public policy related to health and taboo risk

protection, and the multifinality-related concept

and health-related behaviors. As Cicchetti (2010)

of resilience. Although contemporary models of

stated “considerations of cultural context must be

antisocial behavior, including Moffitt’s (2006),

prominent when determining whether an individ-

have undergone further development and are

ual has diverted onto a maladaptive pathway and

more nuanced than space limitations here allow

then deciding whether, or how best, to intervene”

for detailed description, Moffitt’s general out-

(p. 514). Considerations of culture are clearly a road

line of early- and late-starter pathways of antiso-

to further scientific advances, both of a descriptive

cial behavior and development illustrate what a

and explanatory (i.e., theoretical) nature.

change in thinking can do. Importantly, this and

In keeping with the idea of description and

other models, such as the one posited by Zucker

explanation, upcoming research endeavors would

(2006) in the area of drug addiction, demon-

also benefit from efforts to both describe and

strate what is gained by moving from theories

explain risk and health. What is to be gained

and research designs that stop at description or

by such an approach is exemplified by Moffitt’s

assume a determined outcome for all individu-

(2006) model of childhood-onset (life-course als who experience a given set of earlier or pres-persistent or early starter) and adolescent-onset

ent conditions (i.e., viewing human development,

(adolescence-limited or late starter) antisocial including risk behaviors and health, as a closed behavior. This model is a more specific theory

system) to documenting the diversity in develop-

gleaned from the wider discipline of developmen-

ment that is accounted for by multidetermined

tal psychopathology.

processes (e.g., equifinality, multifinality, devel-

The early-late starter model of antisocial behav-

opmental cascades) that can differ in what they

ior by Moffitt (2006) demonstrates the diversity

yield or can vary in expression across individuals

of development—in this case the development

and ecologies. Such shifts in thinking and inquiry

of antisocial behavior—and emphasizes that, in

are heartening, given that they provide meta-

order to understand human development, empiri-

phors for how to understand individual diversity

cal inquiry and theory-making should be geared

in development as a means to identify and test

toward capturing such diversity. In Moffitt’s model

more general, explanatory organizing principles

and in developmental psychopathology more gen-

of human development. Such explanatory mod-

erally (Cicchetti, 2010), there are multiple path-

els of individual-level and ecological diversity are

ways or trajectories that individuals can take promising in that such approaches may be able toward a particular outcome (i.e., equifinality).

to bridge the not-so-distal connection between

Thus, adolescents who are bearing the brunt of a

cultural resources, developmental processes, and

social welfare or criminal justice system response

health.

to their criminal behavior may have arrived at that

point through a long history of norm-breaking

Notes

that began as a child (i.e., the early-starter model)

1 Kazumi Sugimura, Kari Trost, and Senel Poyrazli share

or as a relative first timer just beginning serious

second authorship and appear in random order.

norm-breaking (i.e., the late-starter model). The

2 Here, the term “young people” refers to 10- to 24-years-olds.

origin of and change in the risk and protective

This age range and term is used by the World Health

factor profiles of individuals following an early- or

Organization (2011 a).

3 The United Nations defines the term “youth” as those

late-starter trajectory differ, and the future likeli-

15–24 years old.

hood of criminal behavior also differs, with the

4 The decline in the age of menarche is a possible indica-

early-starters being more likely to continue and

tor of earlier biological maturation. Similar to the secular

late-starters more likely to desist from crimi-

trends in other developed countries, the downward trend

nal behavior as they move from adolescence to

in the age of menarche in Japan has steadily occurred

during the 1960s and the 2000s; the average age of men-

adulthood (Moffitt, 2006). Furthermore, not all

arche was 13 years, 2.6 months in 1961, and 12 years, 2.3

individuals in our example will respond in the

months in 2008 (Hinobayashi et al., 2009).

514

T he inTer seC T ion of Cu lT ur e, he a lT h, a nd r isK Beh av ior s

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C H A P T E R

New Media, Social Change, and

32 Human Development from Adolescence

Through the Transition to Adulthood

Adriana Manago, Shu-Sha Angie Guan, and Patricia Greenfield

Abstract

This chapter presents developmental mechanisms by which new media drive development toward increasing individualism. The authors establish basic principles regarding the impact of new media on relationship development (increasing orientation to peers, relationship breadth, and choice) and on identity development (increased capacities for control and emphasis on exploration, self-expression, and hybrid identities) and review sociological, communication, and psychological theories, including Greenfield’s theory linking social and developmental change. This theory predicts that new media communication technologies wil everywhere push development toward increasing individualism.

Cultural nuances—history, philosophical traditions, and institutions established prior to the proliferation of communication technologies—may also influence how youth and families use new media. The authors propose that greater intergenerational tensions arise with rapid technological change. The chapter is a starting point for understanding how new media and cultural traditions interact with globalization and sociodemographic shifts to produce changes in human development.

Key Words: cultural change, new media, interactive media, communication technology, values, relationships, identity

Allegory of the Cave, 2.0

attract travelers visiting ancient historical sites in

In January 2012, in preparation for a research

the region.

project on intergenerational value change, the first

Hadar invited us to sit with him on hand-woven

and third authors (Manago and Greenfield) vis-

mats in the family room of his one-time subter-

ited with an Arab family in the village of Drijat in

ranean home. His teenage son, Ahmad (a pseud-

the Negev Desert of Israel. Just a short walk from

onym), brought us a tray of traditional Arabic tea

the family’s three-story home of marble floors and

and tabun bread his mother had baked in a clay

modern furnishings was a cave dwelling cut out

oven. Meanwhile, Hadar regaled us with tales about

of rocks, the home of their ancestors until just a

traditional customs and growing up in Drijat. He

generation ago. The three-room cave—one room

warned us with a wink that, when he was growing

used to store food, one room for the animals,

up, it was customary for visitors who had a seri-

and one where the family slept—represented a

ous matter to discuss to indicate their intentions to

way of life in Drijat that had been passed down

their host by drinking their tea in one swift swill.

since biblical times by Falakhim Arab farmers

So we sipped our tea slowly as Hadar told us about

living in the south of Mt. Hebron. At the time

how he was the first in his family to attend school,

we visited the family in 2012, the father, Hadar

but then left school at age 16 to marry. He worked

(a pseudonym), had transformed the cave where

as a construction laborer in the nearby Israeli city

he lived as a child into a tourist destination to

of Arad to support his family, eventually acquiring

519

a lifestyle adapted to the postindustrial society Gesellschaft represent prototypical social ecologies springing up around the Negev. When the sun

that anchor spectra of sociodemographic conti-

went down on the desert hills where his father and

nua, such as economy, education, and technology.

grandfather had farmed, Hadar led us to a very dif-

When communities move in either direction along

ferent kind of family room in his present-day home.

any one of those continua, the sociodemographic

There, we met Hadar’s other children and changes transform daily socialization practices and his mother who, in keeping with Arab hospital-the values and meanings embedded in those prac-

ity, offered us more tea, fruit, and dates. As we

tices, as well as developmental outcomes.

sat on sofas trying to make conversation, a tele-

Greenfield (2009) predicts that sociodemo-

vision placed prominently in the family room graphic shifts in the direction of a Gesel schaft drew one’s attention to its broadcast of an Arabic

typology—for example, increases in wealth, formal

program featuring men adorned in turbans education, technology, and cultural diversity—

re-enacting nomadic life in the desert. Photos drive socialization and development toward increas-of actual desert-dwelling Arab men in turbans,

ing individualism and away from collectivism,

Hadar’s father and grandfather, hung on the wall

which are also conceptualized as existing on conti-

just above the television set. Meanwhile, Hadar’s

nua. Individualism and collectivism describe “cul-

children disappeared upstairs, except for Ahmad

tural syndromes” (Triandis, 1993) that manifest

who had served us tea in the cave; he migrated

differently across the life span in the practices, val-

over to the computer in the corner of the room.

ues, and goals pertinent to particular developmental

Eyes transfixed on the screen, he scrolled down

tasks. In the transition from childhood dependence

his newsfeed on Facebook in Arabic, clicked and

to adult responsibilities, hallmarks of high levels

navigated through a series of different windows,

of individualism under increasing Gesel schaft con-

and responded to flashing chat messages. With his

ditions include prioritizing personal choice over

launch into cyberspace, Ahmad joins the ranks of

family obligation and independence over parental

youth around the world ushering in new media

obedience (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligni, & Maynard,

to their communities. These young people are 2003). A high level of individualism is also epito-coming of age in the midst of profound changes

mized in the emphasis on personal pleasure and

in cultural practices of communication and are

personal responsibility over family continuation in

pioneering new channels through which humans

sexual development and on personal fulfillment and

experience themselves in relation to one another.

gender equality over adherence to complementary

and ascribed gender roles for the sake of group har-

Theoretical Approaches to New

mony (Manago, Greenfield, Kim, & Ward, 2014).

Media and Social Change

Greenfield’s (2009) theory hypothesizes that the

In this opening ethnographic description, we see

proliferation of new media in the West and in other

rapidly shifting social milieus in the new millen-

regions of the globe is an extension of Gesel schaft

nium that encapsulate not only new media technolo-

conditions that push socialization practices and

gies, but also a host of interlacing sociodemographic

values toward higher levels of individualism during

changes. A theoretical framework that coheres the

development from childhood to adulthood.

multitude of sociodemographic changes illustrated

Two other major theoretical approaches, one

in this family portrait is Greenfield’s (2009) theory

from the discipline of sociology and the other from

of social change and human development. It spot-

communication studies, present complementary

lights the influence of sociodemographic change

views on the implications of new media. Rainie and

on culture and human development when com-

Wellman (2012) describe research that suggests the

munities shift from small, tight-knit, homogenous,

expansion of communication technologies gives

rural, and subsistence agricultural ways of life to

rise to a new form of connectivity that they term

increasing involvement in large and heterogeneous

networked individualism. In a society of networked

postindustrial societies with advanced levels of individualism, the individual is at the center of his formal education and more elaborate technology.

or her own personalized network, which is con-

Greenfield adopts the concepts Gemeinschaft (com-

structed based on shared interests, rather than on

munity) and Gesellschaft (society) from sociologist

kinship or common physical locales. Rainie and

Ferdinand Tönnies (1887/1957) to describe the Wellman argue that communication technologies array of sociodemographic factors constituting endow individuals with powerful tools to traverse social contexts of development. Gemeinschaft and

independently a variety of relationships in order

520

neW medi a, soCi a l Ch a nge, a nd hu m a n dev eloPmenT

to acquire social capital, including information,

more widespread in a Gesellschaft environment.

work collaborations, and social support (see also

Because the theory explores both these issues in

Wellman et al., 2003). Social networking sites, for

the context of societal change and developmental

example, enhance the ability of emerging adults

change, thus subsuming these two other theoreti-

who go away to college to integrate into new social

cal frameworks, we rely heavily on Greenfield’s

milieus while remaining connected to old friends

theory in this chapter.

and acquaintances across long distances and to call

As we review the literature on new media and

on large networks of contacts for help and infor-

developmental change, we focus on understand-

mation (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2011). This

ing how the increasing penetration of new media

theoretical approach encourages us to think about

in daily life shapes the ability of the individual

individualism not as a cultural syndrome of social

to meet his or her unique interests and concerns

isolation, but rather as one in which mobile indi-

during preadolescence, adolescence, and emerging

viduals connect with others via networks rather

adulthood. New media are defined primarily by

than stable social groups.

their interactivity and, it is important to note, are

Another theoretical approach, the media prac-

increasingly accessed on mobile devices. Because

tice model (Steele & Brown, 1995), also highlights

the transition from childhood to adulthood repre-

the agency of the individual with the increasing

sents an important and sensitive period in the life

specialization of media. This model builds on uses

span for both relationship and identity develop-

and gratifications theory (Rubin, 1994) in the field

ment (Erikson, 1968), we focus on how these spe-

of communication studies to focus specifically on

cific developmental tasks are shaped by new media

the use of media in the process of identity devel-

communication practices.

opment. Similar to uses and gratifications theory,

which encourages explorations into the personal

New Media: Definition and

motivations, preferences, needs, and contex-

Proliferation Around the World

tual demands that influence how people use and

“New” media are distinct from “old” media,

respond to media, the media practice model is

which include books, magazines, television, and

used to understand how individuals select, inter-

movies, in that they are more intensely interactive

act, interpret, and apply media content to explore

in ways previous media were not. This difference

their distinct identity concerns. Brown (2000) is readily apparent when comparing Internet and argues that media have become both more diverse

television use in the opening sketch. Consonant

and more specialized: from limited numbers of

with the media-practice model (Steele & Brown,

television channels and outlets in the 1950s to a

1995), the Arab family we interviewed selected

multiplicity of media content targeted to particular

television programming that reflected their ethnic

demographics, and now online forums that enable

identity and that resonated with the family’s (more

users to create their own media. These changes

traditional) experiences in the world. With new

have given youth increasing opportunities to use

media, more idiosyncratic identity concerns are

media to explore their distinctiveness in their social

projected onto the screen. Ahmad was immersed

worlds. Whereas the theoretical approach of Rainie

in his online world, personally controlling his

and Wellman (2012) helps to identify changes in

media experience by making his own choices and

the composition of social networks at the level of

clicking on links that immediately satisfied his

society, Steele and Brown (1995) illuminate how

personal interests. He also used his computer as

individuals actively select and interpret media an entertainment portal to interact with peers on in their daily lives to understand who they are.

Facebook. Consequently, media socialization and

These processes of identity exploration are impor-

peer socialization become more deeply entangled

tant components of individualism under modern

as youth co-construct their own media environ-

Gesellschaft conditions. Both theories are useful for

ments (Greenfield & Yan, 2006). As young people

exploring the developmental implications of new

engage with online content produced or recycled

communication technologies because they provide

by peers, they choose and interpret content that

details on facets of individualism that are particu-

resonates with who they are and what they believe;

larly relevant to media. Greenfield’s (2009) theory

and those selected encounters further shape their

makes predictions that both networked individu-

identity development.

alism and identity exploration are made possible

The interactivity of new media has a number of

or enhanced as technology advances and becomes

paradigm-shifting implications for communication

m a nago, gua n, gr eenfield

521

(Lister, Dovery, Giddings, Grant, & Kelly, 2009).

Table 32.1. Internet Penetration Around the World.

In contrast to old media, new media require users’

World Region

Internet Penetration

Growth

creative participation; this requirement changes

in 2012 (% of

2000–2012

patterns of production. Media conglomerates con-

population using

(%)

trol the creation and dissemination of information,

the Internet)

art, and entertainment using old media; individu-

als are at the helm using new media, producing

Africa

15.6

3,606.7

their own multimedia content online, expressing

Asia

27.5

841.9

themselves on blogs or social networking sites,

and directing their attention where and when they

Middle East

40.2

2,639.9

choose. All of these paradigm shifts in the new

Latin America/

42.9

1,310.8

media age of communication highlight the promi-

Caribbean

nence of individual agency and the expression of

personal needs, desires, and preferences as users

Europe

63.2

393.4

navigate and contribute to the real-time generation

Oceana/Australia

67.6

218.7

of flows of human expression in virtual space.

These virtual flows of human expression are

North America

78.6

153.3

widening to include a growing number of partic-

World Total

34.3

566.4

ipants. The spread of new media is evidenced by

the increasing rates of penetration of information

Data estimates from Miniwatts Marketing Group (2012 b).

and communication technologies (ICTs) in popula-

tions around the world. ICTs can be thought of

largely unaffordable in much of Africa (in stark con-

as the infrastructure of new media. They include

trast to Europe and North America), large jumps

hardware such as computers and mobile devices,

in mobile adoption will continue to occur in many

as well as Internet software such as email, instant

economically developing nations because mobile

messaging, blogs, forums, virtual gaming worlds,

broadband subscriptions are considerably cheaper

social networking sites, and other content-sharing

than fixed broadband subscriptions. Interestingly,

websites. Table 32.1 lists Internet penetration rates

in the United States, smartphone adoption does

in seven regions of the world and the change in

not differ by income or education among those

those rates from 2000 to 2012. Taking the United

under age 30, but Latino, African-American,

States as an example, 36.6% of households in the

low-income, and non-college going users are most

country in 1997 had access to a computer and 18%

likely to report using their mobile devices as their

had Internet access; by 2000, 51% of households

main source of Internet access (Zickuhr & Smith,

had access to a computer and 41.5% had Internet

2012). The growth of Internet-enabled mobile

access (Newburger, 2001). By 2012, the Internet

devices points to the potential for new media to

penetration rate in the United States was estimated

at 76.3% (Miniwatts Marketing Group, 2012 a).

Table 32.2.

Mobile Broadband Subscriptions

In Table 32.1, we see an unmistakable prolifera-

Around the World.

tion of ICTs and new media around the world,

World Region

Mobile Broadband Penetration

although a global digital divide is also clear; this

(% of population with

divide also includes vast inequalities in broadband

subscriptions)

speed in poorer regions of the globe (International

Africa

11 (93 million subscriptions)

Telecommunications Union [ITU], 2013).

Nonetheless, the region with the lowest Internet

Arab States

19 (71 million subscriptions)

penetration, Africa, also had the steepest growth

curve.

Asia-Pacific

22 (895 million subscriptions)

Another big wave of change is occurring with

CIS (Former Soviet 46 (129 million subscriptions)

Internet-enabled mobile devices. Mobile broad-

Republics)

band subscriptions have increased from 268 mil-

lion worldwide in 2007 to 2.1 billion in 2013 (ITU,

Americas

48 (460 million subscriptions)

2013). Table 32.2 lists broadband mobile device

Europe

68 (422 million subscriptions)

penetration in six different regions of the globe. The

Data estimates from International Telecommunications

ITU estimates that, although broadband remains

Union (2013).

522

neW medi a, soCi a l Ch a nge, a nd hu m a n dev eloPmenT

become an incessant presence in our lives, perme-

(Bandura, 2002). Also, in informal education,

ating daily activities and allowing people to remain

children and teenagers engage in opportunities for

“connected” and transient at the same time.

self-directed learning as they pursue and develop

How does this proliferation of communication

their unique interests online (Ito, 2010).

via new media technologies shift cultural practices,

However, unmitigated adoption of individu-

norms, meanings, and values that shape develop-

alistic values, beliefs, and practices leading to

ment? We first must acknowledge that the spread

individual empowerment is likely to be an overly

of new media complicates already problematic con-

simplified depiction of the developmental changes

ceptualizations of culture as something shared by a

occurring with technological changes in society.

homogenous group of people living in a particular

According to the media practice model and uses

locale. New media accelerate forces of globaliza-

and gratifications theory, the ways in which media

tion in which information, ideas, and people tra-

are used and how they influence people depend

verse geographic space, physical communities, and

on the motivations and values they bring to the

national boundaries faster and more efficiently than

encounter, as well as the environmental demands

ever before in human history. In fact, these circum-

that surround particular media use. For example,

stances are characteristic of Gesellschaft societies,

an experiment in Ethiopia showed that 1 year after

which have smaller, relatively more Gemeinschaft

a random sample of seventh and eighth graders

communities nested within them. Gesellschaft

received a laptop, they had significantly higher

societies influence one another through transpor-

levels of individualistic values and independent

tation systems and communication technologies

self-construals compared to those who received

(Greenfield, 2009). Old media, such as newspapers

no laptop or a laptop that stopped functioning

and television, initiated the transmission of ideas

(Hansen, Postmes, van der Vinne, & Thiel, 2012).

across physical communities, expanding people’s

Yet the two groups did not differ in their level of

provincial points of view to contexts outside their

collectivistic values, perhaps because Ethiopian

local experience (Lerner, 1958; Meyrowitz, 1985).

adolescents used the laptops in ways that also reso-

New media, with their on-demand access to a

nated and reaffirmed their collectivistic values.

perpetual flow of human expression, escalate the

In fact, researchers noted that those with laptops

potential for exposure to new horizons and give

often shared their computers with other children

youth more personal control in exploring them. We

who did not have laptops, potentially fostering

argue in this chapter that the interactivity afforded

cohesion and cooperation with others. Also, it is

by new media, combined with access to people and

important to note that there may be some draw-

information in diverse communities unrestricted

backs to the increased emphasis on the individual,

by physical propinquity, undermines permanent,

at least in highly individualistic Western cultures,

stable communities and interpersonal interdepen-

in that new media such as social networking sites

dence, while intensifying practices that nurture

can foster a preoccupation with the self and non-

individual agency and values for personal fulfill-

clinical forms of narcissism (Malikhao & Servaes,

ment in goals for development.

2011; Twenge, 2013).

Our aim in this chapter is to identify both new

New Media as Instruments of Sociocultural

opportunities and new challenges for development

Change in Youth Development

with the expansion of new media and also to intro-

We are certainly not the first to observe that

duce a global perspective on the issue by incorpo-

changes in communication technologies in the new

rating studies, when possible, on new media from

millennium yield a heightened emphasis on the

around the world. Although Greenfield’s theory

individual. As described earlier, networked individ-

predicts that new media will shift development in

ualism has been used in sociology to describe how

a common direction around the world, there may

ICTs facilitate the replacement of tight-knit and

also be cultural differences in how new media are

permanent face-to-face communities with person-

integrated into social life depending on the histori-

alized social networks centering on the individual

cal time points at which communities have shifted

(Rainie & Wellman, 2012). The worldwide spread

toward Gesellschaft conditions. The introduction

of “electronic communication” is thought to pro-

of new media into families such as Hadar’s, where

mote individual agency because successful adapta-

there has been a shift to Gesellschaft conditions in

tion to the information age requires high levels of

just one generation, will likely affect intergenera-

self-efficacy, self-regulation, and self-determination

tional relationships, and thus social development,

m a nago, gua n, gr eenfield

523

differently from the introduction of new media

description of individualism is also in line with the

in, say, Western locales where families have lived

concept of networked individualism (Rainie &

under more Gesellschaft sociodemographic condi-

Wellman, 2012).

tions for multiple generations.

When sociodemographic factors such as com-

The remainder of this chapter is divided into

munication technologies shift in a Gesellschaft

basic developmental tasks during the transition to

direction, they facilitate this individualistic form of

adulthood. We first review how new media shift

sociality. As we outline later, an important mecha-

the ways youth orient to a relatively wider world

nism by which this shift occurs in human devel-

of relationships outside the family in their journey

opment can be described in terms of the way new

to adulthood, and then we explore how new media

media orient youth to peers. Unrelated peers offer

influence the construction of a coherent sense of

symmetrical relational contexts that elicit individ-

self. We suggest that new media create new tasks in

ual negotiations and co-constructions of relation-

development that include learning to form mean-

ship terms, as opposed to relationships with kin

ingful relationships of both depth and breadth

that are determined by birth and subject to rules

within networks of social relations, rather than

determined by parental authority (Youniss, 1980).

within stable communities. Youth must also learn

Heightened access to peers and the ability to access

to construct coherent identities and a positive sense

social resources outside the family and physical

of self-worth from exploration and self-expression

community according to one’s personal desires

in these expansive social networks.

become a critical way in which new media may

drive human development toward an individualis-

tic approach to social relationships.

New Media and Relationship

Development

New Media and Family Relationships

How does the multiplication of technological

Although research in the early years of Internet

tools that function to facilitate human connectivity

adoption indicated that time spent online was

foster independence in development? It is important

detrimental to overall face-to-face social involve-

to first establish that individualism in Gesellschaft

ment (e.g., Kraut et al., 1998), evidence sug-

societies does not equate to individual isolation

gests that as the Internet and mobile devices have

or unmitigated autonomy. Humans are by nature

grown more embedded in the fabric of our lives,

social animals who live in some form of social

engagement with these technologies specifically

organization requiring cooperation. Collectivism

decreases youth involvement with the family at

denotes a form of social organization in which

home (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 2008). For

individuals have an interdependent self-construal

example, a study with a nationally representative

such that their well-being is inextricable from and

sample of teenagers in the United States found

overlapping with the well-being of the family or

that the more they used the Internet for recreation

clan, and thus the group is emphasized over indi-

and to communicate with peers, the less time they

vidual considerations (Markus & Kitayama, 1991;

spent with parents (Lee, 2008). Research in vari-

Triandis, 1993). As individualism increases, indi-

ous locales confirms findings in the United States

viduals begin to have a more independent self-con-

that Internet use is associated with lower levels

strual, such that well-being is understood to be a

of closeness between children and their parents.

matter of personal responsibility, and thus the goals

Surveys with a national sample of teenagers in New

and interests of the individual become prioritized

Zealand (Richards, McGee, Williams, Welch, &

over those of the social group. In highly individual-

Hancox, 2010); high school students in Ontario,

istic societies, individuals still forge interdependent

Canada (Willoughby, 2008); a national sample of

relationships, but they do so under the assumptions

Jewish and Arab teenagers in Israel (Mesch, 2003);

that (1) their participation in those relationships is

fourth and fifth graders in urban Korea (Lee &

determined by personal choice; (2) their involve-

Chae, 2007); and teenagers in Beijing China (Lei

ment hinges on whether the relationship meets

& Wu, 2007) all showed correlations between time

personal needs, including the need for social con-

spent online and lower levels of perceived close-

nection; and (3) the terms of engagement are nego-

ness to parents. An important caveat in the studies

tiated by separate and distinct individuals of equal

in Israel, China, and Korea, however, is that fre-

status who have fewer restrictions when it comes to

quency of Internet use for educational purposes, as

leaving and pursuing alternative relationships. This

opposed to using the Internet for entertainment or

524

neW medi a, soCi a l Ch a nge, a nd hu m a n dev eloPmenT

to socialize with friends, was not associated with

exemplifies the “looser” social connections that are

lower levels of parental closeness (Lee & Chae,

facilitated by Gesellschaft technologies. The pres-

2007; Lei & Wu, 2007; Mesch, 2003).

ence of communication technologies to stay in

We cannot infer causality from these stud-

touch from a distance can even serve as a rational-

ies, yet it is not hard to imagine from our open-

ization for physical separation, as one immigrant

ing anecdote that communication technologies Chinese parent rationalized in separating from offer adolescents more opportunities to meet their

her child, “when [my baby and I] are separated

needs for social bonding and leisure outside family

we will continue to have contact on telephone and

time at home. In fact, interviews with Norwegian

the Internet” (Bohr & Tse, 2009, p. 278). In this

teens suggest that increased orientation to peers via

way, families may be more likely to see individual

mobile devices comes at the expense of interactions

pursuits of opportunities in separate physical set-

with parents, thus undermining family rituals such

tings as an option for the future if they have new

as family get-togethers or meal times (Ling & Yttri,

media technologies at their disposal. Certainly,

2006). Moreover, data from a large online sample

new media can attenuate feelings of distance

in North America showed that the more preteen

when families are separated. For example, among

girls reported interacting with friends online, the

Chinese international students, open phone and

more they reported having friends their parents did

email communication with family members were

not approve of (Pea et al., 2012); these findings sug-

related to a greater sense of family cohesion, com-

gest that new media can facilitate personal choice

pared with students who did not have this com-

in peer relationships over adherence to parental

munication (Kline & Liu, 2005). However, media

wishes.

users perceive emotional bonding to be inferior in

To be sure, it is not the case that technology

technology-mediated communication compared to

has a direct causal effect on family relationships.

in-person communication (Sherman, Michikyan,

According to uses and gratification theory, the

& Greenfield, 2013). Moreover, physical separation

impact of new media technology on social life

socializes individualistic approaches to relation-

depends on how people use it and the goals and

ships (Keller, 2007).

values they bring to new media (see Bargh &

Some argue that new media and mobile devices

McKenna, 2004). There are certainly ways new

heighten parents’ abilities to keep tabs on their

media could be mobilized to facilitate family cohe-

adolescent children, stay abreast of their location,

siveness. For example, interactive gaming with and monitor their social media activities. However, parents has been shown to be conducive to family

new media and mobile devices are actually sources

bonding (Padilla-Walker, Coyne, & Fraser, 2012),

of increased negotiation and sometimes conflict in

social networking sites can help parents maintain

parent–child relationships, rather than sources of

connections with their children when they move

authoritarian surveillance (Ling & Yttri, 2006;

away to college (Padilla-Walker, Nelson, Carroll,

Mesch, 2012). A large-scale survey in the United

& Jensen, 2010), and new media such as email or

States shows that parents who “friend” their adoles-

Skype help international students and immigrant

cent on social networking sites have more conflicts

families stay in touch and maintain filial piety

with their child over social media use than those

with families in their home countries (Kline &

who do not (Lenhart et al., 2011). Negotiation

Liu, 2005).

and conflict are likely due to the increased agency

Yet, in all these instances, there remains an

new media technologies provide adolescents; this

overall direction of change in human development

increased agency then shifts the power dynamics in

toward individualism with increases in new media.

family relationships away from parental obedience.

Even though new media can be utilized for family

For example, teens adept at navigating the expand-

bonding, it is exceptionally more common to use

ing social media scene maintain profiles on mul-

old media with family members, such as watching

tiple social media sites to interact with peers away

television or movies together, than it is to do so via

from the potential surveillance of adults (Madden

online gaming or any other form of new media,

et al., 2013).

such as email or social networking sites (Padilla-

Mesch (2012) describes how Arab youth in Israel

Walker et al., 2012). Furthermore, maintaining

hide chat windows behind another parent-approved

technologically mediated social connections with

window when a parent approaches. With a variety

children moving away to college or with family

of tools at their fingertips, adolescents can be quite

members immigrating to distant locales precisely

skilled at hiding their new media activities from

m a nago, gua n, gr eenfield

525

parents (Rosen, 2007). This is especially likely to

inflict harm or discomfort on others” where the

be the case when children are more technologically

identity of the bully may or may not be known

savvy than parents, a situation that can attenuate

(Tokunaga, 2010, p. 278). In Tokunaga’s (2010)

parental authority in families such as Hadar’s who

review of research, as many as 53% of adolescents

are experiencing abrupt intergenerational shifts in

in US studies report being a victim of cyberbully-

technology. Indeed, Mesch (2006) found higher

ing, and they often hide bullying from parents.

levels of parent–child conflict among families in

The breadth of peer relationship experiences

Israel when adolescents reported being the Internet

that new media facilitate further speaks to indi-

expert in the family and when they reported more

vidualistic relationship development. The most vis-

frequent Internet use.

ited website in the world after Google is Facebook

(Alexa, 2012), used primarily by adolescents and

New Media and Peer Relationships

emerging adults to keep in touch with close friends,

The evidence is quite clear that as new media

as well as with larger spheres of friends of friends

spread, they become a conduit for youth to forge

or peers known from school and social activities

deeper ties with friends outside the family (Gross,

such as sports teams, clubs, summer camps, and

2004; Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 2008). travel abroad (Manago, Taylor, & Greenfield, Research also confirms this trend around the world;

2012; Reich, Subrahmanyam, & Espinoza, 2012).

for example, a longitudinal study in Singapore with

In accord with a uses and gratification theoretical

a national sample of 13-year-olds showed that, over

approach, there are likely to be cultural differences

the course of a year, increases in Internet use stimu-

in the use of social networking sites to accumulate

lated socializing with friends (Lee & Kuo, 2006).

social connections; one study showed that female

In their review of the literature, Valkenburg and

European-American Facebook users maintain

Peter (2011) conclude that new media nurture larger online networks and were more likely to adolescents’ orientation to peers because they give

express themselves in more public, less intimate

them the ability to circumnavigate restrictions such

ways than were female Japanese Mixi users (Barker

as lack of transportation or parental rules, so that

& Ota, 2011).

they can maintain continuous engagement with

Notwithstanding cultural differences, social

friends whenever they desire.

networking sites in general, whether it is Mixi in

Because new media communications are asyn-

Japan or Orkut in Brazil, make it possible for users

chronous and afford some level of audiovisual to conveniently establish a digital tie to larger num-anonymity, they can embolden youth to disclose

bers of friends than is possible in the offline world.

personal feelings or communicate concerns to Consequently, friendship in the age of new media their friends more easily than in face-to-face situ-connotes a more expansive, shallower, and more

ations (Davis, 2012; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007).

diverse understanding of the term compared to

Computer-mediated communication can thereby

notions of friendship in a culture before new media

scaffold the development of social skills within

(Amichai-Hamburger, Kingsbury, & Schneider,

symmetrical relationships. Evidence for this comes

2013). Moreover, inherent activities on any social

from a study in Bermuda, where adolescents networking site include creating a public profile and described how using social networking sites made

posting comments to the public “newsfeed,” which

it easier for them to express themselves to their

means communicating with large numbers of people

friends and thus fostered a heightened sense of peer

at once and also gathering information about people

belonging (Davis, 2012). Learning how to coopera-

one might not know very well (Ellison et al., 2011).

tively construct interpersonal closeness and mutual

In fact, acculturating to Facebook involves increas-

understanding through self-expression within sym-

ing orientation to public communications: Burke,

metrical relationships during adolescence will be

Marlow, and Lento (2009) used Facebook servers

necessary for coordinating chosen relationships in

to collect data among an international sample of

a new-media Gesellschaft environment.

140,000 new users and found that individuals began

Unfortunately, youth must also learn to negoti-

to share more publicly on status updates the more

ate negative peer experiences because a heightened

that people in their network did so.

orientation to peers also means vulnerability to

Although some may interpret sociality on social

cyberbullying, defined as “any behavior performed

networking sites as a superficial form of friendship,

through electronic media that repeatedly commu-

learning about, communicating with, and travers-

nicates hostile or aggressive messages intended to

ing through networks of individuals and groups is

526

neW medi a, soCi a l Ch a nge, a nd hu m a n dev eloPmenT

advantageous for pursuing personal interests while

circumstances. Mastering the external, seek-

still remaining interpersonally connected. In fact,

ing to influence others, and evoking an outward

social media sustain “customized sociality,” a form

effect through individual action and emotional

of social relatedness in which personal control expression are characteristic of individualism and personal convenience in human connectivity

(Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Weisz, Rothbaum,

is amplified (Manago & Vaughn, in press). For

& Blackburn, 1984). In collectivistic cultures

example, young people utilize social capital from

adapted to Gemeinschaft environments, an

large online networks to seek out information and

inwardly directed form of control that harmo-

other resources at their command, make connec-

nizes, rather than influences the outer world, is

tions to groups they have a personal interest in

more common. Technology essentially extends

but may not have access to in their physical com-

the scope of humans’ capacity to devise more elab-

munities, or broadcast calls for social support to a

orate tools for harnessing resources and altering

web of potential participants (Ellison et al., 2011).

environments to meet personal needs and desires.

Importantly, customizing one’s social resources by

Indeed, “change the world” is a ubiquitous phrase

building social capital via social media requires that

in Silicon Valley, the staging ground for new

users engage in some level of public self-expression

media (Packer, 2013). In the next two subsections,

(Burke, Marlowe, & Lento, 2010). This is a highly

we describe how increased control of external cir-

individualistic form of communication with impli-

cumstances afforded by new media technologies

cations for identity development, a topic to which

plays out in two important processes of identity

we now turn.

development in individualistic Gesellschaft societ-

ies: exploration and self-expression.

New Media and Identity Development

Broadcasting one’s thoughts, feelings, opin-

Control and Exploration

ions, and image to online audiences represents the

Old media, such as books, newspapers, and

next iteration of an individualistic style of com-

television, have long been part of the infrastructure

munication in the digital age. Communication

in relatively more Gesellschaft environments con-

in individualistic cultures has been characterized

ducive to identity exploration. Individual explora-

as direct, open, and geared to self-expression, as

tion of beliefs, values, interests, relationships, and

opposed to the kind of communication exempli-

adult roles during identity development is desirable

fied in Hadar’s description of traditional prac-

when personal choice, freedom, fulfillment, and

tices surrounding the drinking of tea—indirect,

equality are valued; when multiple perspectives

implicit, and geared toward mitigating group dis-

are available; and when flexibility in adult roles

cord (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1986). As new media

is feasible (Arnett, 2010; Phinney & Baldelomar,

users attend to ongoing streams of 140-character

2011). Old media instigated exposure to multiple

Tweets, post their current mood on a Facebook

perspectives and gave youth from different walks

status update, or comment on a YouTube video,

of life channels for imagining a variety of possibili-

the scale of human self-expression escalates. ties in adult roles. The advent of television provided Communication practices that increasingly various social groups with equal access to informa-emphasize giving voice to personal feelings and

tion and points of view, the rich and poor, children

thoughts signify heightened levels of personal

and adults, women and men, cultural insiders and

exploration in the process of identity develop-

outsiders, ethnic majority and minority members

ment. They also signify a shift away from forms

(Meyrowitz, 1985).

of identity that are ascribed by birth, developed

Television also helps to transform identity dur-

through participation in a kin group, and tied to

ing the acculturation process; immigrants come

the land in Gemeinschaft environments. Youth

to a different understanding of themselves in the

instead are using new media more agentically to

world as they use media programming to gain

construct their identities by contributing to and

insights into the values and conventions of their

exploring multiple virtual landscapes of human

host society (e.g., Reece & Palmgreen, 2000). In

expression online.

these ways, old media began to break down cul-

An important thread tying together aspects

tural and social group boundaries and limitations;

of exploration and self-expression in processes however, old media, along with the information, of identity development via new media is the

messages, and values they imparted, were still con-

magnification of individual control of outer trolled by those with the means to produce and m a nago, gua n, gr eenfield

527

distribute information and entertainment. New their own information and content (Matsaganis, media democratize not just access, but also the

Katz, & Ball-Rokeach, 2010). Individuals them-

production and distribution of human expression,

selves drive the discourse by exchanging messages

thus dispersing control to individuals (Lister et al.,

and uploading photos. Also indicative of change

2009).

toward increasing individual agency is the way that

Under these circumstances, identity exploration

solidarity and intersubjectivity on these diasporic

becomes increasingly oriented to creative and col-

“cybervillages” do not derive from common kinship

laborative co-constructions of meaning. Youth in

or shared geographical space, but from “network-

the midst of identity exploration are exposed to the

ing” (e.g. Parham, 2004). That is, individuals use

lives and perspectives of different social groups and,

diaspora websites to actively seek others who share

furthermore, have a hand in shaping what those

common interests, viewpoints, or ideologies stem-

lives look like. For example, lesbian, gay, bisexual,

ming from similar cultural backgrounds. Through

transsexual (LGBT) youth in rural America con-

exploration and participation in these websites, the

nect with LGBT communities in Internet forums

content of ethnic identities becomes more abstract,

to learn about other LGBT individuals and also to

symbolic, and co-constructed.

contribute their own experiences in forum discus-

Additionally, similar to the way LGBT youth in

sions, thus co-constructing definitions of sexually

rural America may be empowered by new media to

queer identities (Gray, 2009). Ito (2010) describes

find similar others, children of immigrant families

how one young Chinese-American man devel-

can use new media to connect to peers in countries

oped his unique niche interest in Japanese anime

of origin in ways that shape identity formation pro-

by posting to international anime news forums

cesses. This may be especially relevant to second-

and creating his own anime music videos. Another

and third-generation adolescents who may have

study illustrated how ethnic minority adolescents

a weaker direct link to their countries of origin

create groups on Facebook to communicate with

yet are struggling for self-definition in countries

others interested in civic engagement around con-

where they are still marked as “forever foreigners”

temporary race relations (Tynes, Garcia, Giang,

by appearance (Zhou, 2004). Computer-mediated

& Coleman, 2010). As they participate in online

communication with peers in countries of origin

public discussions, they collaborate to define and

can serve a symbolic function in constructing

broadcast the issues ethnic minorities face, thereby

cultural identities and values. This possibility of

elaborating on their self-concepts as ethnic minori-

cyberconnection with the ancestral country grants

ties on their own terms.

immigrant youth higher levels of control over their

Social identities, such as ethnic identities, social settings and increases their range of identity were formerly forged through shared experiences

choices.

in physical space but are now constructed sym-

Rich illustrations of how ethnic identities are

bolically through mass media communications

symbolically constructed online come from youth

and, most recently, via online networking. Old

themselves. Bae (2010) describes Korean-American

media, illustrated by the Arabic television series

teenager Eunbi’s home page (hompi) on the

in the opening sketch of Hadar’s home, reflect

Korean social networking site Cyworld. Eunbi’s

national, ethnic, gender, and class issues that

hompi includes photographs of herself using typi-

define the identities of its ethnic viewers (Mayer,

cal Korean feminine hand gestures that partially

2003). These ethnic programs are resources used

cover the face to make it appear smaller and that

to elaborate on social identities in the absence of

signal cuteness and coquettishness. In a follow-up

physical communities. Mexican-American girls

interview, Eunbi states that she does not post these

and their relatives in Mexico, for example, can

kinds of photos on the social networking site she

become part of an “interpretive community” in

uses with her American friends—there she prefers

which bonds can be maintained at a physical dis-

“a stylish, mature, and sophisticated look;” how-

tance through shared interest in and discussion

ever, she posts the gesture photos on Cyworld to

of the latest drama on their favorite telenovela

“act like a cute girl as I did in Korea in the past. So

(Mayer, 2003).

that I can still share with my friends in Korea …

New media, notably diasporic websites, give This gesture confirms that we are Korean girls …

users the opportunity to do more than inter-

A lot of Korean models and actresses also pursue

pret mass-produced ethnic media programming

this goal in photos” (p. 101–102). Immigrant youth

together; they allow users to produce and share

such as Eunbi are exploring and expressing their

528

neW medi a, soCi a l Ch a nge, a nd hu m a n dev eloPmenT

bicultural social identities online by experimenting

control over self-expression because digitally medi-

with iconic representations and also incorporating

ated communication is asynchronous, allowing for

ethnic symbols curated from popular culture on

pause, reflection, and editing; it offers choice in the

the Internet.

richness of audiovisual cues that transmit informa-

When identity development is freed from the

tion about one’s identity (Do I want to upload a

constraints of physical space and is instead con-

video of myself on YouTube, post a photo of myself

structed through explorations in cyberspace, bicul-

on Facebook that hides my face, tweet to my

tural, transnational, or hybrid identities emerge

friends, or blog anonymously?; see Valkenburg &

(Mitra, 2006). Users of diasporic websites are Peter, 2011). Given these affordances, youth actively not necessarily creating identities that align with

manipulate and control the identities they project

host or home country, but instead constructing a

to audiences on new media websites (Manago,

third identity that is forged in the virtual space

Graham, Greenfield, & Salimkhan, 2008; Zhao,

between two physical places. Hybrid identities Grasmuck, & Martin, 2008). They craft their may be particularly relevant for young women in

profiles for particular audiences, choose flattering

traditional societies who negotiate a more restric-

pictures, and select clever comments. Control does

tive and limiting sense of self in their local context

not necessarily translate into false identities online,

while online they exhibit a more expressive identity

but rather, it is about increased capability to mani-

that challenges cultural restrictions (Mitra, 2004).

cure a reflection of the self that one consciously

For example, some Arab girls from Qatar create

desires to project. Moreover, increased control may

“fantastical, fabricated identities” on Facebook intensify young people’s capacity to imagine pos-to “express their unspoken desires,” unfulfilled sible selves, reify those idealized selves into a digital in their offline lives (Leage & Chalmers, 2010).

format, and circulate them within online networks

Others maintain two profiles, one on MySpace and

(Manago et al., 2008).

one on an ethnic-specific site. On MySpace, one

Circulation of manicured selves in social spaces

girl posts photos of herself going to concerts with

is an important component to identity develop-

friends, and on the ethnic-specific site, she posts

ment via self-expression using new media. Online

information appropriate to the more traditional

audiences contribute commentary to online per-

culture shared by friends on that site; for example

formances that corroborate and add legitimacy to

she is more modest and refrains from posting pho-

online identity claims (boyd & Heer, 2006). Also,

tos of herself.

the more frequently and elaborately facets of the

The development of hybrid or bifurcated iden-

self are shared with others, the more likely those

tities speaks to how media provide the tools for

qualities are internalized and integrated into one’s

individuals to control their self-expressions as they

self-concept (Baumeister, 1986). Thus, online pub-

navigate and explore multiple and separate com-

lic expressions are a way to seek feedback from an

munities on- and offline. Hybrid identities also

audience of sounding boards in the process of rei-

speak to the way in which cultural meanings and

fying a self one desires to be. One study with Dutch

values can persist via new media; as the media

adolescents showed boosts in self-esteem with pos-

practice model (Steele & Brown, 1995) would sug-

itive comments in response to online expressions

gest, youth bring to media the values and moti-

in social networking sites (Valkenburg, Peter, &

vations rooted in their ethnic identities. Online

Schouten, 2006). Other studies have found that

self-expression is an opportunity to elaborate one’s

receiving attention for one’s status updates is an

values and interests in exploring the self, and it also

important source of social support for college

presents an opportunity to reify the kind of person

youth in the millennial generation (Deters &

one might imagine oneself to be.

Mehl, 2012; Manago et al., 2012). Online feed-

back may be received even more intensely than

Control and Self-Expression

offline feedback because of its digital resonance

New media technologies not only create new

and replicability—that is, online commentaries

possibilities for individuals to control the condi-

have a permanence that offline utterances do not

tions of their external social environments, but they

have, and they can be shared and distributed more

also provide them with the wherewithal to control

widely (boyd, 2008).

external manifestations of the self. To exist online

This public nature of online self-expressions

is to “write oneself into being” (boyd, 2008). Youth

may intensify a self-consciousness regard-

using new media employ a heightened level of

ing how one appears to others during identity

m a nago, gua n, gr eenfield

529

development. For example, emerging adults using

has found that fame is a salient value in their future

Twitter showed elaborate and complex consider-

goals and seems to be internalized from engage-

ations of their online reputations, which included

ment with the popular culture associated with new

desires to project their everyday lived experience

media (Uhls & Greenfield, 2012).

into cyberspace and be perceived as “authentic”

Manago (2014) has proposed that increasing

(Marwick & boyd, 2010). They were also expe-

messages about fame and celebrity in popular

riencing what the authors call “context collapse,”

media (Uhls & Greenfield, 2011), combined with

the consolidation of all one’s social connections

new capabilities to manicure and broadcast the

into one amorphous audience of diverse values,

self to large online audiences, promotes a form of

opinions, and perspectives so that it is impossible

identity development that increasingly looks like

to target one’s communications to a particular

a branding of the self, similar to a commercially

listener. For this reason, the recipient of one’s

advertised product. On the one hand, this could

communications is an “imagined audience” mak-

be positive for identity consolidation: enhanced

ing the interpersonal connection increasingly dis-

capacities for personal exploration and com-

tant, abstract, present for personal gratification,

mitment to public articulations of the self to

and imagined for the purpose of one’s own need

(real or imagined) audiences could promote a

to be heard.

coherent and stable sense of self. On the other

Imagined audiences may explain why simply

hand, branding the self may be driving youth to

“writing oneself into being” online, even with-

increasingly value themselves based on external

out the feedback, can lead to higher levels of appearances. In fact, frequency of photo sharing self-esteem. A correlational study found that colon Facebook correlated with increased central-

lege students who report using Facebook to pres-

ity of appearance and social approval in one’s

ent themselves favorably (i.e., “I only show the

self-worth among a sample of North American

happy side of me”) feel better about themselves

college students (Stefanone, Lackaff, & Rosen,

and their lives compared to those who do not pres-

2011). Privately based standards of self-worth,

ent themselves favorably (Kim & Lee, 2011). Two

such as virtue and family, were negatively corre-

experimental studies showed that college students

lated with Facebook use.

assigned to a task in the presence of their Facebook

Facebook use also provokes social compari-

profile (Gonzales & Hancock, 2011) or asked son among young people such that people tend to write about their Facebook profile (Gentile,

to feel worse about themselves the more they

Twenge, Freeman, & Campbell, 2012) had higher

observe self-promotional content on Facebook

levels of self-esteem after the manipulation com-

(Haferkamp & Kramer, 2011). Among 15-year-old

pared to participants in control groups. The girls in Australia, Internet use is associated with authors of these studies interpret their findings by

appearance comparison and body dissatisfaction

suggesting that participants were likely experienc-

(Tiggemann & Miller, 2010). Studies on new

ing a polished version of themselves occupying a

media and preoccupation with external appear-

virtual public social space.

ances in identity development have been mostly

Studies such as these have led some to specu-

conducted among more individualistic samples

late that new media have increased narcissism in

in the West with longer histories of Gesellschaft

the millennium generation in the United States

conditions; however, they may be the “canaries in

(Malikhao & Servaes, 2011; Twenge, 2013).

the coal mine,” alerting us to the potential pitfalls

Indeed, there are correlations between narcissis-

of new media as they spread around the world.

tic personality and Facebook use among college

Future digital generations will face an important

students in Western countries such as Canada task in development to balance online expressions (Mehdizadeh, 2010) and Australia (Ryan & Xenos,

and branding of the self with close face-to-face

2011), and it is most strongly associated with using

relationships offline. Although it will be increas-

Facebook to post status updates and pictures of

ingly adaptive to move dexterously through vari-

oneself. One study with Chinese university stu-

ous social communities and utilize online tools

dents also found associations between narcissistic

to manifest the type of person one would like to

personality and the frequency with which users

become, well-being may also depend on youth

post status updates and upload attractive photos

being engaged in committed, close relationships

(Wang, Jackson, Zhang, & Su, 2012). Even among

that are not contingent upon being an attractive

10- to 12-year-olds, research in the United States

persona in cyberspace.

530

neW medi a, soCi a l Ch a nge, a nd hu m a n dev eloPmenT

Conclusion

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neW medi a, soCi a l Ch a nge, a nd hu m a n dev eloPmenT

C H A P T E R

Social Mobility in the Transition

33 to Adulthood: Educational Systems,

Career Entry, and Individual Agency

Jutta Heckhausen and Jacob Shane

Abstract

In this chapter, the authors merge lifespan motivational theory with empirical studies to il ustrate how societal opportunities and constraints to social mobility influence individuals’ striving to attain socioeconomic status. The authors begin by outlining key propositions of the motivational theory of lifespan development. They then discuss current and historical societal conditions and belief systems regarding social inequality and social mobility and how these belief systems impact individuals’ active attempts to regulate their own development. Subsequently, the authors focus on the transition from adolescence to adulthood and consider in greater detail possible avenues to social mobility. In particular, they discuss how paths to social mobility are constituted by educational and vocational training systems and how these paths are shaped by societal conditions and belief systems.

Key Words: socioeconomic status, social mobility, adolescence, adulthood, motivation We open this chapter by reporting on the

nearly everyone was expected to attend some form

experiences of Jacob Shane, the second author

of postsecondary education.

of this piece, as he transitioned back and forth

When my family moved to New Zealand, the

between two countries during his formative

messages changed. I entered school during what

years of late adolescence. This report sets the

would be 10th grade in the American school

stage for our reflections about how society struc-

system, and although the teachers were just as

tures the boundary conditions of social mobility

encouraging as those I encountered in America,

in the transition to adulthood. Here is Jacob’s

the expectation that all students would continue

experience:

their education was noticeably absent. Indeed,

this was the final year of required education in

Looking back on my adolescence growing up in the

the New Zealand school system. The entire school

United States and New Zealand, I experienced two

year was devoted to preparing for the final exams,

different education systems that in turn directed

after which time students would choose to remain

me toward two very different paths toward future

in school with the intention of gaining vocational

socioeconomic status. In the United States, my

training or attending university, or they would

teachers would constantly reinforce the idea that

leave school altogether and enter the work force.

I could achieve whatever I wanted in life, so long

To the chagrin of my parents, I chose the latter and

as I worked hard and developed the ability needed

began working at a gas station after passing my

to succeed. This was the mentality of the American

final exams. My family decided to move back to

school system, seemingly aimed at fostering

America shortly after, at which point I re-entered

self-confidence and overly ambitious goal striving.

the American school system, progressed through

Everyone was expected to finish high school, and

high school, university, and postgraduate training.

535

Although the quality of education I received

in the action fields provided by a given society

in New Zealand was similar to the education I

include: How extensive are the differences in access

received in the United States, the subtle differences

to resources between people at the top and at the

between societal expectations for pursuing higher

bottom of the social ladder? Is it feasible for an indi-

education between the two countries pushed me

vidual to climb the social ladder, and do some hold

toward radically different paths for social mobility.

an advantage over others in this endeavor? When is

Had my family stayed in New Zealand, I would

the best time in life to attempt such a climb? And

have most likely remained working service jobs,

if one has missed the best time for social climb-

perhaps with the hope of eventually owning my

ing, can one catch up later in adulthood? Which

own business. Instead, my family decided to return

factors determine whether one is successful or not

to the United States, where the societal pressure

in climbing the ladder or avoiding a fall down the

to pursue higher education pushed me toward the

ladder? Is moving up in society mostly due to an

roughly 12 additional years of schooling I received

individual’s capacities and strivings, or mostly due

in an effort to become a professor. In both cases,

to having the right kind of social support, or is it a

the choice of how far I wanted to pursue education

matter of luck?

and what career I wanted to attain was ultimately

Different societies answer these questions dif-

mine to make, but the different and expectations

ferently, and it stands to reason that individuals in

altered my educational and career goals, in turn

these societies are influenced accordingly in their

impacting my social mobility as I transitioned into

objective opportunities, as well as in their belief

adulthood.

systems about inequality, what constitutes success

in life, and how to actively strive for a successful

Chapter Preview

life. Although this is a new area of inquiry, we

Modern lifespan developmental psychology already have some initial empirical evidence from sees individuals as active agents in shaping their

life course sociology and lifespan developmen-

own development and life course (Heckhausen,

tal psychology to begin to answer some of these

1999; Lerner & Busch-Rossnagel, 1981). This questions.

emphasis on individuals’ role in shaping their

In this chapter, we first briefly present our moti-

own life converges with 20th- and 21st-century

vational theory of lifespan development with its

cultural belief systems widely shared in Western

specific propositions about individual goal engage-

industrialized societies and particularly in the ment and disengagement with developmental United States, the homeland of the “American

goals. We then discuss the general societal condi-

Dream.” However, this notion of individuals as

tions and belief systems regarding social inequal-

active agents who directly contribute to their own

ity and social mobility. Subsequently, we zero in on

development is not a given and is not common to

the transition from adolescence to adulthood and

all human societies. Instead, this belief system is

consider in greater detail possible avenues to social

conditioned by the society in which the individual

mobility, including the educational and vocational

lives. Societies, with their social structures, educa-

training system. Throughout the chapter, we use

tional and employment institutions, and belief sys-

the examples of Germany and the United States to

tems about what constitutes a successful life and

illustrate universalities and differences in the action

how to attain success in life, set the limits but also

fields that societies provide for development-related

serve as scaffolds of individuals’ agency in shaping

goal striving. At first glance, these two countries

their life course. These societal influences shape

may not seem so very different in their social struc-

individuals’ action fields by providing specific ture and belief systems. However, there are some opportunities and constraints at different times

critical differences between the United States and

in life and for different social groups, such as for

Germany in the scope of social inequality; their

men and women; younger, middle-aged, and older

educational institutions, vocational training, and

adults; and people coming from low, middle-class,

the canalization of careers; and in common belief

and high social status.

systems about social inequality and social mobil-

Considering social mobility, the focus of this

ity. Collectively, these differences render these two

chapter, societies vary greatly over time and across

countries interesting counterparts for comparison;

the globe in important parameters of their citizens’

however, they by no means completely capture

action fields. Important questions to consider when

the diverse strategies individuals adopt across all

assessing the opportunities and constraints present

societies.

536

soCi a l moBiliT y in T he Tr a nsiT ion To a du lT hood

Motivation and Individual Agency

addresses the way in which control striving is

in Lifespan Development

sequentially organized into action phases of goal

According to our theoretical approach, indi-

engagement and disengagement. After selecting a

vidual agency can be described in terms of two

particular goal (e.g., to try to obtain admission in

basic characteristics: (1) the striving for control

a 4-year college), the individual should mobilize all

of the environment (i.e., primary control) and of

behavioral and motivational resources to pursue

oneself (i.e., secondary control) and (2) the orga-

the goal (phase of goal engagement). Then, when

nization of behavior into goal engagement and

opportunities are declining below a critical point or

goal disengagement cycles (Heckhausen, 2011; costs for further goal pursuit become prohibitive, Heckhausen & Heckhausen, 2010; Heckhausen,

the individual should disengage from the goal and,

Wrosch, & Schulz, 2010).1 This coordinated moti-

as needed, use compensatory secondary control

vational system allows individuals to actively influ-

strategies of self-protection. Disengagement will set

ence their own development across the lifespan.

free resources for engagement with new or adjusted

The motivational theory of lifespan development con-

goals that are attainable.

ceptualizes this process and has generated a sub-

stantial amount of empirical evidence in support of

Primacy of Primary Control Striving

a number of the theory’s central propositions (for

Building on earlier theory (Rothbaum, Weisz, &

review, see Heckhausen et al., 2010). Here is a suc-

Snyder, 1982), the motivational theory of lifespan

cinct summary of the four major theoretical propo-

development distinguishes between control striv-

sitions, followed by a more detailed discussion of

ings directed toward the external environment (pri-

relevant aspects.

mary control strivings, “change the world”) and

First, the theory proposes that striving to con-

motivational strategies directed toward the self, its

trol one’s environment is fundamental for adaptive

goals, cognitions, and emotions (secondary con-

functioning in general and development across the

trol strivings, “change the self”; see Heckhausen &

lifespan in particular. This striving for primary

Schulz, 1995; Heckhausen et al., 2010). These

control encompasses striving to control one’s own

motivational strategies are mutually reinforcing,

developmental future (e.g., educational degree, allowing individuals to sustain commitment to or career).

discretely disengage from an ongoing goal pursuit.

The second major proposition reflects three For instance, while actively pursuing a goal, indi-lifespan trajectories: (1) the capacity for pri-

viduals can strengthen their volitional commitment

mary control follows an inverted U-shape (rapid

by enhancing the perceived opportunity for and

increase in early life, peak in midlife, decrease in

their personal control over attaining the pursued

old age), (2) primary control striving is stable and

goal (Gollwitzer, Heckhausen, & Stellar, 1990;

highly desirable across the lifespan, and (3) sec-

Gollwitzer & Kinney, 1989; Heckhausen, 1999;

ondary control striving (i.e., directed at self, see

Heckhausen & Gollwitzer, 1987; Heckhausen &

more details in the section “Lifespan Trajectories

Heckhausen, 2010). These selective secondary

and Congruence Between Control Striving and

control strategies (Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995)

Control Opportunities”) increases with socioemo-

facilitate the individual’s goal-directed investment

tional and cognitive maturation and the increasing

of thought and effort (selective primary control

need to compensate for failure and control for loss

strivings), particularly during times of change

in advanced age.

or uncertainty (Hall, Perry, Ruthig, Hladkyj, &

The third proposition is that individuals’ Chipperfield, 2006; Poulin & Heckhausen, 2007).

attempts to regulate their development are most

To help illustrate this, consider Mary, a hypotheti-

effective when their control strivings are congru-

cal American who recently graduated from a uni-

ent with opportunities for goal attainment at the

versity with a degree in biology and a career goal

given time in the lifespan. This includes specific

of becoming a physician. After selecting this career

institutional and structural characteristics of a goal, Mary may selectively engage with attain-given society. Thus, to be successful, individuals

ing her career goal by taking the medical school

have to carefully optimize their selection of goals

entrance exams (MCAT) and applying to medical

to reflect the best fit with age-graded opportunities

schools (selective primary control strategies), tell-

in society.

ing herself that she has the skills needed to become

Finally, the fourth major proposition of the a physician (selective secondary control strategies).

motivational theory of lifespan development These selective engagement strategies increase the heCK h ausen, sh a ne

537

chances that Mary will successfully attain her to maintain their motivational resources and then career goal of becoming a physician.

direct these motivational resources toward future

goal pursuits. Indeed, goal disengagement is a pow-

Lifespan Trajectories and Congruence

erful component of individuals’ long-term capac-

Between Control Striving and

ity to influence their own development (Wrosch,

Control Opportunities

Scheier, Carver, & Schulz, 2003).

Of course, not all goals are attainable. Indeed,

Primary control striving remains a stable

motivational theory contends that the most adaptive

source of motivation throughout the life course

developmental goal pursuits are those that have an

(see stable line for primary control striving in

intermediate level of success/failure (McClelland,

Figure 33.1), whereas the goals that individuals

1961). Thus, individuals must develop strategies to

pursue with their primary control striving are gen-

compensate for inevitable failures experienced in

erally adjusted to an individual’s available primary

goal pursuits. Examples of compensation strate-

control capacity at a given point in the life course.

gies include seeking help or alternative means to

When considering the transition to adulthood,

attain the goal (compensatory primary control) or

individuals are experiencing a rapidly increasing

downwardly adjusting the pursued goal to some-

capacity to control the attainment of their pursued

thing more attainable, disengaging altogether from

goals (see curvilinear increasing curve for primary

the goal, discounting the value of the previously

control capacity in Figure 33.1). In addition, indi-

pursued goal, or using downward social compari-

viduals are also learning secondary control strate-

sons (compensatory secondary control strategies;

gies that will allow them greater control over the

see Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995). Returning to our

regulation of their motivational commitment or

hypothetical American example, if Mary experi-

disengagement from goal pursuits (see linearly

ences setbacks or failures in her pursuit of becom-

increasing curve for secondary control strategies

ing a physician, she will need to compensate in

in Figure 33.1). Despite this general increase in

order to maintain her motivational resources that

individuals’ capacity to regulate their development

can then be directed toward future goal pursuits.

as they transition into adulthood, specific goal

For instance, after being rejected by all the medical

pursuits (e.g., finishing education, having a child,

schools she applied to, Mary may seek help from

entering a career) need to be adjusted to both the

others and enroll in an entrance-exam preparation

individual’s age- and social-graded control poten-

course (compensatory primary control strategies)

tial (Heckhausen, 1999). The opportunities to

or downplay the importance of becoming a physi-

obtain most important life goals follow a general

cian and adjust her career goal to something more

pattern of increasing, peaking, and then decreas-

attainable, such as a physician’s assistant (compen-

ing opportunity. Thus, individuals must respond

satory secondary control strategies). The capacity

to the constraints to and opportunities of goal pur-

to disengage from goal pursuits allows individuals

suit enacted through biological maturation (e.g.,

Primary control

striving

Primary

control

capacity

Secondary

control striving

Childhood

Midlife

Old age

Fig. 33.1 Hypothetical lifespan trajectories for primary control capacity and primary and secondary control striving (adapted from Heckhausen, 1999).

538

soCi a l moBiliT y in T he Tr a nsiT ion To a du lT hood

the “biological clock” and childbearing) and soci-

The societal facilitation of developmen-

etal institutions (e.g., the age-graded structure of

tal goal pursuits allows individuals to pursue

the education system).

age-appropriate (on-time) goals with less effort and

less constraints than age-inappropriate (off-time)

how congRUence pLayS oUt foR

goal pursuits. Thus, individuals’ engagement

deVeLopmentaL RegULation

toward on-time goal pursuits is congruent with

Social, cultural, and economic constraints societal opportunities, making goal engagement direct individuals toward particular develop-strategies generally adaptive.

mental goal pursuits and are tightly tied to an

individual’s age, both in terms of biological and

Action Phases of Engagement

maturation processes and in terms of expected and Disengagement with

behavior patterns for different age groups (Baltes,

Developmental Goals

1987; Heckhausen, 1999). In effect, individu-

The action-phase model of developmental regula-

als internalize societal norms regarding what tion has been developed in the context of the moti-goal pursuits are appropriate for different ages in

vational theory of lifespan development to generate

the lifespan, in turn directing their personal goal

specific predictions about the control strategies used

engagement toward these age-appropriate goal to pursue or deactivate goals at different phases in pursuits (Neugarten, Moore, & Lowe, 1965). The

the lifespan (Heckhausen, 1999; Heckhausen et al.,

age-graded goals that societal norms and con-

2010). People try to influence their own develop-

straints direct individuals toward are referred to as

ment by selecting important developmental goals

developmental tasks (Havighurst, 1948) or devel-

to pursue, actively engaging their behavioral and

opmental goals (Heckhausen, 1999), and these motivational resources with these goals, and then, parallel individuals’ lifespan trajectories of primary

when opportunities dwindle or costs become for-

control capacity (Figure 33.1). These maturation

midable, disengaging and adjusting or reselecting

and aging processes are reflected in the expecta-

new goals to engage with. This sequence comprises

tions society has for appropriate goal pursuits at

what we call the cycle of action phases in develop-

particular points in the lifespan. In turn, societal

mental regulation (Figure 33.2).

norms and institutions direct goal choice by pro-

In the first phase of the action phase cycle, indi-

viding age-graded opportunities to pursue develop-

viduals need to select an appropriate goal to pursue.

mental “on-time” goals and age-graded constraints

Optimized goal selection can be attained by using

to hinder the pursuit of “off-time” goals. For exam-

certain heuristics for goal choice (Heckhausen

ple, while pursuing a higher education degree after

et al., 2010). We have already discussed the first

one has transitioned into adulthood can produce

optimization heuristic (goal–opportunity congru-

positive results, it will require additional effort and

ence), that motivational strategies are not adaptive

increasingly conflict with other important develop-

in and of themselves; instead, motivational strate-

mental goal pursuits (e.g., family building).

gies become adaptive when they are congruent with

Rubicon:

Deadline:

Goal decision

Loss of opportunities

Goal engagement

Not urgent

Urgent

After failure:

Compensatory

Optimize

Selective

Increased selective

secondary control

opportunity match,

primary control

primary and

consequences and

Selective

secondary control

diversity

secondary control

Compensatory

After success:

primary control

Capitalize on

success;

New action cycle

Fig. 33.2 Action phase model of developmental regulation (adapted from Heckhausen, 1999).

heCK h ausen, sh a ne

539

an individual’s capacity to control the attainment

& Smith, 1986; and, more generally, Berger &

of a given goal. The second optimization heuristic

Luckmann, 1966).

(consider interdomain and long-term consequences)

Dominant societal ideologies about social

is that goal pursuits should have positive (or at least

inequality and mobility vary diachronically across

nondetrimental) effects on individuals’ capacity human history and synchronically across different to pursue important developmental goals in other

societies at the same historical time. The following

domains of their lives or in the longer term future.

sections of this chapter discuss historical emergence

In this way, individuals should maintain synergy

and cross-national variation of social inequality

between goal pursuits in order to maximize the

and its reflection in commonly held beliefs about

effectiveness of their limited motivational resources.

both the sources of inequality and the potential

For example, consider a middle-class American and means of social mobility.

married man with children and his investment of

motivational resources into his career development.

Social Inequality, Social Mobility,

This man’s investment of motivational resources

and Societal Belief Systems

toward career goals would be considered adaptive to

Through Human History

the extent that it has a long-term positive (or at least

In this section, we pull together work from

nondetrimental) impact on his relationships with

different disciplines in the social and behavioral

his wife and children. The third optimization heu-

sciences, such as evolutionary psychology, anthro-

ristic (diversity of goals) is that individuals should

pology, sociology, and archeology, to outline the

not become too specialized or narrow in their goal

past and present of social inequality. In this dis-

pursuits. Instead, individuals should maintain a cussion, we juxtapose “objective” social inequality range of goal pursuits across important life domains

and social constructions of social inequality as they

(goal diversity). This heuristic prevents individuals

pertain to different societies at different points in

from becoming overly dependent on attainment of

human history.

a given goal and provides greater long-term develop-

mental potential by allowing individuals to simul-

A Brief History of Social Inequality

taneously develop across multiple life domains.

Social inequality and social mobility are not a

In the words of Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra given in human communities. Many ancestral and (1605/1615), “It is the part of a wise man to keep

existing (e.g., the !Kung in the Kalahari, the Inuit in

himself today for tomorrow, and not venture all his

the Arctic, Indigenous Australians) hunter-gatherer

eggs in one basket.”

societies are egalitarian, sharing and communally

using all important resources, providing generally

Implications for Individual

equal status yet differentiated labor roles for men

Agency in Social Mobility

and women, and having no individual ownership

When applying the motivational theory of lifes-

of resources (Hayden, 2007). There is controversy

pan development to social mobility, it is clear that

about the earliest emergence of social inequality

a society where there is both some (albeit not too

and whether it preceded or followed the widespread

extreme) social inequality and some social mobil-

establishment of farming and the domestication

ity provides good opportunities for individuals to

of animals (Hayden, 2007). It seems uncontested,

actively influence their own development across the

though, that among humans it was the production

life course. Moreover, in order to make use of the

of surplus food that ultimately gave rise to private

potential for social mobility present in a given soci-

ownership. Archeological finds of burials with elab-

ety, an individual needs to perceive this potential

orate grave goods that require hundreds of work

for social mobility and expect personal access to

hours (White, 1993) provide the first solid evidence

the relevant resources, abilities, and motivational

for social inequality during the Upper Paleolithic

investment necessary to strive for upward mobil-

period (50,000–10,000 years ago). Such extravagant

ity. Such beliefs about the degree of social mobility

burials could only have been provided for a privi-

in a given society and the means by which upward

leged subgroup, with the majority of group members

mobility is achieved are likely a product of at least

having to provide their labor (Hayden, 2007).

two sources, the “dominant ideology” (Huber

Inequality between peasants on the low end and

& Form, 1973) and individuals’ autobiographi-

nobility at the high end was similar across fertile and

cal and vicarious (from family and peers) experi-

populous areas around the globe until about 1800,

ences regarding social mobility (see, e.g., Kluegel

when a substantial divergence took place (Pinto,

540

soCi a l moBiliT y in T he Tr a nsiT ion To a du lT hood

2013). Around that time, Australia, Canada, the

2008). In addition, the effects of social inequality on

United States, and New Zealand became substan-

morbidity and mortality exist in a graded fashion,

tially wealthier, followed by Japan and Europe in

with differences observable between each rung of the

the early 1900s. Since the middle of the nineteenth

social ladder.

century, the average standard of living is no longer

Although inequality has been rising in

primarily predicted by one’s position in society but

Westernized countries since the Industrial

instead by one’s geographical location. This great

Revolution, recent decades have produced a rapidly

international divergence between the Western and

increasing spike of inequality in Western European

industrialized societies and the rest of the globe has

countries and particularly in North America

stretched social inequality to nearly twice what it

(OECD, 2011). In Organization for Economic

was in the early 1800s (Milanovic, 2009).

Co-operation and Development (OECD) coun-

tries, the top 10% of earners receive nine times

Social Inequality Today

more income than the poorest 10%. Figure 33.4

Social inequality varies greatly across the globe.

shows changes in inequality assessed by Gini coef-

Figure 33.3 shows Gini coefficients2 for each coun-

ficients for major OECD economies since 1985

try. Between countries, the Gini coefficient ranges

(OECD, 2011). The globalization of markets has

between 23 for Sweden and 63 for South Africa, with

increased the competition between companies and

Germany at 27 and the United States at 45 (Central

between individuals (e.g., skilled versus nonskilled

Intelligence Agency, 2013). The darker shades in

workers), particularly in countries where social

Figure 33.3 indicate greater social inequality and are

inequality is based mainly on individual resources

more common among developing countries in South

(e.g., the United States, the United Kingdom)

America and Africa, but also hold for China and the

and not buffered by state-regulated welfare sys-

United States. People living in more unequal nations

tems (as in Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and the

are less healthy, have shorter life expectancies, and

Netherlands; Blossfeld et al., 2007). This interac-

experience higher crime rates and other negative

tion between globalized market forces and the

social outcomes (Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009). The

economic and welfare systems present in a given

lightest shades in Figure 33.3 indicate lower Gini

country produces substantial variability of social

coefficients, and thus the least social inequality inequality across countries and can be as high as 14

is shown for most of Central Europe and particu-

to 1 (richest to poorest 10%) for countries such as

larly for the Scandinavian countries. However, even

the United States, Israel, and Turkey, or even 27 to

within these European countries that have relatively

1 for Mexico and Chile (OECD, 2011).

more equality, the consequences of social inequality

What are the implications for social mobility

can be severe and are even observable when looking

given this present state of inequality? For one, as

within a city. For example, in Glasgow (Scotland),

shown in Figure 33.5, the recent and substantial

a man living in Carlton, the poorest neighborhood,

increase in social inequality in most Western indus-

has a 28-year shorter lifespan than a man living in

trialized societies has rendered it harder for indi-

Milngavie, the most affluent neighborhood (CSDH,

viduals from the poorest part of the population to

<.25

.45–.49

.25–.29

.50–.54

.30–.34

.55–.59

.35–.39

>.60

.40–.44

No data

Gini coefficient

Fig. 33.3 Social inequality around the globe as reflected in Gini coefficients by country.

heCK h ausen, sh a ne

541

1985

2008 (Ê)

Little change

Decreasing

Increasing inequality

in inequality

inequality

0.50

0.45

0.40

0.35

0.30

0.25

0.20

0.15

1

y

a

d

g

k

y m

Ital

Mexico

Israel

Japan

Australi

Canada

France

Germany

FinlandSweden

Norway

Denmar

HungarBelgiu

TurkeyGreece

United States

New Zealan

Netherlands

Luxembour

Czech Republic

United Kingdom

Fig. 33.4 Changes in income inequality. Source: OECD Database on Household Income Distribution and Poverty.

attain upward social mobility. Similarly, the most

relative deprivation of material resources in the low-

affluent are unlikely to fall on the social ladder, a

est quintiles of society is so dire and disproportion-

phenomenon referred to as “stickiness at the ends.”

ate that it produces distinct disadvantages for these

This negative correlation between social inequal-

individuals’ opportunities to attain upward social

ity and mobility has been referred to as the “Great

mobility. For instance, the quality of the neigh-

Gatsby Curve” (see Figure 33.5, from Corak, 2013,

borhood a child grows up in (including crime rate,

Figure 33.1). Even in a society like the United States,

quality of schools) dramatically alters the steps and

where Americans might subscribe to an ideology

second chances given to individuals, making the

of upward mobility for everyone, increasing social

prospects of successfully progressing through the

inequality is associated with increasingly greater

educational system and attaining a promising career

restrictions to social mobility. This is so because the

prohibitively difficult for those born and raised in

0.5

Italy

United Kingdom

United States

>)

France

0.4

Japan

Germany

0.3

New Zealand

Sweden

Canada

Australia

0.2

Finland

Norway

Denmark

Generational earnings elasticity (less mobility ------

0.1

20

25

30

35

Income inequality (more inequality ------>)

Fig. 33.5 The Great Gatsby curve: More inequality is associated with less mobility across the generations (adopted from Corak, 2013, Figure 1).

542

soCi a l moBiliT y in T he Tr a nsiT ion To a du lT hood

impoverished neighborhoods. In other words, it is

Belief Systems About Social

harder to climb a ladder when the rungs are further

Inequality and Mobility

apart (Noah, 2012).

With the rise of capitalism, individualistic and

meritocratic belief systems developed in Europe and

Attitudes Toward Social

North America. Economic and religious origins are

Inequality in the Past

common across the continents, but additional fac-

In ancient and feudal societies, inequality was

tors related to political and other cultural specif-

viewed as a natural state of affairs that was inescap-

ics of American history led to the development of

able and unquestioned (Elias, 1969). Most ancient

a specific and particularly pronounced version of

and feudal agrarian societies had a rigid social

individualistic beliefs in America that came to be

structure that did not allow for mobility between

known as the “American Dream” (McNamee &

the social classes, with the possible exception of the

Miller, 2009).

clergy or military. In such societies, the idea of qual-

The unbridled individualism exalted by the

itatively changing one’s social status in the commu-

American Dream is partly due to Adam Smith’s

nity from what one’s parents were to a new status

principles of a free market economy, including

within one’s lifetime was unthinkable. Inequality

the notions of private ownership, competition

in these feudal societies was largely manifested

between individuals, rational self-interest, and a

and maintained by a social structure wherein peas-

laissez-faire approach of the government (Smith,

ants toiled the fields in the countryside to produce

1776/1976). These principles were widely accepted

the surplus that the nobility and their entourage

in the capitalist world, albeit in Europe the role of

(craftsmen, clergy, artists) lived on. The dominant

the government is viewed differently (see the sec-

belief was one of limited resources and productive

tion “Transition to Adulthood: Opportunities and

potential, a zero sum game in which anyone’s gain

Constraints in Different Societies”). Converging

will be his neighbor’s loss. The pronounced social

with these economic principles, the Protestant

inequality of these societies is maintained not only

belief system and morality code further ideal-

by social sanctions and power of the nobility, but

ized the prevailing belief that individual striving

also by the nature of the morality of peasantry

for worldly distinctions is necessary to live a suc-

based on social and religious constraints that con-

cessful life and, especially in its Calvinist form,

ceived of the social class system as God-given, inev-

is linked to the notion of being predestined for

itable, and the natural state of affairs (Elias, 1969).

salvation (Weber, 1905/1958). In short, individu-

Economic behavior of the individual aimed at prof-

als would work hard to be successful—that is,

iting individually from the need state of another

upwardly mobile in society—in order to prove to

individual would have appeared as unnatural dur-

themselves and others that they were predestined

ing this era (Thompson, 1971).

for eternal salvation. “Industry, frugality, and pru-

With the rise of capitalism, individuals lost dence” became the prime virtues of early capital-their attachment to the land, moved about geo-

ism (Wiess, 1969) and inspired early American

graphically, and became less bound by the social

moralistic novels such at the rags-to-riches stories of

structure and morality code of their community

Horatio Alger (1832–1899).

of origin. Moreover, production forces expanded

In addition to these economic and religious

rapidly and conveyed the perceived freedom of

origins, American individualism was strongly pro-

unlimited economic growth. Individuals in emerg-

moted by the country’s historical roots as a nation

ing capitalist societies could rise without condemn-

of immigrants, explorers, and pioneers. Individual

ing their neighbor to fall (Macfarlane, 1991). Thus,

freedom and chances to succeed in this New World

gradually, the communal morality of the zero sum

promised to overcome the Old World constraints

game was transformed into one in which individu-

imposed by the European aristocracy and create a

als (not families or communities) improve their lot

new American “natural aristocracy of talent and

with or without negative consequences for their

virtue” (Jefferson, 1813). The American colonists

neighbors, and, eventually, the need state of the

and their successors cherished the political freedom

other becomes the valued profit opportunity of the

from feudalistic reigns and celebrated the indi-

self. This allowed for individual economic goals to

vidual’s potential to achieve a position in society

achieve material advantages and to become unre-

reflecting the individual’s merit. Moreover, explo-

strained by communal, family, and religious values

ration and expansion of the western frontier selec-

and practices.

tively favored another specific element in American

heCK h ausen, sh a ne

543

individualism, the strong optimism and reliance on

esteemed values of protecting the less fortunate,

one’s strengths (“can do” attitude) to capitalize on

be it via governmentally managed entitlements as

the opportunity provided in the face of hardship,

in Scandinavian countries, collective bargaining

obstacles, and constraints to upward social mobility.

contracts as in Germany and France, or via family

The notion that everyone can make it to the

and community support (Italy, Spain, Ireland; see

top, inherent in the American Dream, has impor-

Blossfeld et al., 2007).

tant consequences, even and especially today under

As a consequence of the different historical roots

heightened pressure from economic turmoil. The

of European societies, the dominant ideology in

prospect of upward mobility hypothesis (Bénabou &

Europe is not one of unlimited social mobility for

Ok, 2001) proposes that even those at lower each individual, but one of unequal opportunities income levels will not strongly advocate for income

for those at the top and those at the bottom that

redistribution because of the prevailing belief that

need to be compensated for by policies, services,

they themselves stand a chance to climb the social

and monetary support for those at the lower rungs

ladder. Thus, the American Dream and its meri-

of the social ladder. Under the current conditions

tocratic conceptions are the ideological glue that

of increasing constraints to government-funded

has kept Americans at all rungs of the social ladder

welfare systems, people at the lower rungs of soci-

willing to tolerate the substantial inequality of life

ety and especially the marginalized youth in those

outcomes. Increasingly, this ideology is clashing

countries with the weakest economies (e.g., Spain,

with reality, as we discuss later.

Italy, Greece) are not inclined to blame themselves

In contrast to the United States, European his-

for a lack of success in climbing the social ladder, but

tory set up a different approach to social inequal-

will instead protest against inequality and threaten

ity. European societies embrace social inequality,

those holding political power in their countries.

causing individuals within these societies to view

themselves as socially stratified into owners and

How Social Structure and Institutions

workers, employers and employees. The individ-

Set up the Action Field for Individuals’

ual agent in European societies does not aspire to

Developmental Agency

embark on a lonely struggle up the social ladder

When thinking about the way in which a system

but rather views him- or herself at a certain and

can regulate change along a time-ordered path, a key

unalterable place in a socially stratified society

model from developmental biology comes to mind,

(Geissler & Meyer, 2006; Kleining & Moore,

Waddington’s epigenetic landscape (1942; 1957). In

1968; Moore & Kleining, 1960). This is not to

Figure 33.6, developmental paths of a cell are shown

say that Europeans have no hope to improve their

as golf balls on a landscape. The cells start out from

lot in life and do not work to enhance their stan-

similar states (omnipotent state) and then, due to

dard of living and their children’s future. Instead,

partitions in the hilly landscape, take either one of

we are arguing that in many European countries

two valleys pushed by relatively minor environmen-

individuals largely forego the striving for social

tal forces at the decision point; then the ball (cell)

mobility and replace it with a notion of belong-

runs down the valley until it comes to another deci-

ing to, identifying with, and fighting for the inter-

sion point, and so on and so forth throughout the

ests of their own social strata or class (Bourdieu,

cell’s development. The developmental outcomes of

1982; Kleining & Moore, 1968). European his-

two cells after several distinct paths are taken at deci-

tory is saturated with the struggle between the

sion points becomes exponentially more different

classes of capitalist owners on the one hand and

than the point of origin and first decision because

workers on the other (Bourdieu, 1982; Marx, the paths through the valleys take the cells (balls) 1958). European history has also given rise to

further and further away from each other.

powerful unions and socialist, social-democratic,

Moreover, as Figure 33.7 shows, epigenetic

and communist parties of the working class landscapes can be monostable (only one path is in all major European countries. These move-favored by the landscape), bistable (two paths are

ments have fought for better working conditions,

favored), or multistable (more than two paths are

higher salaries, health care, and pensions, and

favored). The multistable canalization reflects the

have demanded from the government in welfare

situation in the German educational system with

what they could not directly wrangle from the

its three-tiered structure: a 10-grade Hauptschule

employers. Thus, in most European welfare states,

leading into lower level, blue-collar (construc-

meritocratic principles are ameliorated by highly

tion, baker, hairdresser) apprenticeships; a more

544

soCi a l moBiliT y in T he Tr a nsiT ion To a du lT hood

(a)

(b)

Fig. 33.6 Canalization of developmental processes: Waddington’s epigenetic landscape (Waddington, 1957).

challenging 10-grade Realschule leading into

Most modern societies hold a large potential

medium (electrician, car mechanic) or higher level,

for social mobility, so that individuals face major

white-collar (insurance, banking) apprenticeships;

chances for upward but also risks of downward

and a 12/13-grade Gymnasium leading to univer-

social mobility, both within an individual’s life

sity admission and higher level apprenticeships.

course and between generations. However, cer-

Finally, the landscape between the valley paths

tain characteristics of societies can enable or

can be more or less mountainous (see high vs. low

constrain individuals’ chances to move up the

profile in Figure 33.8). If the hills between the val-

social ladder (Buchholz et al., 2009; Heckhausen,

ley paths are high and steep, it is more difficult to

1999). First, there are sociostructural constraints

leave a given path. Under these high-profile condi-

that pertain to the social inequality of access

tions, the system as a whole is more stable but also

to important resources for social mobility, for

provides less opportunities for individual agents to

example, access to high-quality schools and col-

change paths after a decision point.

leges. Corak (2013) argues that the main driving

The decision points in these epigenetic land-

factors for increasingly constrained social mobil-

scapes can be likened to developmental transitions

ity are associated with, as the economist puts it,

when the individual can take different paths. The

“the human capital of children” (Corak, 2013,

transition to adulthood is an important and prob-

p. 80). Higher incomes provide access to better

ably the most consequential developmental transi-

neighborhoods, better child care facilities, and

tion in the life course. It is during the transition to

better schools, tipping the balance in the favor of

adulthood that individuals have a chance to ven-

children from higher income groups. Put into the

ture away from their parents’ social status.

context of the epigenetic landscape model, this

Monostable

Bistable

Ψ

Time or input

Ψ

Ψ

Multistable

Φ

Output

Current biology

Fig. 33.7 Different phases of epigenetic canalization.

heCK h ausen, sh a ne

545

Does the

standard

landscape

change when

parents

are poor?

High profile => low permeability

Low profile => high permeability

Fig. 33.8 High versus low profiles in epigenetic landscapes.

means that pronounced social inequality may Transition to Adulthood: Opportunities

create substantial obstacles to social mobility by

and Constraints in Different Societies

preventing the individual from moving from one

In general, life course transitions are those

path to the other.

phases of life most sensitive to the interplay

Another important societal influence in social

between sociostructural conditions and an indi-

mobility comes from institutional constraints. For

vidual agent’s capacities (e.g., effort, ability,

instance, the German K–12/13 education system is

self-regulated goal pursuit). It is during transitions

organized into three tiers after grade 4 (or in some

that individuals can exert their greatest effect on

states grade 6). Switching between different tiers is

their own future life course (Heckhausen, 1999).

difficult, albeit not impossible. Again, these differ-

Transitions provide chances for growth and

ent kinds of constraints in the German educational

upward social mobility, as well as risks for decline

system may constitute obstacles between paths that

and downward mobility, thus reflecting the soci-

render switching from one stable path to another

ety’s general potential for social mobility as well

close to impossible.

as the specific mobility potential of the particular

The third potentially constraining influence on

transition in question.

social mobility comes from internalized ideolo-

If transitions in general hold the promise of

gies about social inequality and beliefs about the

amplifying individuals’ influence on their own

causes of upward and downward social mobil-

future, this holds true even more for the transition

ity (see detailed discussion earlier). The dominant

from adolescence to adulthood. In this transition,

American ideology, with its notions of plentiful

adolescents’ dependency on their family of ori-

opportunities for everyone, individualistic expla-

gin wanes as they establish their own career and

nations of success and failure in life, and the accep-

family as an adult. The transition to adulthood

tance of unequal rewards (Huber & Form, 1973)

concentrates social mobility because it is both a

seems ideal for fostering strong and sustained indi-

critical transition within a life course and between

vidual striving for upward mobility. However, to

generations as young adults leave the parental

the extent that these social mobility goals may be

social context and strive to attain their own. The

unrealistic, such striving may well become con-

transition to adulthood also amplifies any differ-

tinuously frustrated and thus ultimately depleted.

ences in psychological and social resources that

On the other hand, continued and strong striving

individual youth bring to the challenge. And it

might bear better outcomes than confining oneself

is also during this transition that individuals’ are

to what seems to be more realistic goals with less

most vulnerable to adverse effects of the histori-

steep ambitions for social climbing. The challenge

cal, economic, or social context, as was shown by

for research in this area is to identify the societal

Glen Elder in his pioneering analysis of children’s

and economic conditions under which either of

life courses during and after the Great Depression

these statements is true.

(Elder, 1974).

546

soCi a l moBiliT y in T he Tr a nsiT ion To a du lT hood

Different nations and their societal structur-

path. This is advantageous for those on track

ing of the transition to adulthood differ greatly in

because their development and career are buffered

several major respects: (1) the extent to which the

against disturbances, much like the golf balls in

transition and its stations are predetermined by

Waddington’s epigenetic model that roll securely

established institutions of school education, voca-

in their crevices (Waddington, 1942; 1957). But,

tional training, and modes of entry into the labor

at the same time, the canalized paths into work

market; (2) the extent to which the adolescent can

life can become dead ends and alleys into poverty

influence the transition and, in fact, needs to take

and social exclusion, as compellingly demonstrated

an active role; and (3) the consequences the transi-

for the marginalized youth in British society by

tion has for an individual’s long-term career pros-

Bynner and Parsons (2002).

pects. Regarding the latter, we find, for instance,

One of the most highly structured school-to-

more restricted mobility in Germany compared

work transitions is the dual vocational training

to the United States after entering a career. This

system ( Duales Ausbildungssystem) in Germany

difference in career permeability greatly affects the

that is best tailored to the graduates of the

long-term implications of the early adulthood tran-

German middle-tier high school ( Realschule).

sition into work life because early gains or losses

After completing the 10th grade of Realschule, the

in social status have more long-term consequences

16-year-old Realschul-graduates set out to secure

under conditions of low career track permeability.

one of the cherished positions as an apprentice in

a local business. Employers willing to offer these

Unified VeRSUS SegRegated

apprenticeships go by school grades, entry tests,

inStitUtionS foR edUcation

and interviews when selecting from a large appli-

and VocationaL tRaining

cant pool. Apprenticeships vary widely in social

Regarding the structure imposed by educational

prestige (different income, long-term promotions

and vocational institutions, the more unified and

prospects, and social respect). As a consequence,

universally institutionalized the path across the

the best strategy to secure an optimal vocational

transition from school to work (e.g., the German

training position is to calibrate one’s apprentice-

dual system of apprenticeship concurrent with ship ambitions to one’s school grades, and that is formal education), the less influence that indi-exactly what we found in the German context.

viduals’ varying social and cultural resources and

The Realschul-graduates closely calibrated the

self-regulatory motivational capacities have on social prestige of the apprenticeship they aspired their eventual social status attainment. Thus, uni-to with their own school grades, a process that

fied educational (one school for all) and vocational

unfolded during their final year in school when

(centrally and professionally regulated appren-

finding an apprenticeship became increasingly

ticeship training) institutions can be expected to

urgent (Heckhausen & Tomasik, 2002). Moreover,

weaken the translation of social inequality from

those youth who were most committed to finding

individuals’ family-of-origin to their social status

an apprenticeship adopted the following strategy

as an adult. An inverse effect should result from

of sequential goal adjustment in terms of social

educational and vocational institutions that seg-

prestige of apprenticeship: start fairly ambitious,

regate and thus enhance social inequality. A tell-

then adjust downward when you experience failure

ing example is the three-tiered German school (unsuccessful applications) and upward as soon as system with its early point of diversion (Schnabel,

you have secured at least one position (Tomasik,

Alfeld, Eccles, Köller, & Baumert, 2002). Here, the

Hardy, Haase, & Heckhausen, 2009).

German school system with its three-tier segrega-

Strong and sustained engagement with a par-

tion makes for a particularly pronounced accumu-

ticular goal—here finding an appropriate appren-

lation of social inequality across the school career.

ticeship—is highly normative in these strongly

In contrast, the unified high school system in the

canalized pathways. So much so that, for exam-

United States, albeit maintaining social differen-

ple, those Realschul graduates who took longer

tiation, shows less amplification of social back-

to become active in applying for apprenticeships

ground influences by allowing greater permeability

ended up extremely worried and hurried late in

between educational trajectories.

their final year before graduating (Nagy, Hollube,

Institutionally or socially structured segregated

Wolf, Köller, & Heckhausen, 2005). Moreover,

paths into adult employment hold the promise of a

those who supplemented their goal engage-

life trajectory of opportunities along the canalized

ment with self-regulatory efforts to enhance their

heCK h ausen, sh a ne

547

volitional commitment benefitted at least in their

noninstitutionalized differences decisive for the

subjective well-being (girls and boys) and objec-

entry into an adaptive career. Such informal differ-

tive apprenticeship attainments (girls; see Haase,

ences could pertain to such sociocultural resources

Heckhausen, & Köller, 2008). And such extra as upper-class-oriented social networks and a set of volitional self-regulation was even able to offset the

behaviors, values, and beliefs associated with the

detrimental effects of highly stressful life events

upper rungs of the social ladder (Bourdieu, 1982;

such as a death in the family or parents’ divorce

Corak, 2013; Heckhausen, 2011). This may well

on one’s goal engagement for an apprenticeship

be the case for the “forgotten half” of high school

(Poulin & Heckhausen, 2007).

graduates in the United States who do not go on to

As we explained earlier, in the United States, the

college but seek employment in primary and sec-

transition into work life is weakly structured and

ondary labor markets.3 In fact, Hamilton (1990)

thus probably more influenced by informal advan-

argues that the “floundering period” endured by

tages and disadvantages of social class (Hamilton,

these adolescents bears great risks for them and

1990; Heckhausen, 2002). However, the path may be the cause of many social and psychologi-through the educational system is highly norma-

cal problems, including teenage pregnancies, drug

tive, with one type of school for everyone, albeit the

abuse, and delinquency. It is within such underreg-

quality of the school may vary across very unequal

ulated circumstances that individual agency and

neighborhoods and schools. Nevertheless, the gen-

the different resources the individual can mobilize

erally accepted path in American society is one

for goal pursuit play a greater role than in any other

from high school to college and from college into a

societal constellation.

career on some socially upward trajectory. In some

In our own empirical work, we have investi-

parts of the United States, such as California, this

gated career-related goal pursuit among recent high

notion is even institutionalized, as in the California

school graduates (Shane, Heckhausen, Lessard,

Master Plan of Higher Education (California State

Chen, & Greenberger, 2012), university students

Board of Education, 1960). Although other states

(Shane & Heckhausen, 2013), and young and

offer similar educational structures, California is

middle-aged adults (Shane & Heckhausen, 2012).

unique in the degree to which it provides a system-

Among the high school graduates, we found that

atic and scaffolded progression from high school to

strong beliefs in the influence of such control-

community college to university. Youth, even those

lable factors as one’s own effort and social contacts

from socially disadvantaged families and high positively influence control striving for career goals schools, can enroll in community colleges and from

(Shane et al., 2012). In contrast, those recent grad-

there transfer to California State Universities or

uates who believed that luck is decisive for entering

even to one of the research-oriented Universities of

a career successfully were not spurred on to greater

California. Accordingly, individuals’ goal engage-

control striving for their career goal.

ment with highly ambitious educational goals (e.g.,

When it comes to the transition from col ege

get a bachelor’s degree at a research university) is

to career, students hold ambitious aspirations for

generally very high and carries even those youth

climbing the social ladder and attaining substan-

who started out with less than stellar prospects to

tial y higher socioeconomic status than their par-

greater success than those who adjust their aspira-

ents. Similar to what we found for recent high

tions to more modest educational goals (e.g., get

school graduates, among these university graduates

an associate’s degree from a community college; see

control-related beliefs are predictive of control striv-

Heckhausen & Chang, 2009). As it turns out, such

ings (Shane & Heckhausen, 2013). Specifical y, we

engagement with educational goals in order to be

identified two pathways: those who believe that a suc-

successful needs to be focused exclusively on educa-

cessful transition into work life is a function of their

tion, instead of simultaneously entertaining ideas

own effort and ability versus those who believe it is

about one’s desired career outcomes (Heckhausen,

a function of uncontrol able luck. The meritocratic

Chang, Greenberger, & Chen, 2012).

view of personal control over the transition seems

to promote career engagement and more prestigious

SocietaL UndeRRegULation enhanceS

career expectations. In contrast, the more fatalistic

infLUence of indiVidUaL ReSoURceS

view of the transition into work life was associated

Another way by which social inequality is pre-

with tendencies to disengage from career goals.

served and perhaps even amplified is through a sys-

Additional empirical support for the influ-

tem of underregulation that renders informal and

ence of individual motivational resources on the

548

soCi a l moBiliT y in T he Tr a nsiT ion To a du lT hood

establishment of a career during the transition and continued increase in college tuition are likely to adulthood comes from the longitudinal Youth

to undermine the younger generation’s trust in the

Development Study, covering the span from 18

American Dream and its meritocratic conceptions

to 31 years (Vuolo, Staff, & Mortimer, 2012).

and thus render the delicate balance of unrealis-

The study finds that young adults who maintain

tic beliefs and conflicting individual experiences

high ambition and certainty about their long-term

untenable. Indeed, recent polls suggest that only

career goals managed to maintain employment and

16% of recent university graduates believe that

attain higher hourly wages even during the reces-

their generation will achieve more financial suc-

sion years in 2008/2009. Finally, using long-term

cess than the previous generation, and a little less

follow-up data from the Midlife in the United

than half expect to personally attain more finan-

States (MIDUS) study, we find that among adults

cial success than their parents (Stone, Van Horn,

in established careers, strong engagement in the

& Zukin, 2012). This pessimism is echoed by older

work domain is informed by perceptions about

generations, of whom only 47% believe that their

the controllability of career improvements, as our

children will attain a higher standard of living

theory’s congruence principle (i.e., congruence than they themselves attained compared to 62%

between perceived control and control striving)

in 2009 (Economic Mobility Project, 2011), and

predicts (Shane & Heckhausen, 2012). Moreover,

82% believe that finding employment is harder for

individuals who base their work-related engage-

today’s young adults than it was for previous gen-

ment on strong perceived controllability attain bet-

erations (Taylor et al., 2012).

ter work-related and health outcomes 9 years later.

One is reminded of Bourdieu’s phrase of the

In contrast, those who invest heavily in the work

“betrayed generation” when talking about the

domain even though they do not see much chance

bleak career prospects for graduates of Europe’s

for control end up suffering negative consequences

universities after the mass expansion of univer-

for their mental and physical health, although they

sity enrollment in the 1960s and ‘70s. Today, the

may still be successful in climbing the career ladder.

future prospects of European and American youth

is everything but promising. And in the United

meRitocRatic beLiefS cLaSh

States, an adherence to the American Dream adds

with UneqUaL oppoRtUnitieS

insult to injury because it implies that a failure to

foR SociaL cLaSSeS

march up the social ladder is the individual youth’s

The widening gap in access to personal, social,

fault. It does not seem likely that the ideological

and cultural resources in the past two decades

pacification of the American Dream and its meri-

have meant that close to 50% of the US popu-

tocratic ideas about the cause of social mobility will

lation has at best severely limited chances for work for much longer.

upward mobility (Economic Mobility Project,

2012). Intergenerational transmission of income

Conclusion

inequality in United States is substantially greater

Human society has developed to be structured

compared to, for example, Germany (Economic

in terms of different social strata having unequal

Mobility Project, 2007), despite the more segre-

access to resources. Societies differ in opportuni-

gating educational system in Germany. Yet polls

ties for social mobility; that is, the degree to which

still show that a greater percentage of Americans

an individual can move up or down the social lad-

(i.e., 69%) are convinced that people get rewarded

der, both within an individual’s lifespan and across

for intelligence and skills as well as effort (61%),

family generations. Extreme social inequality con-

whereas in other countries only 39% (28%, respec-

strains social mobility, especially for the lowest

tively) endorse such an answer. Only 19% of US

and highest social strata (Corak, 2013). Individual

respondents stated that it is essential to come from

agents in different societies across historical time

a wealthy family to get ahead, whereas in non-US

and place have had widely varying opportunities

countries, 28% thought so (Economic Mobility

to exert their own influence on their social status.

Project, 2007).

Moreover, individual agency is the most influen-

One can only wonder how long this gap tial during life phases of transition, and, in the case between dominant meritocratic ideology and eco-of social mobility in modern societies, the critical

nomic reality can be sustained. At some point, the

phase occurs during the transition into adulthood,

realities of an unparalleled surge in social inequal-

although some societies allow for some mobility in

ity, the economic downturn, and the enormous

adulthood itself.

heCK h ausen, sh a ne

549

Individual agency is fueled by the basic motive

inequality in neighborhoods and commensurate

to exert control over one’s environment and one’s

constraints to high schools can turn even unified

own future. Striving for such primary control is

educational institutions into conduits of social seg-

organized into cycles of goal selection, goal engage-

regation. In addition, the transition into work life

ment, and goal disengagement as opportunities fade

is severely underregulated and thus renders youth

or goal striving becomes too costly. During phases

from lower social strata especially vulnerable to the

of goal engagement, behavioral and motivational

effects of informal inequalities in access to financial

investment should be selective and focused. When

resources and particularly to social capital in terms

encountering strong reasons to disengage, such of important social connections and comme-if-faut disengagement should be discrete and organized

behavioral patterns (Bourdieu, 1982).

rather than gradual or oscillating. Disengagement

It is a fascinating challenge for ongoing (Haase,

from a given overly ambitious goal allows the rein-

Heckhausen, & Silbereisen, 2012; Heckhausen &

vestment of behavioral and motivational resources

Shane, October 2012; Shane & Heckhausen,

into either adjusted (somewhat less ambitious) 2012; October 2012; Shane & Heckhausen, goals or into entirely different goals pertaining to

May 2013) and future research to longitudinally

different domains of life and functioning.

examine how today’s youth wrestle with overly

Individuals can select goals based on general

ambitious expectations of social mobility as it

expectations about timing during the lifespan that

conflicts with increasingly constrained opportu-

are based on biological changes and societal insti-

nities. Over the past three decades, most coun-

tutionalization of educational and career-related

tries have moved toward greater inequality and

milestones (e.g., school graduation, vocational the associated higher obstacles to social mobility training, retirement). Beyond these general pat-

(see Figures 33.4 and 33.5). These developments

terns, goal setting of youth in the transition after

have the potential to undermine beliefs in meri-

high school and into college and vocational careers

tocracy and the confidence of a majority in the

has been found to reflect specific characteristics of a

effectiveness of personal agency within the societ-

given society. In particular, goal calibration can be

ies they live in. Far from leading to resignation

narrow under conditions of highly transparent and

and submission, many, and especially the young,

specific career entry requirements (e.g., by employ-

have chosen to deepen and widen the striving for

ers offering apprenticeships in Germany) and primary control, from striving for control over extremely ambitious for longer term goals that are

one’s life to a striving for control over one’s soci-

supported by institutionalized ladder-type scaffolds

ety (Heckhausen, 2010). And so the transactional

(e.g., California Master Plan of Higher Education).

efforts of individuals to enhance their opportuni-

Consequences of initial outcomes in the youth-to-

ties in life may join forces with the leverage of the

adulthood transition also vary by society. Some

collective and develop the kind of power that can

societies allow more change between developmen-

overcome undue societal constraints of lifespan

tal (educational, career) paths during adulthood,

development, reaching far beyond the individual’s

thus providing a multistable epigenetic landscape.

immediate social ecology.

Other societies offer less permeability after young

adulthood and thus provide more narrowly cana-

lized trajectories of education and career develop-

Notes

ment throughout adulthood.

1 For an elaborate discussion of modes of control and cul-

ture, see Heckhausen and Schulz (1999) and Schulz and

It is striking that dominant ideologies about

Heckhausen (1999).

social mobility do not or only partially reflect 2 The Gini coefficient is a standard indicator of income the reality in a given society and, in important

inequality that can range from 0 (each member of a com-

cases, stand in stark contrast to existing patterns

munity gets an identical income) to 1 (all income goes to

of social mobility. In line with unified educa-

one person).

3 Of Americans 25 years of age or older, 85.7% have at least

tional institutions (the high school system) in the

a high school degree, and 28.5% have a bachelor’s degree or

United States, American youths cherish high edu-

higher (US Census Bureau, 2013). In 2010, 41% of 18- to

cational and career ambitions corresponding with

24-year-olds were enrolled in a postsecondary school, an

the “American Dream.” Yet actual opportunities

increase from 35% in 2000 (US Department of Education,

for upward mobility are severely restricted for the

2012). In 2005, 59% of first-time university students in

America who attended a 4-year degree program full-time

lower social strata, partly because of the stark dif-

completed the program within 6 years (US Department of

ferences in income, but not least because the social

Education, 2013).

550

soCi a l moBiliT y in T he Tr a nsiT ion To a du lT hood

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C H A P T E R

Work and Work Migration

34 Within and Across Countries

in Emerging and Young Adulthood

Barbara Schneider, Guan Saw, and Michael Broda

Abstract

Across the globe, most young people aged 15 through their early 20s work, primarily in positions that are short-term, part-time, low-pay, and low-skil ed. Because work is such an enduring phenomenon in the lives of youth and young adults and often helps to shape life paths, migration patterns, and generational change, it is critical to outline the role work and work migration play in the lives of young adults. This chapter describes the types of work in which youth are typical y employed and analyzes the relationships between employment opportunities and higher education attainment across nation states. Final y, the last section discusses how the pressure for employment opportunities among all youth, regardless of their education attainment, drives their migration patterns worldwide.

Key Words: youth, schooling and work, apprenticeship programs, postsecondary attainment, STEM careers, entrepreneurship, unemployment, work migration

Throughout the world, most young people dramatically. High unemployment rates among aged 15 through their early 20s work. The types of

young adults have raised deep concern over possi-

jobs young people hold are primarily short-term,

ble consequences on political stability, health, emo-

part-time, low-pay, low-skilled, and fail to lead

tional and social well-being, and technological and

to full-time employment (World Bank, 2012). other types of innovations (International Labour Assuming that such employment will facilitate Organisation [ILO], 2011 a; World Bank, 2012).

long-term educational plans and careers, many In the search for work, many unemployed youth, young adults who live in industrialized coun-including those with advanced degrees, migrate,

tries work in these types of jobs while in second-

from region to region within a nation and from

ary and postsecondary school (Eurostat, 2009; country to country, seeking better opportunities.

Organisation for Economic Cooperation and

Young people who attain postsecondary degrees

Development [OECD], 2012 a). Among develop-

are sometimes employed in jobs that seemingly do

ing countries, this trend to work while in school

not require a college degree (Vedder, Denhart, &

is also increasing (OECD, 2012 a). Not all youth

Robe, 2013). Despite the skill set needed for such

are in school; some drop out before graduating

jobs, those with postsecondary degrees are more

from elementary or secondary school of their own

likely to be hired than those with only secondary

volition, while others are sometimes taken out by

high school diplomas. This preference trend for

their families to work. Few of these young people

hiring college-educated youth is rising worldwide

who search for employment find opportunities for

(Eurostat, 2009; OECD, 2012 a). Increasingly, the

full-time well-paying jobs. The recent economic

work skills of today are not necessarily the work skills

slowdown has particularly affected this group, of tomorrow, especially in the areas of science, tech-and the number of unemployed youth has risen

nology, engineering, mathematics, and computer

554

science (STEM; Goldin & Katz, 2010). The chal-

rather because of the social context in which they

lenge is in finding work and education opportuni-

live. Although we recognize how difficult change

ties that match youth interests and develop their

is, we have written this chapter highlighting partic-

knowledge and skills for nonroutine cognitive and

ular conditions that could be improved by simply

interpersonal skills while recognizing that routine

calling attention to what constitutes youth work,

cognitive and craft skills, such as those found in

including human trafficking and forced domestic

physical labor with repetitive physical tasks, are less

work. Merely including these types of work in the

likely to be in demand (OECD, 2012 b).

numbers of youth employment and the conditions

Beginning in the late 1980s, the United States,

of their work would highlight why we must under-

much like other industrialized countries, experi-

stand and document what work young people

enced a rising tide of ambitious adolescents who,

are engaged in, including those in postsecondary

regardless of their socioeconomic status and loca-

school, and what the life consequences are of such

tion in their respective country, expected to enroll

varied experiences.

in college. These high educational expectations

This chapter begins by describing the types of

were shared by their parents and repeated by their

work in which youth are typically employed. This is

teachers and counselors, albeit, with less conviction

followed by an analysis of the relationship between

and often with limited information. The age of

employment opportunities and higher education

the Ambitious Generation (Schneider & Stevenson,

attainment across nation states. To understand

1999) was the inspiration of our current work, as it

work patterns among young adults, it is critical to

was clear not all high school students would even-

view work opportunities and their relationship to

tually matriculate to college and an even smaller

postsecondary pathways and what the prospects are

number would graduate. This is particularly true

for the long-term employment of today’s youth. The

for those who attended secondary schools where

last section discusses how the pressure for employ-

the majority of the students resided in low-income

ment opportunities among all youth, regardless of

families and were members of US underrepresented

their education attainment, is manifested in their

racial and ethnic minorities. Many of these stu-

migration patterns worldwide.

dents enter the labor market or enroll in 2-year col-

leges and fail to achieve their degrees. This group

Youth and Work

of young people, then and today, are increasingly

The United Nations estimates that there are

finding themselves in unstable jobs with low wages

more than 1.8 billion youth aged 15–29 in the

and few opportunities for promotion.

world, with most of them living in developing or

Trying to understand what conditions are pre-

less-developed countries. This population is dis-

venting young people from enrolling in postsec-

tributed among Asia (60%), Africa (17%), the

ondary schools that matched their interests and

Caribbean (9%), and the Middle East (4%), with

abilities has been the focus of our work and the

a remaining small percentage in Latin America

motivation behind a new quasi-randomized trial

(United Nations [UN], 2011). Population pro-

designed to increase college enrollment in STEM

jections indicate that although rapid growth is

fields among low-income and minority students.

expected in sub-Saharan Africa, moderate growth

All of us have been involved in various stages of

is projected in South Asia, Latin America, and the

this work: Guan learned about this work in Taipei

Caribbean. In countries with developed economies,

and came to Michigan State University to work

the proportion of youth population is expected to

with me on these problems, and we both encour-

decline (UN, 2011).

aged Michael to join us in building the bridges

Most developing countries are experiencing a

between the worlds of practice and policy with

“youth bulge,” in which young adults represent

measurement and quantitative methods. Both of

more than 30% of the working-age populations,

these young scholars are windows into conducting

with projections indicating that this situation is

better research and a more promising future for

likely to persist for several more decades (ILO,

the lives of many youth in the United States and

2012 a). In many of these countries, the number

globally.

of higher education institutions, although grow-

The arguments and data in this chapter consti-

ing, cannot accommodate all of those individu-

tute our continuing desire to alter the life chances

als wanting to pursue higher education (OECD,

of those who often find themselves with few oppor-

2012 a). Moreover, there are not enough jobs in the

tunities, not because of their interests or talents, but

labor market to accommodate the skill sets of those

sChneider, s aW, Broda

555

youth not attending postsecondary school or receiv-

as an indicator of the lack of work opportunities

ing additional vocational training (ILO, 2012 b;

for young adults can be misleading, especially with

OECD, 2012 b). In developed countries, the situ-

respect to measures such as health and well-being.

ation is less problematic; however, even youth with

In some developed and developing countries,

higher education degrees often find themselves dis-

some young adults will remain unemployed for long

advantaged relative to employed older adults, espe-

periods of time (Eurostat, 2009; OECD, 2010 a).

cially during periods of economic recession (World

This is particularly the case for youth cohorts that

Bank, 2006). The challenge is creating high-quality

entered the labor market during periods of reces-

jobs for youth that meet young people’s aspirations

sion. Disadvantaged youth, as measured by lack of

and lead to long-term and self-fulfilling employ-

a high school diploma, minority or immigrant sta-

ment (Arnett, 2004; see Arnett, 2014, this volume).

tus, or living in a low-income household, are partic-

There are signs that we may be approaching a world

ularly vulnerable to chronic unemployment. Youth,

crisis in which the youth population is outpacing

much like adults when encountering long periods

the number of available employment possibilities.

of unemployment, can become discouraged, lead-

Globally, it is estimated that youth are three

ing to periods of neither work nor attending school.

times as likely as adults to be unemployed, and

But the consequences for youth are particularly

these proportions are even higher in South Asia

dire because young people need the experience of

and Southeast Asia, where youth are five times as

working to acquire skills relevant to the labor mar-

likely to be unemployed as adults (ILO, 2012 a;

ket. If unemployed and out of work for a long time,

2012 b). According to the report Global Employment

youth are unlikely to become integrated into jobs

Trends for Youth 2012 (ILO, 2012 b), in 2011, nearly

that can improve their human capital and in turn

75 million young adults were out of work across

lead to future productive employment.

the globe. Females are more likely than males to

be unemployed, but these differences are not pro-

Nature of Youth Employment

nounced (females 13.1%, males 12.6% in 2010).

The state of being unemployed is only part of

Within developing countries, the youth unemploy-

the problem; the nature of the work young people

ment rate is higher in urban rather than rural areas.

undertake, especially in some countries, is unlikely

Although it is often assumed that less-skilled

to move them into more stable high-paying jobs.

youth are more likely to be unemployed and find

Young people make up a disproportionately large

it difficult to secure employment, highly educated

share of the world’s working poor (ILO, 2011 b).

youth in some countries also face difficulty find-

Many of these working poor youth are in the agri-

ing work. The unemployment rate for highly edu-

cultural sector.

cated youth is high in regions such as the Middle

When examining the distribution of the

East and North Africa (World Bank, 2006). In

employed population in the industrial sector, sta-

Tunisia, for example, in 2011, the unemployment

tistics show that young adults are more likely to

rate for young university graduates is close to 30%

work in “wholesale and retail trade,” “manufac-

compared to about 20% for those with secondary

turing,” “construction,” and “hotels and restau-

education (Boughzala, 2013). Moreover, although

rants.” A study documenting types of work among

nearly 40% of the unemployed in Tunisia wait at

immigrants reports a similar distribution by eco-

least 1 year until finding a formal job, the most

nomic sector among young migrants (McKenzie,

educated wait even longer. Within poor countries,

2008). Comparing cohorts with those who are

educated youth from wealthy advantaged house-

older, today’s young adults tend to engage in lower

holds also have difficulty finding work, and many

skilled jobs requiring fewer qualifications. In

of these recently college-educated young people

European countries, for example, more than half

leave their country of origin—creating some-

of the young workers aged 15–24 were employed

thing of a “brain drain” on the existing population

in elementary or low-skilled nonmanual occupa-

(World Bank, 2006).

tions, such as clerks or sales and services workers

Very poor youth need to work and will often

(Eurostat, 2009). However, only one-third among

take any jobs that are available. This creates another

those aged 25–29 and 30–54 were hired in these

set of challenges. In some poor countries where the

same low-skilled level jobs. Hiring opportunities

unemployment rate may not be low, many young

for temporary jobs follow the same trend as that

people nonetheless live in impoverished conditions.

of more stable jobs. The job share of temporary

This suggests that relying strictly on unemployment

employment among youth and young adults has

556

Wor K a nd Wor K migr aT ion W iT hin a nd aCross Cou nTr ies

also significantly increased over the past decade,

conditions. In some countries, students are not

especially when compared to earlier cohorts of employed while in school and only look for work similar ages.

when they have completed their degrees. In other

In the past decade, especially after the global

countries, students work full- or part-time while

financial crisis, there has been an increasing trend

in school. Among OECD countries, it was esti-

to hire young people in temporary and part-time

mated that, in 2010, approximately 47% of 15- to

work around the world (ILO, 2012 a; 2012 b).

29-year-olds were in school, 37% were employed,

Several recent reports indicate that young people

and 16% were neither employed nor in education

are trapped in nonstandard or informal jobs that

and training (often referred to as NEETs). Among

do not meet their ambitions, and their transition

those who are in education, nearly 20% are also

to more permanent and better-paid work contin-

employed (OECD, 2012 a). It is important to note

ues to be delayed (Eurostat, 2009; ILO, 2012 b).

that these OECD statistics include students in

Large numbers of young workers are still in tem-

secondary school as well as those in tertiary insti-

porary jobs 5 years after leaving secondary school-

tutions. As seen in Figure 34.1, among OECD

ing (Eurostat, 2009; ILO, 2012 a). According to the

nations, trends in unemployment mirror trends in

European Union (EU), less than 10% of adults older

tertiary enrollment for youth aged 15–19. Increases

than 30 work in temporary employment, whereas

in unemployment (the dotted line in Figure 34.1)

about 40% of young workers work as temporary

among NEET youth were fairly steady over the past

employees. A similar trend has been documented

15 years and matched a similar increase in tertiary

for part-time employment among youth workers

enrollment among students in the same age group.

across all countries (OECD, 2010 b; ILO, 2011 b).

Most recently, the proportion of youth aged 15–24

Secondary Schooling and Work

engaged in part-time work worldwide rose from

In the United States, most students are

19.9% in 2000 to 27.8% in 2010 (OECD, 2010 b).

expected to stay in secondary school until the age

When unemployment rates are estimated for

of 18. Presently, among those in secondary school,

youth, they typically exclude those who are in

nearly 90% work part-time at some point during

school preparing for future careers. The transi-

this span (Lee & Staff, 2008). Studies show that,

tion from school to work is a complex undertak-

in general, smaller amounts (less than 20 hours)

ing that is impacted by the nature of the schooling

of part-time work in high school are not detrimen-

system—including how many years students are

tal and that most students work in jobs that are

expected to stay (and actually remain) in school,

short-term and low-paying (Zimmer-Gembeck &

workforce demands, and global and local economic

Mortimer, 2006). However, research also shows

Total tertiary enrollment

20

35

Unemployment rate

18

30

16

Unemployment rate (%)

Total tertiary enrollment (millions)

14

25

2000

2005

2010

Year

Fig. 34.1 Total tertiary enrollment versus unemployment rate in member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), 15- to 19-year-olds. Data obtained from OECD Stat Extracts, http://stats.oecd.org.

sChneider, s aW, Broda

557

that long hours of employment (more than 20

suggested that early apprenticeship programs can

hours per week) negatively impact high school

be an effective way for preparing young people

achievement, college attendance, persistence, for future career choices. The structure and sys-attainment, and long-term wages (Marsh & tems of apprenticeships vary considerably among Kleitman, 2005). About 18% of employed males

countries. Even within the OECD, countries differ

and 15% of employed females fall into this cate-

both in their emphasis on vocational training and

gory, with higher than average rates for black and

in the balance between school-based vocational

Hispanic students (Ross et al., 2012). Making

programs and programs that combine schooling

causal claims about work and school achieve-

with site-based technical training (Ryan, 2000). In

ment, however, is challenged by the correlation

Ireland, for example, vocational programs account

between work intensity and student background

for less than 5% of the secondary education sector,

characteristics, such as social class, race, and eth-

whereas the Czech Republic, the Slovak Republic,

nicity, and familial education expectations. Lee

Austria, and Belgium all exceed 70% (OECD,

and Staff (2008), for example, demonstrate that

2010 a). Furthermore, across the OECD, propor-

the relationship between work intensity and aca-

tions of school-based versus blended vocational

demic achievement (and school dropout) can vary

programs vary widely, from Luxembourg, Norway,

widely by student background and propensity to

and Australia, which have a high proportion

work, and they suggest that part-time work in

(>80%) of school-based programs, to Denmark

high school may interact with student charac-

and Switzerland, which both have high proportions

teristics in complex ways to impact educational

of blended school and work programs (>90%). In

outcomes.

developed countries, research shows that formal

Although most students in the United States

apprenticeship (in both secondary and tertiary

work at some point, the number of students who

education) has a positive effect on employment

leave high school and are employed is relatively

and wages—especially for females; furthermore,

small because most industries and jobs in the US

European countries with strong apprenticeship

service sector require a high school diploma (Bureau

programs (Germany, the Netherlands) demon-

of Labor Statistics [BLS], 2009). The situation in

strate lower ratios of youth unemployment to adult

college is similar, with about 70% of undergraduate

unemployment (OECD, 2010 a).

students working part-time jobs while enrolled in

Some education systems, such as those in

postsecondary institutions, including 20% work-

Germany, Austria, Denmark, Switzerland, and

ing 20 or less hours per week, 30% working 20–34

Taiwan, have apprenticeship programs as part of

hours per week, and 20% working 35 or more hours

their formal education structure. While in second-

per week (Ross et al., 2012). However, among those

ary school, students are sorted into those planning

in 2-year institutions, the proportion of students

on working in specific jobs and those planning on

working full-time is considerably higher than for

attending university. While in secondary school,

those in 4-year institutions.

these students are directly involved in work activi-

For young people who are both in school and

ties. The contents of these programs are determined

employed, their work experience can take many

jointly by the government, trade unions, and

forms, from an apprenticeship that could lead to

employers. Students are paid a proportion of the

a full-time job, to a low-skill part-time job to earn

salary a qualified worker would earn in that same

extra money to help defray expenses. Some stu-

occupation and are awarded a certificate upon

dents may enroll in a full-time education program

completion of a written and practical exam.

that meets only in the evenings while maintaining

Some apprenticeship programs are supported by

a full-time job during the day. This combination

the national government, which provides incentives

of work and school is found in the Netherlands,

for companies to recruit and train young workers,

Denmark, Iceland, and Switzerland, all of which

as seen in Australia, Canada, Denmark, and France

have educational systems specifically designed so

(Ryan, 2012). In France, small businesses receive an

students can divide their time between their edu-

additional subsidy from the government to recruit

cational studies and work.

young apprentices. In Australia, firms employing

new trainees and apprentices receive preferential

Apprenticeship Programs

treatment in bids for new government-funded proj-

Apprenticeship programs are growing at both

ects. Canada uses a different approach, directing

the secondary and tertiary levels. Some have incentives to students if they enter and complete 558

Wor K a nd Wor K migr aT ion W iT hin a nd aCross Cou nTr ies

training in one of their designated “Red Seal”

schools or at the work site (52%) with a somewhat

trades (ILO, 2012 a).

smaller number (48%) offered on-site in the high

Apprenticeship programs specifically designed

schools.

for secondary students have been criticized as

The difficulty with many of these programs

pushing students too early into careers and trades

is matching the incentive for apprenticeships

without giving them a longer period of explora-

with students’ interests and motivation. In the

tion, thereby hindering knowledge and skill devel-

United States, traditional credential-based incen-

opment that they may need for higher education

tives appear to be only marginally effective. For

and future careers (Nilsson, 2010; Sweet, 2013).

example, in 2010–2011, only 14% of public high

Students are often sorted into these programs on

schools reported students having earned postsec-

the basis of some type of exam taken while in sec-

ondary training certificates, and only 7% reported

ondary school, and their occupational futures are

students having earned associates degrees (Thomas

more or less decided based on the results. Some

et al., 2013). The percentage of students earn-

students have voiced strong concerns about the

ing any postsecondary credit (about 90% of dual

rigidity of these programs and are unwilling to

enrollees) is quite high, but the causal link between

accept apprenticeships or placements. Despite these

dual-enrollment and attainment of more advanced

concerns, some governments have actively ramped

degrees after high school graduation is unclear (An,

up their efforts to reform technical vocational edu-

2013; Thomas et al., 2013). Often, students end up

cation and training programs. Recognizing that

in these programs because of low exam scores or

many of these programs in the past were inad-

poor school performance, not because of their own

equately funded, inconsistently managed, and aspirations or knowledge of what types of jobs and ill-adapted to a changing workforce and job oppor-opportunities are or may become available.

tunities, governments and institutions are engaged

In less developed economies, promises of future

in redesigning programs so that the knowledge and

employment can serve as fairly effective incen-

technical skills offered to the students will provide

tive structures. For example, in many regions of

them with success in the labor market.

sub-Saharan Africa, the need for more technically

The United States has also undertaken trained employees in the telecommunication field stronger apprenticeship programs by offering is growing rapidly, and more youth are beginning dual-enrollment programs in their secondary to enter shorter training programs that prepare schools (Thomas, Marken, Gray, & Lewis, 2013).

them for very specific telecom-related jobs. Overall,

In 2010–2011, for example, the National Center for

however, the problem with designing effective

Education Statistics (NCES) reports that 82% of all

vocational training and apprenticeships seems to be

public high schools had students who were enrolled

providing knowledge and skills that will withstand

in dual-credit courses. This measure is distinct

obsolescence and change as technology systems

from the percentage of schools that offer advanced

continue to be transformed.

placement (AP) or international baccalaureate (IB)

courses (69%), or both AP/IB and dual-enrollment

Entrepreneurship and Self-Employment

courses (59%). Thomas et al. (2013) further report

Regardless of geographic region, young peo-

that 76% of high schools had students enrolled

ple are actively involved in entrepreneurship in

in academically focused dual-enrollment courses,

developed, transitioning, and developing coun-

whereas 49% had students who dual-enrolled in

tries. Generally, the highest percentage of adults

career or technical courses. Dual-enrollment pro-

participating in entrepreneurial and start-up

vides students with opportunities to work in some

activity peaks in the age group of 25–34 across

fields while concurrently receiving high school the world (Xavier, Kelley, Kew, Herrington, & course credit and job-specific training. However,

Vorderwülbecke, 2013). The second highest entre-

these programs usually do not receive governmen-

preneurship participation occurs in the 35–44 age

tal support (despite often requiring special trans-

group; however, in some economies such as Chile,

portation and other costs), and students rarely the Netherlands, Singapore, South Korea, the receive bonuses for entering such programs. The

United Kingdom, and the United States, adults

dual-enrollment programs for students entering the

in this older age group actually have the highest

labor force or 2-year postsecondary institutions for

entrepreneurship participation rates. Because the

certificates or degrees in specific fields tend to pro-

majority of the world’s young people are living in

vide instruction to the students in postsecondary

developing countries where formal jobs are scarce

sChneider, s aW, Broda

559

and enrollment rates in secondary or tertiary edu-

engaging in other entrepreneurial approaches like

cation are relatively low, encouraging young people

social entrepreneurship, intrapreneurship, and

to be self-employed or start their own business has

even public entrepreneurship.1 With high unem-

an important role to play in reducing youth unem-

ployment rates and a growing youth population

ployment. Recent studies have suggested that busi-

emerging as critical social issues in regions such as

ness ownership in adulthood can be forecasted by

sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, encourag-

entrepreneurial career intentions observed as early

ing young people to be self-employed and to start

as in adolescence (Falck, Heblich, & Luedemann,

businesses and support such enterprises can be a

2012; Saw & Schneider, 2012).

source of new jobs and economic growth crucial

In many developing countries, where young

for youth development and societal stability. On

women and men are not enrolling in school and

the other hand, new companies, often at high risk

are unable to find and secure formal employment

of business failure, are even more at risk during

opportunities, starting up a business or being periods of weak financial markets spurred in part self-employed may be the only way to have a career

by a major economic crisis.

and make a living. This type of youth entrepreneur-

ship, referred to as “entrepreneurship by necessity,”

Neither in Education, Employment,

tends to be in sectors that require less education

nor in Training

or training such as agriculture, retail, transpor-

To trace the patterns and trends of young peo-

tation, and personal service. Necessity-motivated

ple in transitioning from school to work, many

entrepreneurship is not uncommon among the

indicators have been developed and widely used,

poor and those who lack formal educational train-

including youth unemployment rate over time, the

ing, especially in countries that tend to have low

duration it takes to find a first job after school, type

tax revenue as a percent of gross domestic prod-

of jobs and salaries, how much time spent to transit

uct (GDP), high levels of income inequality, low

from a temporary position to “standard” or “per-

levels of social security, and lower participation

manent” employment, and the percent of youth

rates in both secondary and postsecondary edu-

who are neither in education nor in employment

cation (ILO, 2012 b; Listerri, Kantis, Angelelli,

or training (NEET). Recent statistics from several

& Tejerina, 2006; Schoof, 2006). According to

economic regions indicate that trends in the afore-

the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) mentioned indices are generally alarming (Eurostat, study, more than one-third of entrepreneurs in

2009; ILO, 2012 a; OECD, 2012 a). The incidence

such countries as Ecuador, Malawi, Pakistan, and

of NEET, however, reported a slight improvement

Uganda chose to start businesses because they had

over the past decade until it worsened during the

no other option for work in 2012 (GEM, 2013).

economic crisis of the late 2000s. In OECD coun-

In contrast, less than 10% of necessity-driven

tries, for instance, the NEET rate among youth

entrepreneurial activity has been reported in aged 15–24 has declined from 16.0% in 1998 to developed countries such as Denmark, the 13.7% in 2008, but has increased back up to 15.8%

Netherlands, Slovenia, and Sweden. As opposed

in 2010, suggesting that the global financial crisis

to entrepreneurship by necessity, entrepreneur-

has hit the younger generation harder than those

ship that emerges from the desire of youth to pur-

who are older (OECD, 2012 a).

sue a good business opportunity, often referred

In some European countries such as

to as “entrepreneurship by opportunity,” tends

Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Slovenia,

to be more pervasive among well-educated young

and Switzerland, which have relatively higher youth

adults and in the high-income countries where

participation rates in education and the labor mar-

support activities can be found (Schoof, 2006).

ket, the incidence of NEET is less than 10%. Yet,

Opportunity-motivated entrepreneurship typi-

in some countries, even developed ones such as

cally relates to technological upgrading and inno-

Ireland, Israel, Italy, Mexico, Spain, and Turkey,

vation businesses that may be drivers of economic

the NEET rate exceeded 20% in 2010. In other

structural change and development. It should be

words, at least one out of five young people living in

noted that, in many cases, it is not easy to distin-

these countries is not in school or working. The rela-

guish between these two types of entrepreneur-

tive proportion of NEET rates can be determined

ship because they often overlap among young

by many factors. In Mexico, for example, the large

people. Furthermore, other than economic entre-

population of young females who are not in school

preneurship, young people are also increasingly

or working but are raising families contributes to

560

Wor K a nd Wor K migr aT ion W iT hin a nd aCross Cou nTr ies

the elevated percent of NEETs (OECD, 2012 a). In

are much higher, exceeding 75%. On average, in

2010, 26.6% of 20- to 24-year-olds and 29.8% of

OECD countries, approximately 84% of young

young adults aged 25–29 were identified as NEETs

people completed high school education in 2010.

in Mexico. In some Asian countries such as Korea

These graduation rates give an indication of the

and Taiwan, the NEET group includes youth who

extent to which young adults leave school without

are not considered as being in formal education but

a high school diploma. The consequences of leaving

who are training for postsecondary institutions or

school before graduating are severe. Prematurely

studying for graduate school entrance examinations.

dropping out of school can lead to lower wages and

The growing size of the NEET population in

make it difficult to escape poverty as an adult.

some countries not only reflects worsening eco-

In the United States, for instance, in 2011, the

nomic conditions but also suggests possible soci-

median income of adults older than 25 years who

etal problems because young people who are not

had not completed high school was about $15,500,

engaged in the schooling system or employment

whereas the median income of their counterparts

tend to be involved in underground or criminal

who had earned a high school credential, including

activity. Those young people experiencing NEET

an equivalent General Educational Development

tend to be more detached from the labor market

(GED) certificate, was approximately $23,500 (US

and from society, which may mean they are less

Census Bureau, 2012). In terms of unemployment

likely to be reintegrated into the workforce. For

rates, a higher percentage of high school dropouts

individuals, long periods of time in NEET can neg-

are out of employment than are adults who obtained

atively impact future career development, earnings

a high school diploma (US Department of Labor,

prospects, and personal well-being. Many research-

2013). The consequences of leaving school early are

ers have observed the relationship between unem-

not only just about wages and long-term earnings;

ployment and poor mental health; to society as a

research also shows that such individuals are more

whole, the incidence of NEET means lost human

likely to have health issues, use illegal drugs, and

capital, loss of tax revenues for national economies,

engage in illicit activities, and are less likely overall

and higher social costs and instability.

to engage in civic activities.

One important group of school leavers that has

Leaving School Too Early

received considerable media attention are young

Some young people, especially in develop-

girls who are forced out of school because of reli-

ing countries, may never attend school and start

gious and political reasons. Forcing young women

working at an early age. Clearly, this population

out of school into domestic chores or early marriage

faces steep obstacles in being able to cope with

is a global concern. Delaying marriage can increase

our changing global society. Across the major-

a woman’s personal income and also increase eco-

ity of developing countries, almost 14% of young

nomic development for nation states. A single year

people aged 10–30 have never been to school. In

of primary school increases women’s earnings from

these countries, there is a prevalence of child labor,

10% to 20%; this percentage gain is slightly higher

where young children are often working in agricul-

for each additional year of secondary education

ture or engaging in domestic household work. In

(15–25%; Psacharopoulos & Patrinos, 2004; US

sub-Saharan Africa, 35% of youth are estimated to

Agency for International Development [USAID],

be engaged in child labor, and in 7 of 29 African

2012). Females forced to leave school are prevented

countries, more than half of children aged 7–14

from obtaining the benefits of education, economic

are working. These young people who have never

programs, and access to social networks. This prac-

been to school are unlikely to ever enroll in school

tice perpetuates the cycle of poverty and magnifies

or training. These patterns tend to be intergenera-

lost career opportunities.

tional, in that child labor is passed from one gen-

Forced early marriages are also a means by which

eration to another (World Bank, 2006).

traffickers exploit young people for use in religious

Along with youth who never enter school, there

rituals, street begging, and the sex trade (United

are those young people who enter school but fail to

Nations Office on Drugs and Crime [UNODC],

attain an elementary or secondary degree. In some

2012). Globally, there has been strong evidence

developing countries such as Mexico and Turkey,

of girls and boys being forced into prostitution or

only about half of young people graduate from

exploitative labor by family members or traffick-

high school (OECD, 2012 a). High school gradu-

ers who abuse and exploit children. Estimates of

ation rates among a majority of OECD countries

the number of young people in these inhuman

sChneider, s aW, Broda

561

situations are difficult to obtain, and, in general,

As shown in Figure 34.2, enrolling in a postsec-

these youth are not factored into global assessments

ondary institution does not always lead to degree

of employment. One way to bring more attention

completion. In the United States, for example, this

to these situations would be to consider the number

is a growing problem. Most recent statistics show

of young people in such circumstances when calcu-

that only 58% of first-time, full-time students who

lating unemployed youth.

enrolled in a 4-year college seeking a bachelor’s

degree in fall 2004 graduated from that institu-

Postsecondary Education

tion within 6 years (or 150% of normal comple-

Both policy makers and students seem to agree

tion time; US Department of Education, 2012).

that the key to successful long-term employment is

At 2-year institutions, the graduation rate is even

to continue one’s education after secondary school.

lower. For those who are first-time, full-time stu-

In the United States, the transition to postsec-

dents who enrolled in fall 2007, only 30% of them

ondary school is commonly described as moving

completed a certificate or associate’s degree within

either into a 2- or 4-year postsecondary institu-

150% of the normal time required (US Department

tion. Additionally, there are for-profit certification

of Education, 2012). Additionally, most young

programs for fields such as cosmetology and truck-

people are taking longer to complete their degrees

ing. In the OECD and some developing countries,

(Bowen, Chingos, & McPherson, 2009; Schneider

undergraduate postsecondary programs sometimes

& Stevenson, 1999). Apart from socially and aca-

admit students at earlier ages than in the United

demically disadvantaged backgrounds, many

States and are broadly referred to as tertiary edu-

other factors contribute to the increasing time to

cation with first and second university degrees

graduation and the high drop-out rates in col-

(which in the United States would be specified as

lege, including rises in college price, declines in

undergraduate and graduate degrees). Worldwide,

collegiate resources, financial aid constraints, stu-

the enrollment ratio in tertiary education rose dent employment, and student-college academic from 18.9% in 2000 to 27.1% in 2009 (United

mismatch (Bound, Lovenheim, & Turner, 2012;

Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Bowen, Chingos, & McPherson, 2009).

Organization [UNESCO], 2011). In regions such

In contrast to the United States, among OECD

as East Asia, the Pacific, Latin America, and the

countries, the graduation rates for tertiary educa-

Caribbean, the enrollment rate increase has been

tion have increased between 1995 and 2010, with

dramatic. In East Asia, it has almost doubled in

the sharpest increase between 1995 and 2000. It

the past decade alone.

has been suggested that these increasing rates of

40

Total tertiary enrollment

Total tertiary completion

) 30

20

10

Number of persons (millions

0

2000

2005

2010

Year

Fig. 34.2 Tertiary enrollment and completion in member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), 1998–2011. Enrollment and completion are both measured in millions of people. Enrollment data applies to all 15- to 19-year-olds, whereas completion data corresponds to 19- to 24-year-olds. Data obtained from OECD Stat Extracts,

http://stats.oecd.org.

562

Wor K a nd Wor K migr aT ion W iT hin a nd aCross Cou nTr ies

completion can be attributed to a shift from lon-

2007 were from outside Europe, suggesting that,

ger programs to those that are only 3 years long.

after adopting the Bologna Process, more young

In Finland, the rise in bachelor’s degrees has been

people from other parts of the world were attracted

traced to increases in more academically oriented

to pursuing tertiary education in European coun-

programs. In Spain, Turkey, and New Zealand,

tries. Although there is no comprehensive inter-

the rise in graduation rates for 2-year programs

national survey or study evaluating the impact of

has been attributed to the development of new

the Bologna Process on graduate employment and

advanced-level vocational training programs.

mobility, a recent graduate survey collecting data

In the United States, the postsecondary system

from nine European countries shows that 5–10%

has a relatively organized transfer process. Students

of bachelor’s degree graduates and a slightly higher

can transfer between institutions from one state

percent of master’s degree recipients work abroad

to another—and the credits are determined by

after graduation (Schomburg, 2011).

the receiving institution. The transfer from 2-year

institutions to 4-year ones is also determined by

Promoting Careers in STEM

the receiving institution, although more recently

In recent years, STEM has received consider-

efforts have been made to provide greater articula-

able attention with respect to career development

tion between the two systems to help with costs

worldwide (Kearney, 2010). Technological innova-

and avoid the duplication of courses that extends

tion has long been an economic driver in the United

the time in undergraduate school.

States, with more than half of total GDP growth

over the past 50 years attributable to innovation

Bologna Process

(Goldin & Katz, 2010). Given this success, it is not

In the EU within the past decade there has

surprising that the United States is emphasizing

been a movement to allow for easier transfers

the need for more workers in STEM (BLS, 2009;

among tertiary institutions. This reform, known

National Science Board [NSB], 2010; President’s

as the “Bologna Process,” was designed to create

Council [PCAST], 2010). The need for STEM

a European Higher Education Area (EHEA) that

workers is not merely specific to the US economy

offers broad access to high-quality tertiary educa-

but has global implications. Technological innova-

tion and further promotes EU citizens’ mobility

tion drives export growth, supports high-quality

and employability (European Higher Education jobs, and is assumed to improve the overall com-Area [EHEA], 1999). Allowing for more transfers

petitive position of the United States. The impor-

is one of the core elements of the Bologna Process

tance of STEM workers is being emphasized across

(London Communique, 2007). This is especially

multiple industries and occupations. In the EU-27

important in an increasingly global labor market

countries, for example, the number of physical,

because countries will have shortages of certain

mathematical, and engineering science profes-

types of jobs and skilled workers, and such an

sionals employed grew by 36% between 2000 and

agreement allows for a more mobile employable

2008, although it has decreased by 16% during the

workforce. To individuals, cross-national mobility

global economic crisis of 2009–2011 (EU Skills

creates opportunities for personal fulfillment and

Panorama, 2012). The demand for STEM-related

the development of competencies, such as foreign

workers is projected to increase by 9% in the next

languages and multicultural understanding, which

decade in the EU-27 countries.

are increasingly crucial and valuable in today’s

The Bureau of Labor Statistics projects that

global labor market.

employment in STEM occupations is expected to

In recent years, researchers from countries grow faster than in non-STEM occupations (BLS, involved in this European cooperation started to

2009). Despite the need for more STEM work-

examine the impact of the decade-old Bologna

ers, the supply of STEM talent is not keeping up

Process on student mobility and graduate employ-

with the demand for these workers (BLS, 2009;

ment (Schomburg & Teichler, 2011). An inter-

Lacey & Wright, 2009). Although the number of

national analysis indicates that, from 1999 to students receiving degrees from 4-year institutions 2007, the growth of foreign students enrolled in

has increased, the share of students graduating with

postsecondary institutions in the Europe 32 area

STEM degrees has declined, including fields such

(including EU-27, EFTA-4, and Turkey) was as engineering where the demand is especially high.

about 82% (Teichler, Ferencz, & Wachter, 2011).

STEM participation and achievement gaps are

Approximately 58% of all foreign students in also prevalent among gender and ethnic and racial sChneider, s aW, Broda

563

groups. Women are less likely to enroll in most

move within-nation (United Nations Development

STEM fields, and the proportion of blacks and

Programme [UNDP], 2009). Although historically,

Hispanics is lower than whites in all STEM fields.

most migrants moved from developing countries to

Even though the United States produces the

developed countries, demographers have noted an

largest number of STEM degree recipients, when

increasing trend of people moving between devel-

accounting for the size of the population and the

oping countries or South-to-South movements

number of overall degrees awarded, other coun-

(International Organisation for Migration [IOM],

tries, such as Germany, graduate a larger share

2011; Ratha & Shaw, 2007; Sanderson, 2010). In

of STEM degree holders. These smaller propor-

global and domestic labor migration processes,

tions are also evident in the labor market, where

youth play a crucial role. Many studies suggest

the United States ranks 23rd among the OECD

that people tend to move from one place to another

countries for its employment share of young people

while they are young and not yet burdened with

aged 25–34 in STEM fields (note again that these

family obligations (e.g., McKenzie, 2008; Rogers

rankings take into account the ratio of the numbers

& Willikens, 1986; Schwartz, 1976). According to

employed and degree recipients in these fields).

the World Bank (2006), the proportion of young

Recognizing that STEM is increasingly valued

adults within the larger flow of international

as an employment skill and also that the employ-

migrants is often higher than the proportion in

ability needs of countries are likely to vary by eco-

their countries of origin, but such proportions vary

nomic development, it is not surprising that we

across destination countries, ranging from a low of

see considerable movement of young people from

17–20% into such countries as Canada and Russia

country to country. It is important to underscore

to a high of 50% into Costa Rica. A recent report

that this movement is also developmentally driven,

released by the UNDESA (2011 b) estimated the

in that most young adults today do not see them-

age range of 18–29 accounts for between 36% and

selves as having one occupation or staying at a par-

57% of today’s international migrants in different

ticular job for their entire work lives. The migration

countries. For some countries, youth population

of workers is a reflection of the overall instability

accounts for a large share of internal migrants. In

of our workforce, changes in technology, and the

China, for instance, in 2009, an estimated 58.4%

desire of young people to pursue their aspirations

of 145 million rural-urban migrant workers were

at this particular time in their lives. With the delay

young adults under age 30 (National Bureau of

in marriage and childbearing and the increasing

Statistics of China, 2011). In African countries

length of time in school, many young people are

such as Mali, Nigeria, and Tanzania, the increasing

exploring new learning and life experiences in dif-

trend of young people migrating within a country

ferent cities and countries. This movement, which

for employment opportunities has also been docu-

is reflected in their occupational choices, should

mented (see Tacoli & Mabala, 2010).

not be seen necessarily as an indication of their

Responding to the forces of globalization and

eventual jobs or careers. Bachelor degree recipients

changing economic structures within a country,

work as waiters, and environmentalists take tour-

growing numbers of young males and females are

ists on recreational trips to secluded endangered

migrating to find jobs or pursue better careers.

areas; it is not just those with low levels of educa-

Despite the numbers of young adults who migrate,

tion doing the exploring. Future lawyers, doctors,

little is known about the characteristics of this

and computer scientists are all exploring new and

population. One possible explanation of why

different work habitats to learn about how societies

young work migrants are understudied rests on the

across the globe operate.

relative availability of immigration data (Massey,

2010; United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA],

Work and Migration

2006; Zlotnik, 1998). Many countries lack a sys-

Migration is a long-standing theme throughout

tem for continuous migration reporting or do not

human history and is considered one of the defin-

process and release this information. Among those

ing global phenomena in our contemporary world.

nations that publish migration data, the meaning

Recent statistics show that there are approximately

and scope of the statistics can largely differ from

214 million international migrants across the each other; thus, it is extremely difficult to synthe-globe (United Nations Department of Economic

size trends or compare across nations. Furthermore,

and Social Affairs [UNDESA], 2011 a), in addi-

many national statistical agencies provide only

tion to about 740 million internal migrants who

aggregated data on the age structure of migration,

564

Wor K a nd Wor K migr aT ion W iT hin a nd aCross Cou nTr ies

rarely offering cross-tabulations of age with other

countries, but also among the developed ones. For

characteristics of interest (McKenzie, 2008). The

example, when examining the impact of migra-

aggregate statistics, for instance, do not provide

tion on wages for a sample of young men from

microdata on young migrants’ participation in France, De´tang-Dessendre, Drapier, and Jayet education and the labor market, including the (2004) find a positive self-selection for highly edu-types of jobs they might be seeking.

cated migrants, supporting the idea that migration

Despite the absence of complete data on migra-

depends on seeking out the best job opportuni-

tion flows, there is an extensive body of literature

ties. In the 1990s, when Italian unemployment

on domestic and transnational movements of became increasingly concentrated in the South, young populations. Utilizing data from one or the flow of workers from the South to the North several countries, researchers have provided some

was mostly limited to well-educated young people

insights into the interrelationships among migra-

(D’Antonio, 2000). Individuals with tertiary-level

tion, age, education, geography, and job opportu-

degrees are much more geographically mobile than

nity. Since early work by Sjaastad (1962), a number

their less-educated peers, especially when mobil-

of research reports have indicated the tendency

ity is defined as making a long-distance move

of people to move from lower income regions to

(Kodrzycki, 2001; Moretti, 2012; Wozniak, 2010).

higher income regions and also that migration

In the United States, for example, roughly 45%

flows increase with education and decrease with

of university graduates reside out of their states

age and distance moved (Schwartz, 1976). Recent

of birth by age 30, as compared to only 27% of

evidence from selected European countries, includ-

high school graduates (Greenwood, 1975; 1997).

ing Denmark, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands,

Internationally, developing countries such as the

Norway, Slovenia, and Sweden, show that in 2008–

Philippines, India, Mexico, and China have the

2009, the age distribution of foreign migrants gen-

highest emigration stocks of high-skilled work-

erally peaks between age 20 and 29 (UNDESA,

ers with postsecondary background expatriates in

2011 b). For young adults, the decision to migrate

high-income economies (Docquier & Marfouk,

is often associated with important life transitions,

2006). A number of small nations, for example,

such as attending college, starting work, or getting

Guyana, Jamaica, Haiti, and Trinidad and Tobago,

married.

suffer the most from brain drain, where more than

two-thirds of college-educated nationals choose to

Education as Vehicle of Work Migration

leave (Organisation for Economic Co-operation

Several factors appear to be driving the large

and Development [OECD], 2008).

number of young migrants today. The first, as noted

Another factor behind rising cross-border

earlier, is the increasing numbers of youth complet-

mobility of young people is the expansion and glo-

ing some college or tertiary education. Migration

balization of postsecondary education around the

is highly impacted by educational background world. For many young students, leaving home to (Schwartz, 1976; Wozniak, 2010). As formal attend college or study abroad is the first step in schooling and training provide general and trans-moving to a new region or country that may offer

ferable skills in the labor market, obtaining higher

more job opportunities. For host cities or countries,

education increases the potential of young graduates

student migration is an increasingly important

to migrate in order to maximize returns on their

source of better educated and highly skilled work-

knowledge and capabilities. It has long been docu-

ers. Traditionally, many countries allow foreign

mented that migrants are better educated than their

students to work for a period upon graduation and

counterparts who remain. From the perspective of

to alter their residential status if they find long-term

a human capital theory of labor migration, educa-

employment. According to the International

tion is a determinant of migration, suggesting that

Migration Outlook 2011 report (OECD, 2011),

better educated individuals tend to move from one

about one in four international students will stay

place to another in response to economic incentives

in the countries in which they studied. Some stay

emerging from disequilibria across spatially segre-

because of marriage to a resident of the country

gated job markets (Bowles, 1970; Sjaastad, 1962).

of study. The other major reason is that employ-

Education is considered a vehicle by which ers from host countries have increasingly begun to young educated adults migrate from low economic

target such international graduates who are rela-

regions to high economic regions within and across

tively mobile and multilingual, which helps them

countries. This is true not only in developing to compete more effectively in global markets.

sChneider, s aW, Broda

565

Today, more countries have developed policies were out of employment at the same time. Similarly, that treat young students as future skilled workers

the share of temporary and part-time employment

who should be enticed to remain and contribute

in the labor market has increased at a faster rate for

to the development of the local economy. Several

young migrants than for native-born young people.

Western countries, including France, Ireland, the

In sum, there appears to be a dichotomy within

Netherlands, and Canada, have recently intro-

the labor market among young migrants. On one

duced or extended their working permit system to

hand, increasing high-skilled labor demand gener-

make access to employment easier for foreign stu-

ated by economic growth and technological change

dents (Khalid, 2009; Legrain, 2007).

in some cities and countries provides relatively bet-

ter job opportunities for young adults from other

Low-Skilled, Temporary Workers, and

regions within and across countries. On the other

Unemployment Among Young Migrants

hand, with an increase in temporary and part-time

Although student mobility may account for a

employment since the recent global financial crisis,

significant proportion of the border-crossing young

many young movers have encountered compara-

population, work migration is not limited to those

tively high difficulty accessing quality, sustainable

young adults who have higher educational attain-

employment. Young adults in new environments

ment and seek high-income occupations. Indirect

are more likely to be unemployed or tend to enter

evidence suggests that youth are likely to be impor-

the labor market through low-quality jobs that

tant actors in low- and medium-skilled and tempo-

are low-paid, afford little job security, provide no

rary labor markets that require no college degree

training opportunities, or do not match their skill

(UNDESA, 2011 b). Many developing and devel-

level. Growing duality in the labor market remains

oped countries accept migrant workers on a tem-

a general concern in helping members of younger

porary basis under special programs for seasonal

generations navigate their career development.

workers or workers with specific skills. These tem-

porary worker migration programs (e.g., tempo-

Future Directions

rary workers, seasonal workers, guest workers, and

To understand the work and migration pat-

contract workers), often found in the agricultural,

terns of young people, it is critical to document

construction, or tourism industries, are more likely

the work opportunities and their relationship to

to favor young people who are flexible and able to

postsecondary pathways across both developed

adjust to a new environment and demanding work.

and developing countries. As the number of young

In addition, several countries such as Germany,

adults has increased, job opportunities for this

Japan, New Zealand, South Korea, Switzerland,

group of both educated and low-skilled work-

and the United States, have policies allowing ers has decreased. Thus, the challenge worldwide the recruitment of “trainees,” most of whom are

is to create high-quality jobs for youth that meet

young adults, to work while improving their skills

young people’s expectations and lead to permanent

(OECD, 2006). “Traineeships” in these countries

employment. Presently, we are facing a situation in

sometimes reflect a camouflaged form of tempo-

which the youth population is outpacing the num-

rary lower skilled worker migration.

ber of available employment possibilities. We need

Poor employment prospects in many countries,

to be more critical and sensitive to the types of jobs

compounded by the recent economic crisis, have

that are likely to provide young adults with viable

placed many young migrants at risk of margin-

futures, such as those in STEM.

alization in the labor market. Between 2008 and

Across countries, one common indicator of

2011, the number of NEET youth rose sharply,

the occupational well-being of youth is based on

especially among migrants (OECD, 2012 c). This

unemployment. However, unemployment figures

is particularly true in such countries as Greece,

tend to be somewhat misleading because certain

Spain, Sweden, Ireland, and Italy. In some devel-

populations are not counted, and in very poor

oped countries, statistics on unemployment among

countries unemployment rates are confounded by

migrants show that it is higher among young the few numbers of individuals who are actually in foreign-born workers than among older migrants

the labor market. We need to construct better mea-

or their native-born counterparts. As reported by

sures of work and understand the multiple path-

the OECD (2012 c) in 2011, about 23% of young

ways that young adults take, including part-time

immigrants were unemployed, whereas about 19%

work and part-time schooling and those in appren-

of national youth and 11% of foreign-born adults

ticeship programs.

566

Wor K a nd Wor K migr aT ion W iT hin a nd aCross Cou nTr ies

The work migration among young people is a

for example, 3M and Google give certain freedom and

reflection of the instability of the workforce over-

resources to employees to create their own projects. Public

all, changes in economic structure, and the aspira-

entrepreneurship refers to entrepreneurial activities that

involve innovations from those who combine public and

tions of young people to pursue their ideal career at

private resources in pursuit of their social objectives and/or

this particular time in their lives. The duality of the

values for citizens (Morris & Jones, 1999).

migrant labor market for young people—those who

are highly skilled and those who are willing to work

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569

C H A P T E R

Love, Sex, and Marriage

35 Across Cultures

Elaine Hatfield, Yu-Ming Mo, and Richard L. Rapson

Abstract

Most scholars today believe that passionate and companionate love are cultural universals—existing in all cultures and historical eras. In this chapter, the authors begin by discussing cultural and evolutionary theories about what people in different societies and in different eras tend to prefer when selecting mates. They then summarize the traits that have been considered romantic, sexual, and marital ideals in the West and in much of the world. Next, the authors discuss the advantages and disadvantages of arranged marriages versus marriage for love. The chapter concludes by speculating about the social changes that are on the horizon and how they may affect people’s preferences in mate selection.

Key Words: passionate love, companionate love, physical attractiveness, arranged marriage and love matches, evolutionary theory, mate selection

Love is divine madness.

A state of intense longing for union with

— Sufi poet Rumi

another… . Reciprocated love (union with the

other) is associated with fulfillment and ecstasy.

Love is a universal human emotion. Nonetheless,

Unrequited love (separation) is associated with

culture is known to have a profound impact on

feelings of emptiness, anxiety, and despair.

people’s definitions of love, their romantic and

(Hatfield, Rapson, & Martel, 2007, pp. 760–761)

marital ideals, whether they marry for love or have

an arranged marriage, and how they fare in such

People in all cultures recognize the power of

marriages. Cultural studies allow us to gain an

passionate love. In South Indian Tamil families,

understanding of the extent to which people’s emo-

for example, a person who falls head-over-heels in

tional lives are written in their cultural histories, as

love with another is said to be suffering from may-

well as “writ in their genes,” and in the interaction

akkam— dizziness, confusion, intoxication, and

of the two.

delusion. The wild hopes and despairs of love are

thought to “mix you up.”

Companionate love is a far less intense emotion.

Defining Passionate and

It combines feelings of attachment, commitment,

Companionate Love

and intimacy. It has been defined as:

Scholars generally distinguish between two

kinds of love: passionate love and companionate

The affection and tenderness we feel for those with

love. Passionate love is a powerful emotional state.

whom our lives are deeply entwined.

It has been defined as:

(Hatfield et al., 2007, p. 761)

570

The Universality of Love

between men and women were remote, insisting

and Sexual Desire

that because life was indeed “nasty, brutish, and

Passionate love is as old as humankind. In the

short, people failed to develop strong emotional

Istanbul Museum of the Ancient Orient is dis-

ties to anyone.” Historians have amassed consider-

played the oldest love poem in the world—writ-

able evidence to support this contention. So at the

ten by a priestess. In 2030 BCE, a Sumerian scribe

moment, although scholars are fairly certain that

pressed the poem into wet clay using a reed stylus,

passionate and companionate love are to be found

then baked the clay. It reads: “Bridegroom, I would

in all cultures, they are not yet sure if such emo-

be taken by you to the bedchamber. You have cap-

tions are common in all cultures or are fairly rare.

tivated me. Let me stand trembling before you …”

Today, most anthropologists agree that passionate

* * *

When studying love, sex, and marriage across

love and lust are universal experiences, transcend-

cultures, anthropologists, neurobiologists, and psy-

ing culture and time. Drawing on a sampling of

chophysiologists tend to focus on the pan-human

tribal societies from the Standard Cross-Cultural

characteristics of love and marriage. Nonetheless,

Sample, Jankowiak and Fischer (Jankowiak, 1995)

cultural, environmental, and historical imperatives

found that in almost all far-flung societies, young

also exert a profound impact on people’s romantic

lovers talked about passionate love, recounted tales

and sexual attitudes, emotions, and behaviors. We

of love, sang love songs, and spoke of the longings

consider a good deal of this research, in a cultural

and anguish of infatuation. When lovers’ pas-

and biosocial mélange, in the following sections.

sionate affections clashed with parents’ or elders’

wishes, young couples sometimes eloped—a risky

The Romantic, Sexual, and Marital Ideal

proposition since, in earlier times, those who wan-

Characteristics Considered Desirable

dered too far from their own communities often

in a Partner

perished.

Since Darwin’s (1871) classic treatise The

Social anthropologists have explored folk Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex, cul-conceptions of love in such diverse cultures tural and evolutionary theorists have attempted to as the People’s Republic of China, Indonesia, learn more about mate preferences. In an impres-Turkey, Nigeria, Trinidad, Morocco, the Fulbe sive cross-cultural study, David Buss (1989 a) of North Cameroon, the Mangrove (an aborigi-asked more than 10,000 men and women from 37

nal Australian community), the Mangaia in the

countries to indicate what characteristics they val-

Cook Islands, Palau in Micronesia, and the Taita

ued in potential mates. The cultures represented

of Kenya. Although cultural values naturally have

a tremendous diversity of geographic, cultural,

some impact on the subtle shadings of meaning

political, ethnic, religious, racial, economic, and

assigned to the construct of love, in all these soci-

linguistic groups. Participants in the various cul-

eties, people’s conceptions of passionate love and

tures varied in age, too: ranging from a mean age

other feelings of the heart appear to be surprisingly

of 16.96 years of age (in New Zealand) to 28.71

similar. One impact of globalization (and the ubiq-

(in West Germany). Buss was interested in cul-

uitous MTV, Hollywood and Bollywood movies,

tural universals. He proposed (and found) that

chat rooms, and foreign travel) may be to ensure

whereas men worldwide cared greatly about their

that when people around the world speak of “pas-

partners’ looks and chastity, women cared more

sionate love,” they are talking about much the same

about status, financial prospects, and potential

thing (see Hatfield, Rapson, & Aumer-Ryan, 2008,

for being a good father. Scholars such as Kim

and Jankowiak, 1995, for a review of this research).

Wallen (1989) have taken issue with Buss’s con-

Few scholars have attempted to find out clusions. Wallen, for example, argues that culture, whether companionate love (the love of married

geography, and financial resources turn out to be

couples) is a cultural universal. Most scholars a better predictor of men’s and women’s prefer-assume that companionate love is indeed found in

ences than gender. In a reanalysis of Buss’s data,

all cultures (Hatfield & Rapson, 2010; Ortigue,

Wallen found that men and women’s preferences

Bianchi-Demicheli, Patel, Frum, & Lewis, 2010).

differed more in cultures where men possessed the

A few historians, however, are skeptical. Stone most power and income (such as Iran and Asian (1977), for example, in The Family, Sex, and nations). In more egalitarian cultures, gender dif-Marriage: In England 1500–1800, insisted that,

ferences were small. In China, India, Indonesia,

in England during this era, the relationships Iran, Israel (the Palestinian Arabs), and Taiwan, h aTfield, mo, r a Pson

571

for example, young people were insistent that their

real-life-situations as computer matching, pick-ups,

mates should be “chaste.” In Finland, France, and speed dating—both men and women appear to Norway, the Netherlands, Sweden, and West care (and to care equally) about a potential partner’s Germany, on the other hand, most judged chastity

looks (see Sprecher et al., 2008, and Eastwick et al.,

to be relatively unimportant. A few respondents

2013, for a review of this research).

even jotted notes in the margin of the question-

Traditionally, standards of attractiveness were

naire, indicating that, for them, chastity would

thought to arise through cultural transmission and

be a disadvantage. In spite of the amazing array of

hence would vary according to local customs and

mating arrangements across the world, one phe-

norms (Hatfield & Sprecher, 1986). In fact, tak-

nomenon that is shared by all societies, regardless

ing a brief trip around the world quickly reveals

of local mating practices, is the fact that falling

a plethora of beauty-enhancing practices that

in love is not a matter of chance. Rather, there

may at first seem bizarre to many Westerners. For

exist forces that push two individuals into even-

example, among the women of the Kayan Lahwi

tually entering into a committed relationship. In

from Burma, a popular beauty-enhancing practice

traditional societies where arranged marriage is

involves placing increasing numbers of brass rings

practiced, the alliances formed between the two

around their necks in order to elongate them. In

families and potential resource exchanges are the

Sepik River, Papua New Guinea men are decorated

central determinants of marriage. However, even

with painful “crocodile scarifications,” which are

in cultures where the extended family exerts little

thought to prove their courage and to increase their

to no influence on mate choice, people still do not

physical appeal. Among the women of the Mursi

fall into love randomly.

tribe in Ethiopia, a beauty-enhancing practice

Love cannot exist without attraction. On the

involves inserting a large plate in the lower lip in

basis of research with college students in several

order to stretch it.

Western and Asian countries, Aron and colleagues

Despite such cultural variability, recent research

(1989) identified the major precursors of falling

has revealed that a few physical characteristics are

in love. These include reciprocal liking, personality,

universally preferred. The perception of physical

similarity, familiarity, social influence, fil ing needs,

attractiveness is robust to the point that consensus

arousal, readiness, specific cues, isolation, mysteri-

in attractiveness has been found between people

ousness, and appearance. Among personality traits,

from different cultures, between adults and infants,

intelligence, kindness, and generosity are desirable

and between humans and chickens (Gangestad &

in long-term partners (see Reis & Aron, 2008, for

Scheyd, 2005).

a further discussion of the antecedents of passion-

One trait that is thought to be universally

ate and companionate love). But before the other

unattractive is fluctuating asymmetry (FA)—devia-

precursors can take effect, physical appearance is

tion from perfect bilateral symmetry. FA arises

generally the first thing we notice about another

as a function of an individual’s ability to resist

person (Bailey, Durante, & Geary, 2011). In one

developmental perturbations caused by patho-

early study (Hatfield, Aronson, Abrahams, & gens. Those who are less able to resist pathogens Rottmann, 1966), randomly assigned college stu-should therefore possess greater FA. In this way,

dents at the University of Minnesota went on a

FA can be thought of as an honest signal of an

dance date with another participant. The research-

individual’s genetic fitness. Consistent with this

ers were interested in characteristics that predict the

assumption, research has found FA to be inversely

enjoyment of the date and the desire to go on a sec-

related to facial attractiveness (Scheib, Gangestad,

ond date with one another. In spite of the fact that

& Thornhill, 1999). Another universally attractive

the researchers had collected voluminous data on

trait is facial averageness—faces with features that

participants’ personalities, intelligence, social skills,

are approximately average in size are judged as more

and the like, it turned out that the only significant

attractive than are faces with features that deviate

predictor of attraction was men’s and women’s from the norm. This may be because average facial physical attractiveness—a characteristic that was

features are indicators of good health (Rhodes

equally important to both. Today, researchers such

et al., 2001). Furthermore, average faces approxi-

as Finkel (2012) and Eastwick et al. (2013) still find

mate the prototypical face of the population and

that although American men and women think that

hence the information they convey may be easier

men are far more preoccupied with appearance than

to process and are thus preferred (Winkielman &

are women, in fact—in such thoroughly modern

Cacioppo, 2001). Other characteristics that may

572

lov e, se x, a nd m a r r i age aCross Cu lT ur es

be universally preferred include blemish-free and

behavioral modeling (Gangestad, Haselton, &

sore-free skin (Symons, 1979) and lustrous hair

Buss, 2006). For instance, female pubic and axil-

(Etcoff, 1999).

lary hair removal did not become a widespread

Many other characteristics are universally pre-

beauty-enhancing practice in Western cultures

ferred but gender dependent. One such characteris-

until recent times. The cause of this shift in prac-

tic is waist-to-hip ratio (WHR). For women, having

tice can likely be attributed to the modeling of new

a hip that is relatively larger than the waist has been

standards of bodily grooming practices through

found to be sexually attractive in many cultures,

marketing ploys to promote spurious hygiene

with a high cross-cultural consensus of an hour-

(Riddell, Varto, & Hodgson, 2010) followed by

glass figure of approximately 0.7 WHR being the

reinforcement through social learning between

ideal female body form, although there does exist

individuals. In addition, people may model the

some cultural variability. WHR is thought to be a

mate choices of others (Place, Todd, Penke, &

female fertility cue: a large hip is an indicator of

Aspendorpf, 2010), and, as a consequence, some

sufficient storage of lower body fat that functions

personal characteristics may become especially

as the primary source of nutrient for the fetus

desirable within a culture. Because different cul-

during pregnancy and as an indicator of the abil-

tures transmit different information about beauty

ity to give birth without complication, whereas a

standards, transmitted culture can thus be con-

relatively narrower waist is an indicator of nonpreg-

sidered the primary mechanism that gives rise to

nancy. An hourglass figure therefore advertises that

the amazing variety of beauty-enhancing practices

the woman is highly capable of childbirth but is

around the world.

not currently pregnant. In addition, women with

The concept of evoked culture, on the other

greater WHR are more likely to experience various

hand, presupposes a universal domain-specific

health problems. The preference for the hourglass

psychology that responds adaptively to local

figure is so strong that it is evident even for con-

ecological conditions (Gangestad et al., 2006).

genitally blind men (Karremans, Frankenhuis, &

In this view, cultural psychological differences

Arons, 2010). This preference for the hourglass fig-

emerged because people of different cultural

ure exists in a variety of cultures, even though the

backgrounds are exposed to different environ-

ideal weight in those cultures may vary greatly. It is

mental stimuli and must therefore process dif-

the shape, not the weight that matters.

ferent sets of cultural information, which then

Because men cannot become pregnant, it fol-

generates different adaptive behavioral responses.

lows that the hourglass figure should not be consid-

In other words, humans have evolved a sophisti-

ered to be an attractive male trait. Consistent with

cated mating psychology that takes into account

this assumption, a WHR of 0.9 has been found

local conditions and may increase, decrease, or

to be ideal for men (Singh, 1994), which is much

shift the preferences for characteristics sought

higher than the ideal WHR for women. On the

in a partner in order to make fitness-optimizing

other hand, a high shoulder-to-hip ratio (SHR), or

mating decisions (Gangestad & Simpson, 2000).

a v-shaped torso, has been found to reflect the ideal

For example, a study involving participants from

male body shape, presumably because having a high

30 countries between the ages of 16 to 40 years

SHR advertises the ability to engage in hunting and

revealed that women in countries of poor health

combative activities, which were closely linked to

(as measured by the National Health Index) had

male reproductive success during much of human

stronger preferences for highly masculine men

evolutionary history (Hughes & Gallup, 2002).

(DeBruine, Jones, Crawford, Welling, & Little,

Although the aforementioned traits convey 2010). The researchers explained this phenomenon important information that is fundamental to in terms of women’s conditional mate preferences human survival and reproduction, and hence for men who are able to sire offspring who can may not vary greatly in their attractiveness value

better resist pathogens and thereby survive under

across cultures, other traits are clearly influenced

such harsh condition. Similarly, another study

by culture. Such cultural-bound traits may emerge

involving 29 cultures revealed a positive relation-

through the two separate but interrelated cul-

ship between local pathogen prevalence and the

tural evolutionary pathways of transmitted culture

importance of physical attractiveness in a partner

and evoked culture (Cosmides & Tooby, 1992). (Gangestad & Buss, 1993). Characteristics that Transmitted culture involves learning particular

we presently look for in a mate may be the result

cultural practices through social learning or through

of reproductive advantages our ancestors enjoyed

h aTfield, mo, r a Pson

573

for having sought out these very same traits in

cyclical fertility status (Gangestad, Garver-Apgar,

their mates during human evolutionary history.

Simpson, & Cousins, 2007). During the fertile

However, because human conditions varied, phase of their reproductive cycles, women experi-each trait may have had different fitness conse-

ence increased interest in extra-pair relationships

quences under different ecological and cultural

when their current partners are unattractive,

contexts. Furthermore, these different responses

show increased short-term mating interest in

may become the root of different cultural norms.

highly masculine men, place greater impor-

For example, in environments where long-term

tance on the physical attractiveness of a partner

biparental care is necessary for offspring survival,

(Gangestad, Thornhill, & Garver-Apgar, 2010),

the culture may come to value long-term com-

and dress in a sexier manner. This shift in pref-

mitment between spouses, and moral codes and

erence has not been found for women who are

institutional policies may gravitate toward main-

seeking long-term committed relationships. Men

taining this type of relationship.

also shift their preferences based on mating con-

Weight is the most notorious trait that dif-

text. For example, when looking for short-terms

fers in its attractiveness value across cultures as

mates, men place greater importance on the

a function of evoked culture. In modern Western

attractiveness of women’s bodies over women’s

culture, women strive to stay slim and men strive

faces (Confer, Perilloux, & Buss, 2010).

to become strong and muscular in order to appear

Both men and women also respond flex-

attractive. In the United States, fat college men

ibly to the local availability of potential partners.

are less popular and have a more dismal social

During economic recession, women may increase

life than do their slimmer peers. Heavier college

their spending on beauty products in an effort to

women are also less likely to be in a relationship

attract a shrinking base of financially stable men.

and have fewer sexual experiences. However, In a cross-cultural study involving 48 cultures, it a quick survey of world opinion would quickly

was found that in cultures where women outnum-

reveal that thinness is far from a universal beauty

ber men, the entire population tended to be more

standard. In many parts of Africa, the ideal promiscuous, whereas the opposite was true when female body weight is much heavier than the

men outnumber women (Schmitt, 2005). Because

Western ideal, and among Native Hawaiian and

men on average possess a stronger preference than

Samoan cultures, being “big” is the equivalent

women toward promiscuity by default (Buss &

to being beautiful. One ecological factor under-

Schmitt, 1993), in cultures where women outnum-

lying the variation in ideal female body weight

ber men, men are better able to exercise their pre-

is food scarcity. In cultures suffering from food

ferred mating strategy through sheer opportunity.

scarcity, possessing excess storage of fat provides

But when women are the scarcer commodity, they

a survival advantage for both genders, but the

possess more power to exercise their default mat-

effect is multiplied for women because additional

ing strategy of long-term, monogamy-based rela-

storage of fat is needed not just for survival, but

tionships (Schmitt, 2005). As many cross-cultural

for childbirth as well. Our universal but flexible

studies on love and attraction have demonstrated,

mind takes these local conditions into account

despite the huge variety of customs in which love

to generate adaptive responses. In cultures where

relationships are formed around the world, the

starvation is prevalent, the adaptive responses bases of these relationships are far from random involve a shifting of male preferences for larger

and are heavily hinged on basic mechanisms of

women. Together with transmitted culture attraction.

effects, largeness eventually became the female

beauty standard in these cultures. Consequently,

Deal Breakers

eating disorders related to ideal beauty standards

Joseph Carey Merrick—better known as the

that are common in the West—such as anorexia

Elephant Man—was arguably the least attractive

nervosa and bulimia nervosa—are largely absent

man who ever lived. He was denied many of the

in cultures with food shortage.

life’s opportunities because of his foul appearance,

Other lines of research have demonstrated including any chance of a romantic relationship.

that, in the West, young women are especially

Similarly, in classic novels such as Hunchback of

flexible in the mating strategies they employ—

Notre Dame and The Phantom of the Opera, physi-

depending on relationship context (short-term or

cally deformed main characters inevitably had

long-term), ecological and social conditions, and

their quests for love end in tragedy. Surely, some

574

lov e, se x, a nd m a r r i age aCross Cu lT ur es

characteristics are so appalling that the possession

sexuality compared to the decline in the husband’s

of them become “deal breakers” that end all pos-

physical appearance (Margolin & White, 1987).

sibility of a romantic or sexual relationship.

Of course, at some point, people may decide

Although a characteristic such as a physical that no relationship is better than the inferior offer-deformity is immediately apparent, other char-

ings available to them.

acteristics do not rear their ugly heads until two

people have already dived deep into a committed

Marriage for Love Versus Arranged

relationship. Then, these deal breakers may push

Marriages in Tribal Societies

the relationship into dissolution. Cunningham

Cross-cultural surveys document the variety of

and colleagues (2005), in a series of studies with

mate selection systems that have existed and still do

American college students, identified major cat-

exist in traditional societies throughout the world.

egories of behaviors that may be responsible for the

They provide information about the ubiquity of

termination of a relationship. Among them, intru-

polygamy versus monogamy in tribal societies

sive behaviors—harmful behaviors that are inten-

and indicate who generally possesses the power to

tionally directed toward the partner (e.g. physical

arrange marriages.

abuse, being overly controlling, being overly criti-

cal of the partner)—best predicted relationship

Polygamy Versus Monogamy

dissatisfaction and termination. Norm violations—

Fisher (1989) studied the marital arrangements

intentional behaviors that violate societal stan-

of 853 tribal societies sampled in the Ethnographic

dards—also predicted relationship dissatisfaction

Atlas (which contains anthropological informa-

and termination. Having undesirable personality

tion on more than 1,000 representative preindus-

traits may also force the partner to terminate the

trial societies throughout the world). She found

relationship. In a longitudinal study of American

that although almost all societies (84%) permitted

couples followed from courtship (in the 1930s) to

polygyny (allowing men to marry more than one

the 1980s, the strongest personality predictors for

wife), men rarely exercised this option. Only about

divorce were neuroticism or negative emotionality

10% of men had more than one wife. Most had just

and lack of impulse control from the male partner

one. A few remained unmarried. In 16% of societ-

(Kelly & Conley, 1987).

ies, monogamy was prescribed. Polyandry (which

Men and women may possess reproductive allows women to marry more than one husband) interests and sets of evolved sexual strategies that

was extremely rare. (Only 0.5% of societies permit-

are at odds with each other. It then follows that

ted this type of marital arrangement.)

there should be gender differences in what con-

Theorists such as Wilson and Daly (1992) have

stitutes a romantic deal breaker, with men and

observed, however, that although in theory men

women becoming offended by the other’s preferred

and women may be required to be faithful to their

sexual strategy. Consistent with this assumption,

mate, in many situations, it is to a man’s or wom-

research has found American women to be more

an’s benefit to break the rules and “mate poach.”

upset by their partners’ sexual assertiveness and

Thus, as a consequence of their evolutionary heri-

aggressiveness, whereas men are more upset by

tage, so the argument goes, humans are likely to

their partners’ sexual withholding. In addition, possess cognitive structures designed to deal with women were upset by their partners’ inconsiderate,

a multitude of cultural arrangements and contin-

neglecting, and condescending behavior, whereas

gencies (see Barkow, Cosmides & Tooby, 1992;

men were upset by their partners’ moodiness and

Hrdy, 1999; and Wilson & Daly, 1992, for a dis-

physical self-absorption (Buss, 1989 b). Across 37

cussion of the factors that make it advantageous [or

cultures, Buss (1989 a) found men to have a univer-

costly] for men and women to be monogamous or

sal preference for long-term mates who are youth-

to seek a variety of sexual partners). It seems, then,

ful and physically attractive and women to have a

that although societies allow a variety of marital

universal preference for long-term mates who are

arrangements, in fact, monogamy is probably the

of relatively high status. Given these preferences,

most common societal arrangement.

being overly homely for females and being penni-

less for males may both serve as deal breakers for

Who Possesses the Power to Decide?

a romantic relationship. Among American married

As we observed earlier, the Ethnographic Atlas

couples, the decline in the wife’s physical appear-

contains anthropological information on more

ance has more negative consequences for marital

than 1,000 preindustrial societies throughout the

h aTfield, mo, r a Pson

575

world. When Broude and Green (1983) sampled

notion that passionate love and sexual desire are

186 of these groups, they found that, in most

bound to end badly, with shame, thwarted hopes

tribal societies, parents, kin, and young men and

for marriage, eventual ruin, and suicide, has been

women were supposed to consult with one another

embedded in the Eastern psyche as an Eternal

about possible mates in this most important of

Truth. Classical tales recount the doomed couple’s

family decisions. In most societies, however, men

suicidal journey to a chosen place, leaving forever

had considerably more power than did women in

behind them familiar scenes, agonizing mental

determining their own fates. In only a minority of

conflicts, and the last tender farewells (Mace &

societies were men and women allowed complete

Mace, 1980).

power in selecting their own mates.

For today’s young individualistic Americans

and Europeans, such tales of forbidden romance

Modern-Day Societies: Marriage

may seem melodramatic. But to young Asian

for Love Versus Arranged Marriage

romantics, who knew that passion had little chance

In the West, before 1700, no society ever equated

of flowering into marriage, the tales stood as sub-

le grand passion with marriage. In the 12th century,

lime tragedies. In traditional cultures, it was young

in The Art of Courtly Love, Andreas Capellanus

lovers who had to adapt, not society. Individual

(1174/1957) stated that:

happiness mattered little; what was important

was the well-being of the family and the main-

everybody knows that love can have no place

tenance of social order. As one Chinese woman

between husband and wife… . For what is love but

asserted: “Marriage is not a relation for personal

an inordinate desire to receive passionately a furtive

pleasure, but a contract involving the ancestors, the

and hidden embrace? But what embrace between

descendants, and the property” (Mace & Mace,

husband and wife can be furtive, I ask you, since

1980, p. 134).

they may be said to belong to each other and may

satisfy all of each other’s desires without fear that

Arranged Marriages

anybody will object? (p. 100)

Throughout history, cultures have varied mark-

And Capellanus wasn’t even talking about pas-

edly in who possessed the power to select romantic,

sionate love—just love. To make his argument per-

sexual, and marital partners. As we have seen, in

fectly clear, he added: “We declare and we hold as

the distant past, in most societies, parents, kin, and

firmly established that love cannot exert its powers

the community usually had the power to arrange

between two people who are married to each other”

things as they chose. Marriage was assumed to be

(p. 106).

an alliance between two families. Families might

Shakespeare may have written a scattering of

also consult with religious specialists, oracles, and

romantic comedies in which passionately mis-

matchmakers (Jeedigunta, 2012). When con-

matched couples hurtled toward marriage, but his

templating a union, parents, kin, and their advi-

plays were the exception. Until 1500, most courtly

sors were generally concerned with a number of

love songs, plays, and legends assumed a darker

background questions. What was the young per-

ending—passionate love was either unrequited,

son’s caste, status, family background, religion,

unconsummated, or it spun down to family trag-

and economic position? Did his family possess

edy ending in the suicide or death of the lovers. As

any property? How big was her dowry? Would

late as 1540, Alessandro Piccolomini would write

he fit in with the entire family? In Indian fami-

that “love is a reciprocity of soul and has a different

lies, for example, what families cared most about

end and obeys different laws from marriage. Hence

in arranging a marriage was religion (whether one

one should not take the loved one to wife” (Hunt,

was a Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, or Christian), caste,

1959, p. 206). True to his times, and anticipating

social class, education, and family background

the sweeping changes that would be sparked by the

(Bumroongsook, 1992; Jeedigunta, 2012). If things

18th-century Enlightenment, Piccolomini, as he

looked promising, parents and go-betweens began

approached death, began to change his mind about

to talk about the exchange of property, dowries,

the value of love in marriage.

and the young couple’s future obligations and liv-

In the great societies of Asia—China, Japan, and

ing arrangements.

India (lands of arranged marriage, at least since the

Some problems were serious enough to rule out

end of the 17th century) and thousands of haiku

any thought of marriage. Sometimes religious advi-

poems, Noh plays, and heroic legends later—the

sors would chart the couples’ horoscopes. Those

576

lov e, se x, a nd m a r r i age aCross Cu lT ur es

born under the wrong sign might be forbidden to

occurring in the ways young people (heterosexual

marry (Bumroongsook, 1992). Generally, young

and homosexual) currently select their romantic,

people were forbidden to marry anyone who was

sexual, and marital partners. We will see that,

too closely related (say, a brother or sister, or a cer-

throughout the world, parental power is crumbling

tain kind of cousin). Sometimes, they were for-

and arranged marriages are being replaced by the

bidden to marry foreigners. (In Thailand, Thais

ideal of marriage for love (Hatfield & Rapson,

were often forbidden to marry Chinese, Indian,

1996; Jeedigunta, 2012).

Japanese, Mons, or Malay suitors [Bumroongsook,

1992]). Similar assets (caste, family status, land,

Marriage for Love

and money) have been found to be important in a

Different cultures traditionally have had very

variety of countries, such as India, Japan, Morocco,

different views about the role of love in marriage.

and Thailand.

Cultures with arranged marriages viewed love as

Today, in many parts of the world, parents an explosive emotion that was neither logical nor and matchmakers still arrange their children’s practical. Love posed a serious threat to the stabil-marriages. Arranged marriages are common in ity of the family because young people were likely India, in the Muslim countries, in South Asia,

to fall in love with and wish to marry someone

in sub-Saharan Africa, and in cultural enclaves

who was not suitable for the family (Jeedigunta,

throughout the remainder of the world.

2012). Cultures that allowed love marriages, on the

These days, even in the most traditional of other hand, viewed passionate love far more posi-societies, however, parents and husbands are gen-

tively. These cultures considered love to be the glue

erally forced to balance conflicting interests. The

that binds two individuals together into one cohe-

Moroccan tribal world, for example, is definitely a

sive unit. Whatever traditional views once were,

man’s world. Men possess absolute authority over

however, the evidence suggests that the forces of

their wives and children. They possess the power

Westernization, globalization, and worldwide com-

to take several wives. They often promise their

munication are changing views of love—particu-

sons and daughters to potential allies at very young

larly among the young.

ages. Yet, even in Moroccan families, things do not

In the West, romantic love has, for the past

always happen as they are “supposed” to. In theory,

century, been considered to be the sine qua non of

men may possess all the power, but in fact they do

marriage. In the mid-1960s, Kephart (1967) asked

not. Joseph and Joseph’s (1987) vivid descriptions

more than 1,000 American college students: “If a

of Moroccan family life make it clear that, even

boy (girl) had all the other qualities you desired,

in that traditional society, compromise is often

would you marry this person if you were not in

required. When “all-powerful” Moroccan fathers

love with him (her)?” In that era, men and women

try to force their children into unappealing mar-

were found to possess very different ideas about the

riages, sympathetic family members may employ

importance of romantic love in a marriage. Men

an avalanche of strategies to thwart them. Young

considered passion to be essential (only 35% said

lovers may enlist an army of mothers, uncles, they would marry someone they did not love).

brothers, neighbors, and business partners to plead,

Women were more practical. They claimed that the

threaten, and haggle on their behalf. Mothers may

absence of love would not necessarily deter them

warn prospective brides about their sons’ “faults.”

from considering marriage. (A full 76% admit-

Young men may complain that an undesirable ted they would be willing to marry someone they bride is a witch. Young people may threaten to kill

did not love.) Kephart suggested that whereas men

themselves. Many rely on witchcraft or magical

might have the luxury of marrying for love, women

charms to get their way. Sometimes these desperate

(who possessed less legal, social, and economic

stratagems work; sometimes they don’t.

power) did not. A woman’s status and survival (and

Within a single society, arrangements often that of her children) were dependent on that of her vary from ethnic group to ethnic group, class husband; thus, she had to be practical and take a to class, region to region, and family to family

potential mate’s family background, professional

(Bumroongsook, 1992).

status, and income into account.

In contemporary societies, both East and West,

Since the 1960s, sociologists have continued to

most young men and women do meet, fall in love,

ask young American men and women about the

feel sexual desire, and live together or marry. In

importance of romantic love. They have found

the next section, we discuss the revolution that is

that, year by year, young American men and

h aTfield, mo, r a Pson

577

women have come to demand more and more of

and England, young people were insistent on

love. In the most recent research, 86% of American

love as a prerequisite for marriage. Only in tradi-

men and a full 91% of American women answered

tional, collectivist, developing nations, such as the

the question about whether they would wed with-

Philippines, Thailand, India, and Pakistan were

out love with a resounding “No!” Obviously, in

students willing to compromise and marry some-

the West, romantic love is considered to be a pre-

one they did not love. In these societies, of course,

requisite for marriage. Today, American men and

the extended family is still extremely important

women assume that romantic love is so important

and poverty is widespread.

that they claim that if they fell out of love, they

Research suggests that young men and women

would not even consider staying married! Some

today, in most countries throughout the world,

social commentators have suggested that, with consider love to be a prerequisite for courtship and more experience, these young romantics might find

marriage. It is primarily in Eastern, collectivist,

that they are willing to “settle” for less than they

and poorer countries that passionate love remains

think they would, but as yet there is no evidence to

a bit of a luxury.

indicate that this is so.

How do young men and women in other coun-

Strengths and Weaknesses

tries feel about this issue? Many cultural psycholo-

of Different Types of Marriage

gists have pointed out that cultural values have

In societies in which extended families are

a profound impact on how people feel about the

the norm, arranged marriages are often preferred

wisdom of love matches versus arranged marriages.

because marriage is a decision that impacts the

Throughout the world, arranged marriages are

entire family and its infrastructure. Those who

still relatively common. It seems reasonable to believe in arranged marriages claim that such argue that in societies such as China, India, and

arrangements have many advantages for society

Japan, where arranged marriages are fairly typical,

and for the young couple. Societal advantages

they ought to be viewed more positively than in the

include the preservation of the society’s status

West, where they are relatively rare.

hierarchy, allowing political, religious, and famil-

To test this notion, Sprecher and her colleagues

ial authorities to control the lives of young people;

(1994) asked American, Russian, and Japanese stu-

the facilitation of political and economic alliances

dents: “If a person had all the other qualities you

between families; and the preservation of family

desired, would you marry him or her if you were

assets and properties within the larger kin group.

not in love?” (Students could answer only “yes” or

For the young couple, the advantages include the

“no.”) The authors assumed that only Americans

fact that parents may be wiser and more practical

would demand love and marriage; they predicted

in their selection than are the young. Young people

that both the Russians and the Japanese would

may be socially inept and have trouble finding a

be more practical. They were wrong! Both the

mate. When parents make the selection, there will

Americans and the Japanese were romantics. Few

be more community and family support for an alli-

of them would consider marrying someone they

ance. Arranged marriages tend to de-emphasize the

did not love (only 11% of Americans and 18% of

marital relationship and emphasize the individuals’

the Japanese said “yes”). The Russians were more

responsibility to the family and their offspring.

practical; 37% said they would accept such a pro-

On the other hand, those in favor of allowing

posal. Russian men were only slightly more practi-

young people to have the final word in choosing

cal than were men in other countries. It was the

a mate point out that young couples have a vested

Russian women who were most likely to “settle.”

interest in making a marriage work when they have

Despite the larger proportion of Russian women

made the choice themselves. When couples love and

willing to enter a loveless marriage, a large majority

feel affection for one another, communication and

of individuals in the three cultures would refuse to

compromise are easier. Love may not be important

marry someone they did not love.

in tribal communities where people have a large

In a landmark study, Levine and his colleagues

extended family for support, but in modern-day

(1995) asked college students in 11 different industrial societies where couples must rely primar-nations if they would be willing to marry someone

ily on one another, love and compatibility are cru-

they did not love even if that person possessed all

cially important.

the other qualities they desired. In affluent nations

How do arranged marriages versus marriage of

such as the United States, Brazil, Australia, Japan,

love arrangements work out? The data are unclear.

578

lov e, se x, a nd m a r r i age aCross Cu lT ur es

A few studies (a very few) suggest that in traditional

divorce. At the moment, more research needs to be

societies, such as India, arranged marriages may

conducted to determine the conditions that foster

work out the best. Gupta and Singah (1982) inter-

a couples’ (and especially a woman’s) happiness in

viewed 50 couples living in Jaipur, India. Some had

various kinds of marital arrangements.

married for love, while the others’ marriages had

Regardless of the pros and cons of the various

been arranged. Couples were asked to complete

possibilities, young men and women through-

two scales—one assessing how much romantic

out the world seem to have made their choice.

love they felt for their mate, a second asking how

Increasingly, parental power is eroding. Young

much they liked him or her. At first (during the

people, men and women, are increasingly insisting

first 5 years of marriage), it was couples who had

on marrying for love. In even the most traditional

married for love who loved and liked their part-

of societies, most young people now agree that,

ners the most. After that, however, the couple’s

although parents should be consulted, they should

feelings began to change. By the time couples had

be free to choose their own mates (Ballard, 2010;

been married 5–10 years, researchers found that it

Bumroongsook, 1992; Jeetagunda, 2012; Hatfield

was the couples in arranged marriages who were

& Rapson, 1996). A few societies—such as Iran

most in love. Men (but not women) in arranged

and Saudi Arabia—are changing more slowly, but

marriages had also come to like their partners more

change is still in the air.

than before.

Most evidence, however, suggests that arranged

How Long Does Love Last?

marriages possess societal benefits although

young couples may not find them totally satisfy-

Never let your heart open

ing. Blood (1967) asked Japanese men and women

With the Spring Flowers;

whose marriages had been arranged or who had

One week of love

married for love, and who had been married for

Is an inch of ashes.

various lengths of time, how happy their mar-

—Li Shang-yin, China, 9th century

riages were. Generally, parents had consulted with

their sons about their preferences before arrang-

Passion sometimes burns itself out. Consider

ing a marriage; they were far less likely to have

this exchange between anthropologist Shostak

consulted with their daughters. Blood found that

(1981) and a !Kung (African) tribesman as they

for men, it didn’t seem to matter much one way

observed a young married couple:

or the other how their mates had been selected.

As I stood watching, I noticed the young man

In general, Japanese men were happier in their

sitting in the shade of a tree, also watching. I said,

marriages than were women. Men were equally

“They’re very much in love, aren’t they?” He

happy in either arranged marriages or love mar-

answered, “Yes, they are.” After a pause, he added,

riages. Women, on the other hand, seemed to pay

“For now.” I asked him to explain, and he said,

a cost for powerlessness. Overall, women were

“When two people are first together, their hearts

less happy with their marriages than were men.

are on fire and their passion is very great. After a

In arranged marriages, the longer women were

while, the fire cools and that’s how it stays… . They

married, the more unhappy they grew with their

continue to love each other, but it’s in a different

marital bonds. Women who had married for love

way—warm and dependable.” … How long did

remained far happier over time.

this take? “It varies among couples. A few months,

In a similar study, Xu and Whyte (1990) sur-

usually; sometimes longer. But it always happens.”

veyed 586 women in Chengdu, in the People’s

Was it also true for a lover? “No,” he explained,

Republic of China, who had married at some time

“feelings for a lover stay intense much longer,

in the period from 1933 to 1987. Some of the mar-

sometimes for years.” (p. 268)

riages had been arranged; others were free-choice.

The results were clear. Women were the happiest

Fisher (2004) argues that the transient nature of

if they were allowed to choose their own mates.

passionate love is a cultural universal. She believes

Marriages for love also seemed to be most stable.

that our Homo sapiens ancestors experienced pas-

At this time, divorce was rare in China (only 3.9%

sionate love and sexual desire for very practi-

of first marriages ended in this fashion), but Xu

cal genetic reasons. Our hominid ancestors were

and Whyte found that more arranged marriages

primed to fall ardently, sexually in love for about

than free-choice marriages eventually ended in 4 years. This is precisely the amount of time it takes h aTfield, mo, r a Pson

579

to conceive a child and take care of it until it is

world, human sexual attitudes and behavior seem

old enough to survive on its own. (In tribal societ-

forever in flux.

ies, children are relatively self-sufficient by this age.

Some typical examples include the Hindu

By this time, they generally prefer to spend most

philosopher Vātsyāyana, the author of the Kama

of their time playing with other children.) Once

Sutra, who lived between the 1st and 6th century

our ancestors no longer had a practical reason to

CE and advised men and women to marry for love

remain together, or so Fisher claims, they had every

while the Medieval Catholic church condemned

evolutionary reason to fall out of love with their

such sinful indulgence. The early Egyptians prac-

previous partner and to fall in love with someone

ticed birth control, and some Polynesians practiced

new. Why were people programmed to engage in

infanticide; Classical Greeks rewarded couples who

such serial pair-bonding? Fisher maintained that

were willing to conceive; the Eskimos considered

such serial monogamy produces maximum genetic

it hospitable to share their wives with visitors;

diversity, which is an evolutionary advantage. To

Muslims jealously locked their wives and concu-

test her hypothesis that, generally, love is fleeting,

bines away in harems; Sumerian and Babylonian

Fisher examined the divorce rates in collecting/

temples were staffed by priests, priestesses, and

hunting, agricultural, pastoral, fishing, and indus-

sacred prostitutes; the ancient Hebrews stoned

trial societies, scouring ethnographic records and

“godless” prostitutes; Hellenes idealized the pure

the Demographic Yearbooks of the United Nations.

sexual love between older men and young boys;

She found that, as predicted, throughout the world,

and the Aztecs punished homosexuality by tying

couples most commonly divorced in their fourth

men to logs, disemboweling them, covering them

year of marriage. She—like many evolutionary

with ash, and incinerating them (Tannahill, 1980).

psychologists—contends that today the same evo-

Historians have also documented how pro-

lutionary forces that influenced our ancestors shape

foundly a society’s attitudes toward love, sex, and

the modern cross-cultural pattern of marriage–

intimacy can alter over time. Consider China,

divorce–remarriage. Fisher’s ideas are stimulating,

which possesses an ancient culture. Its archeo-

but her exclusion of cultural forces, considering

logical record begins 5,000 years ago in the

their omnipresence in nearly all matters related to

Hongshan (Red Mountain) dynasty. Its historical

love and sex, mandate a certain skepticism on the

record begins 4,000 years ago in the Xia (or First

part of the reader.

Dynasty). The oldest Chinese medical texts on love

and sexuality date from 168 BCE.

Historical Perspectives on Love and

Traditionally, Chinese history is divided into

Marriage

three periods: the Formative Age (prehistory

The human condition has changed so much

through 206 BCE), the Early Empire (206 BCE

… that we can hardly imagine the way it

to 960 CE), and the Later Empire (960–1911 CE).

appeared to people whose lives really were

The Chinese historian Ruan (1991) argued that

nasty, brutish, and short. This is why we need

during the first 4,000 years of Chinese history,

to reread Mother Goose.

attitudes toward passionate love and sexual desire

—Robert Darnton, 2009, p. 29

were generally positive—although hardly uniform

and unchanging during these epochs. Medical

Any time scholars begin talking glibly about

texts dating back to 168 BCE make it clear that

“cultural universals,” historians tend to react with

the ancients assumed that love and sexual plea-

skepticism. They prefer to emphasize the multiplic-

sure were two of the great joys of life. In the Late

ity, variability, and mutability of human behavior.

Empire (1,000 years ago), during the Sung dynasty,

They shy away from all single-cause explanations

the Neo-Confucianists gained political and reli-

for how cultures and individuals work, and they

gious power, and Chinese attitudes began to alter,

revel in complexity, movement, and change.

gradually becoming more and more negative and

Historical research reminds us that, throughout

repressive concerning sex. Displays of love outside

time, people have embraced very different attitudes

marriage were forbidden, and erotic art and litera-

toward love, sex, and marriage; have desired very

ture were often burned.

different traits in romantic and marital partners;

When the People’s Republic of China was

and have differed markedly in whether such feel-

established in 1949, Communist officials imposed

ings were to be proclaimed to the world or hid-

even tighter controls on love and “inappropri-

den in the deepest recesses of the heart. In the real

ate” sexual activity. On a visit to Beijing, John

580

lov e, se x, a nd m a r r i age aCross Cu lT ur es

Money, a sexologist, reported: “I came across a slo-

addition, philosophers, poets, artists, and others

gan: ‘Making love is a mental disease that wastes

noted sexual relations between adolescent boys and

time and energy.’ ” Gil (1992) noted:

their older male mentors. Men of the upper classes,

whose lives were steeped in wealth and physical

A puritanical, if not heavy-handed, sexual

indulgence, pursued these homoerotic pleasures. It

“primness” became firmly established… . This

would be safe to say that Greek and, later, Roman

included a denial of romantic love, the affirmation of

men did it for pleasure.

the absolute role of the collective over the individual

During the Middle Ages, the Pope and his

as a basic tenet toward which one should direct any

religious enforcers likely frightened ordinary peo-

affections. The Great Leap Forward demanded,

ple into curtailing sexual activities. The Church

in Communist parlance, the “renunciation of the

taught that sexual desire outside of marriage, as

heart.” Party policy deliberately constructed an

well as enjoyment within the marital bed, was

altruism which sought (for every man and woman)

a sin—and the wages of sin were death. Most

hard work during the day, without being “deflected

couples resisted or ignored sexual longing and

or confused” by love, sexual desire, or any strivings

endeavored to have sex only for the purpose of

for private happiness. (p. 571)

procreation. Even late liberal thinkers on love and

Today, of course, in China as throughout much

marriage, such as Daniel Defoe, believed that a

of the rest of the world, the winds of change are

marriage based in passion “brings madness, des-

blowing. Young people—perhaps as a consequence

peration, ruin of families, disgrace” (as cited in

of globalization (as evidenced in the availability of

Stone, 1977, p. 281).

international cinema, the Web, world travel, and

In The Great Cat Massacre, Darnton (1984)

MTV)—are adopting more “liberal” or “worldly”

described French peasant life in the 16th and 17th

views of passionate love, sexual desire, marriage for

centuries this way:

love (rather than arranged marriages), and romantic

Men labored from dawn to dusk, scratching the

and sexual diversity (see Robert Francoeur’s 1997

soil on scattered strips of land with plows like those

magisterial review for social changes occurring in

of the Romans and hacking at their grain with

various countries; for more recent discussions of

primitive sickles, in order to leave enough stubble

current social changes, see Jeedigunta, 2012; Levine

for communal grazing… . Great masses of people

et al., 1995; Parish, Laumann, & Mojola, 2007).

lived in a state of chronic malnutrition. (p. 24)

Sexual Motives Through History

Most peasants lived short and difficult lives,

Several theses have emerged regarding sexual

leaving little energy to expend on sex. Darnton

motives in Western history. The recent work of

(1984) concluded:

Shorter (2005) asserts that sexuality is driven by

The peasant of early modern France inhabited a

biology. It little matters the century or the cir-

world of step-mothers and orphans, of inexorable,

cumstances—it is not social conditioning but the

unending toil, and of brutal emotions, both raw

biology of the brain that drives our desires. Those

and repressed. The human condition has changed so

sexual drives are, however, expressed in the con-

much since then that we can hardly imagine the way

text of the times, shaped by community mores,

it appeared to people whose lives really were nasty,

finances, social status, the power of the church,

brutish, and short. This is why we need to reread

and gender—among other things. D’Emilio and

Mother Goose. (p. 29)

Freedman (1997) argued that, in the United States,

“sexuality has been continually reshaped by the

Stone (1977) confirmed that in the early mod-

changing nature of the economy, the family, and

ern period, sexual love played almost no part in

politics” (p. xii). Other scholars have examined the

everyday life. Historical examples abound to dem-

balance of power between men and women and

onstrate that sexual motives and sexual behaviors

the related shifts in sexual behavior. However, no

have varied widely over the years from classical

single thesis seems to explain the variety of sexual

antiquity to present. People were motivated by

motives demonstrated over time.

pleasure, by duty, by piousness, by fear, by power,

Greeks of classical antiquity were known for

but rarely by love. While upper class Greeks and

their pursuit of pleasure. Their enjoyment of “total

Romans experimented freely with sexual behav-

body sex” (Shorter, 2005, p. 19) recognized that

ior, many Europeans of the Middle Ages turned

the entire body could be an erotic instrument. In

away from sexuality in compliance with the harsh

h aTfield, mo, r a Pson

581

hand of the Catholic Church. In the 300 years

In projecting present-day tendencies into the

from 1500 to 1800, Europe and America showed

future, one has to assume that global developments,

important changes in mentalité. The West began

such as war, the dislocations of climate change, ter-

to question patriarchal and repressive attitudes

ror attacks, unforeseen plagues, and the like won’t

and began to evolve slowly in the direction of the

profoundly disrupt the present day flow of history.

more individualistic, egalitarian, and permissive

Nothing is guaranteed.

attitudes toward sexuality, love, and marriages

Also disruptive and tending toward exponen-

that are common today in the West—and rapidly

tial rather than incremental change is the realm

spreading to the rest of the world.

of technology, which fosters history’s most rapid

and profound transformations. Rapson proph-

Future Directions: Guesses About

esied (1) the fast growth of love, sex, and relation-

the Future of Love, Sex, and Marriage

ships conducted on the Web—including fantasy

One trend that has already begun is the promi-

relationships; (2) increased computer matching;

nence of multidisciplinary research. In the late

(3) increased availability of pornography and tech-

20th century, debates raged as to what is “really”

nological sex; (4) cures for AIDS, STIs, and impo-

important in shaping culture, love, and sex: culture

tence, which may unleash greater sexual activity,

or biology. (At times, it felt as if we were caught in

freedom, and experimentation; (5) advances in

the middle of a paintball fight, as we shouted [along

reproductive technology—including birth con-

with many others] from the grandstands: “It’s trol, abortion, and the possibility of boutique both. It’s both.”) Today, as you can see from our

babies; and (6) people living into old age in greater

discussion, most scholars acknowledge that cul-

health, perhaps even with significantly expanded

ture, history, personal experience, chemistry, and

lifespans.

genetic factors all play their part in shaping people’s

There is no way to know whether Rapson is

romantic and sexual attitudes, feelings, and behav-

right in his speculations, of course, but the pros-

iors. All are inextricably entwined—shaping and

pects of profound change seem highly likely, espe-

being shaped by the others.

cially since they have been well under way for more

What changes might we expect to see in the lon-

than a century and seem only to be speeding up.

ger run? Yale historian Robin Winks once observed

The times they are a-changing.

that writing history is “like nailing jelly to the

wall.” But, he added, “someone must keep trying.”

Conclusion

Trying to describe sweeping historical trends and

The preceding studies, then, suggest that

then to predict future trends is even more difficult.

the large differences that once existed between

But let us, in a playful and modest spirit, make the

Westernized, modern, urban, industrial societ-

effort.

ies and Eastern, modern, urban industrial societ-

In a recent American Psychological Association

ies may be fast disappearing. Those interested in

address, futurist and historian Richard Rapson cross-cultural differences may be forced to search (2013) attempted to make some guesses about the

for large differences in only the most traditional,

social changes one might expect to occur in the

collectivist, and underdeveloped of societies—such

next 25–50 years in the cultural, economic, and

as those in Africa or Latin America, in rural China

technological areas. Among the cultural changes he

or the countries of the Middle East. However, it

prophesied were such things as (1) the improved sta-

may well be that, even in these latter places, the

tus of women worldwide, (2) increasing acceptance

winds of Westernization, individualism, and social

of multiple definitions of “family,” (3) increas-

change are beginning to be felt. In spite of the

ing acceptance of interracial relationships, and censure of their elders, in a variety of traditional (4) increasing acceptance of homosexuality. These

cultures, young people are increasingly adopt-

all are continuations of current trends.

ing “Western” patterns—placing a high value on

Also extending from current developments “falling in love,” pressing for gender equality in will be economic and practical changes. Rapson saw

love and sex, and insisting on marrying for love (as

(1) increasing gender/economic equality, (2) more

opposed to arranged marriages). Such changes have

consensual unions (fewer marriages), (3) both

been documented in Finland, Estonia, and Russia,

spouses working, (4) more long-distance relation-

as well as among Australian aboriginal people of

ships, and (5) more cyberspace relationships.

Mangrove and a Copper Inuit Alaskan Indian tribe

582

lov e, se x, a nd m a r r i age aCross Cu lT ur es

(see Jankowiak, 1995, for an extensive review of

Buss, D. M. (1989 b). Conflict between the sexes: Strategic

this research).

interference and the evocation of anger and upset. Journal

Traditional cultural differences still exert a pro-

of Personality and Social Psychology, 56, 737–747.

Buss, D. M., & Schmitt, D. P. (1993). Sexual strategies

found influence on young people’s attitudes, emo-

theory: An evolutionary perspective on human mating.

tions, and behavior, and such differences are not

Psychological Review, 100, 204–232.

likely to disappear in our lifetime. In Morocco, for

Capellanus, A. (1174/1957). The art of courtly love.

example, marriage was once an alliance between

New York: Ungar.

families (as historically it was in most of the world

Confer, J. C., Perilloux, C., & Buss, D. M. (2010). More than

just a pretty face: Men’s priority shifts toward bodily attrac-

before the 18th century) in which children had

tiveness in short-term versus long-term mating contexts.

little or no say. Today, although parents can no lon-

Evolution and Human Behavior, 31, 348–353.

ger simply dictate whom their children will marry,

Cosmides, L., & Tooby, J. (1992). The psychological founda-

parental approval remains critically important.

tions of culture. In J. H. Barkow, L. Cosmides, & J. Tooby

Important though it is, however, young men and

(Eds.), The adapted mind: Evolutionary psychology and the

generation of culture. New York: Oxford University Press.

women are at least allowed to have their say (see

Cunningham, M. R., Shamblen, S. K., Barbee, A. P., &

Davis & Davis, 1995).

Ault, L. K. (2005). Social allergies in romantic relation-

Many have observed that, today, two powerful

ships: Behavioral repetition, emotional sensitization, and

forces—globalization and cultural pride/identifica-

dissatisfaction in dating couples. Personal Relationships, 12,

tion with one’s country (what historians call “nation-

273–295.

Darnton, R. (2009). The great cat massacre: And other episodes in

alism”)—are contending for men’s and women’s

French cultural history. New York: Basic Books.

souls. True, to some extent, the world’s citizens

Darwin, C. (1871). The descent of man and selection in relation

may be becoming “one,” but in truth the delight-

to sex. London: Murray.

ful and not-so-delightful divisive cultural variations

Davis, D. A., & Davis, S. S. (1995). Possessed by love: Gender

that have made our world such an interesting and,

and romance in Morocco. In W. Jankowiak (Ed.),

Romantic passion: A universal experience? (pp. 219–238).

simultaneously, dangerous place, are likely to add

New York: Columbia University Press.

spice to that heady brew of love and sexual practices

DeBruine, L. M., Jones, B. C., Crawford, J. R., Welling, L. L.,

for some time to come. The convergence of cultures

& Little, A. C. (2010). The health of a nation predicts their

around the world may be reducing the differences

mate preferences: Cross-cultural variation in women’s pref-

in the ways passionate love and marriage are expe-

erences for masculinized male faces. Proceedings of the Royal

Society B, 277, 2405–2410.

rienced and expressed in our world. But tradition

D’Emilio, J., & Freedman, E. B. (1997). Intimate matters: A his-

can be tenacious, and the global future of passionate

tory of sexuality in America (2nd ed.). Chicago: University

love cannot be predicted with any certainty.

of Chicago Press.

Eastwick, P. W., Luchies, L. B., Finkel, E. J., & Hunt, L.

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C H A P T E R

Dual and Communal

36 Parenting: Implications

in Young Adulthood

Heidi Kel er

Abstract

Parenting can be understood as the transmission of cultural norms and values that are adapted to particular environmental conditions. Thus, parenting merges biological predispositions with cultural emphases. Two prototypical parenting strategies are discussed. Parenting in Western middle-class families is regarded as prototypical of dual parenting. Exclusive attention is directed to the child from birth on in a dyadic behavioral mode. Socialization efforts stress the child’s individual uniqueness and emphasize a mental world of intentions, cognitions, and emotions. Parenting in subsistence-based farm families is regarded as prototypical y communal parenting. The child is embedded into the shared attention of multiple caregivers. The prevalent behavioral mode is proximal, and socialization efforts stress the communal nature of the self and role-based responsibilities, with early tutoring of these behavioral modes. Implications for the definition of adulthood as related to parenting, as well as continuity and discontinuity in developmental trajectories, are discussed.

Key Words: evolutionary theory, culture, al oparenting, father, grandparents, subsistence, proximal parenting, distal parenting, autonomy, relatedness

When my former student and long-time col-

parenting is as much a cultural project as it is a

laborator Bettina Lamm gave birth to her first

biological one.

daughter, the whole lab group went to the hospital

Biology provides universal predispositions for

to greet and congratulate the young family, who

allocating investments into the young and the

stayed in a family room in the hospital for a cou-

capacity to assess and process information from the

ple of days. We all fell in love with little Johanna

environment that is crucial for making such invest-

immediately, looking at her, watching her, trying

ment decisions. Culture selects, reinforces, and

to catch her gaze, talking to her, and assuring

shapes strategies from the universal behavioral rep-

her parents how wonderful she was. All of a sud-

ertoire according to cultural/contextual priorities

den, our Cameroonian colleague Relindis Yovsi

(Greenfield, 1996). Every human being is endowed

became obviously very upset, asking us what was

with universal parenting predispositions, as well as

wrong with us, going to the crib, picking up the

with the mechanisms for cultural learning (Jensen,

baby, holding her close to her body, and moving

2012; Tomasello, Kruger, & Ratner, 1993).

rhythmically. We were as shocked by her behav-

Therefore every human being is basically capable of

ior as she was by ours. For the Germans, show-

parenting. Differences in parenting styles as well as

ing love, affection, and admiration was visual and

qualities are rooted in environmental differences.

verbal; for the Cameroonian, it was close body

The environment shapes parenting strategies that

contact and motor stimulation. This very moment

are adapted to the environmental and thus cultural

was the beginning of my real understanding that

demands. Parenting is a dynamic process because

586

it consists of co-regulation among the interact-

dying because of late motherhood for mother and

ing partners; parenting is, moreover, a highly baby, and it facilitates daughters having more chil-person-specific process because multiple aspects,

dren because of grandmaternal support.

such as gender of parent and child, sibling posi-

Grandmaternal involvement is usually higher

tion, parental relationship, personal resources, and

than grandpaternal involvement because the

others, influence the relationship and its dynamics

maternal grandmother can be sure that it is her

(Grusec, 2011; Keller & Chasiotis, 2006).

genetic offspring in which she is investing, whereas

Although mothers obviously allocate the high-

grandfathers can never be sure in whom they invest

est investment into their offspring owing to intra-

due to paternity insecurity (Voland, Chasiotis, &

uterine pregnancy and nursing, fathers’ investment

Schiefenhövel, 2004). The evolutionary consider-

is also crucial for the offspring to grow and thrive.

ations apply to all grandmothers, irrespective of

Maternal death during childbirth and infant vul-

cultural background. Nevertheless, the role and

nerability were serious challenges for early humans,

engagement of grandmothers vary considerably

so that females had to choose men who stayed and

across cultures.

helped with caregiving (Geary, 2005). It is the wom-

In addition to parents, fathers, and grandmoth-

an’s decision whether she wants to continue to look

ers related others as well as nonrelated persons also

for a better mate or start reproducing. The proto-

participate in an infant’s caretaking community.

typical male strategy, on the other hand, should be

Sarah Blaffer Hrdy argued (1999) that without the

more quantitative—that is, to invest less in more off-

help of others, mothers could not have been suc-

spring—due mainly to the fact that it is difficult for

cessful in being the sole caregivers, and humankind

a male to know precisely whether he is the father of

would not have survived. However, how these care-

an infant (“paternity insecurity”). Moreover, males

giving networks are defined and how they function

show greater variability in their reproductive rates,

is highly culture dependent.

from having no children to having many children.

In the following section, I first introduce the

Men have to decide between “cad versus dad” strat-

conception of culture that is applied throughout

egies; that is, maximizing fertilization or parental

this chapter. Here, culture is understood as the

investment (Voland, 1998). The trade-off that indi-

psychological representation of socioeconomic

viduals have to accept therefore entails the balance

milieus. Thereafter, two prototypical sociocultural

of mating and parenting efforts. Studies of partner

environments are portrayed with respect to their

selection have documented universal preferences for

parenting and childrearing philosophies: Western

the two sexes: females prefer partners with character-

middle-class families, which have delivered the

istics indicative of economic success, whereas males

bulk of our current knowledge on parenting and

prefer females with characteristics that indicate child development, and rural subsistence-based reproductive capacity (youth, health). In addition,

farm families who differ substantially and system-

there is preference by both males and females for

atically from the Western model. The consequences

mates who are similar to themselves in a variety of

of these different views will be briefly outlined,

characteristics (“assortive mating”). Parental invest-

with suggestions for some future perspectives.

ment constitutes the intergenerational link through

which the offspring experiences the socialization The Relationship Between

style that the parents have developed as a result of

Culture and Environment

their own past, as well as of current experiences.

We start with a definition of culture as shared

In the case of human beings, not only do time and

meaning systems and shared behaviors of individu-

energy parameters of investment decisions have to be

als who live in similar circumstances (Greenfield &

taken into consideration, but also the psychology of

Keller, 2004; Keller, 2007). Similar circumstances

the phenotypic adult (Keller, 2000).

represent ecosocial contexts that are composed of

In addition to fathers, grandmothers also are

sociodemographic dimensions: first, the level of

attributed a special role for rearing their grandchil-

formal education, and then, related to this, age

dren. Evolutionary theories claim that longevity

of first birth, number of children, and household

beyond the reproductive years has only evolved due

composition. We have identified two prototypi-

to fitness optimization. The so-called grandmother

cal and one hybrid ecosocial contexts that can be

hypothesis (Williams, 1957) indicates that grand-

regarded as representing different cultural milieus

maternal support in raising grandchildren repre-

(Keller, 2007, 2011 a). Highly formally educated

sented a selection advantage. It reduces the risk of

middle-class families in the Western world start

K ell er

587

their families in their late 20s to late 30s, have

encounters, as well as the realization of contexts

few offspring, and live in nuclear families. Their

(e.g., a stroller or a sling for child transportation).

children are usually planned after an extended

All the levels are partly explicit and partly implicit

educational moratorium and an intensive period

because much of parenting is intuitive; that is,

of self-actualization (e.g., through traveling). Their

it occurs without explicit intention and control

socialization agenda is oriented toward psychologi-

(Papousek & Papousek, 1991). This is why there is

cal autonomy (i.e., the early support of children’s

no one-to-one correspondence in empirical studies.

mental abilities in the form of cognitions, emo-

This situation is characterized as the behavior-belief

tions, intentions, and preferences as grounded in

dilemma in the literature (McGillicuddy-deLisi,

a separate individuality and uniqueness; Keller,

1985; Sigel, 1985), expressing the fact that although

2011a, 2012). This cultural milieu is highly over-

behaviors and beliefs are strongly related conceptu-

represented in the literature and has recently ally, there is not a high empirical correlation. The been characterized as the WEIRD (white, edu-conception of socialization strategies is depicted in

cated, industrialized, rich, democratic; Henrich,

Figure 36.1.

Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010) population because

Because of the dual nature of socialization

it represents only around 5% of the world’s popula-

strategies, intuitive as well as intentional, multi-

tion. “The neglected 95%” (Arnett, 2008) is com-

method designs are needed to assess them, combin-

posed of around 30–40% of rural farmers with a

ing quantitative as well as qualitative approaches

relatively low formal education, early parenthood

(Keller, 2011 b). Because our conception of culture

in the late teens, many offspring, and multigen-

is not equivalent with country or society, careful

erational extended households. The socialization

ecosocial analysis of the participants is necessary

strategies of these families are oriented toward

prior to the assessment of socialization strategies.

hierarchical relatedness, with a major emphasis on

Samples need to be composed from participants

the child’s early integration into the family system

with similar profiles. In the following sections,

through obedience, respect for the elderly, dutiful-

two prototypical parenting strategies are character-

ness, and cooperation (Keller, 2011 a). A growing

ized: parenting of Western middle-class families,

number of individuals belong to a hybrid type of

which follows the model of dual parenting, and

highly formally educated middle-class families in

parenting in subsistence-based traditional farm

non-Western societies whose reproductive profiles

families, which follows the model of communal

are in between the two prototypes. These fami-

parenting.

lies emphasize autonomy as well as relatedness in

different modes and can form multiple combina-

Parenting in Western

tions of these dimensions. This classification is not

Middle-Class Families

meant to be comprehensive for all of the world’s

Although for men it has long been a necessity

population. It is, however, helpful in characteriz-

to settle economically in order to be able to sup-

ing different models of parenting.

port a family due to prevailing family models and

Socialization strategies form multilevel concep-

role prescriptions, for women it is a rather recent

tions of symbolic, ideational, and physical com-

phenomenon over the past 70–80 years to pri-

ponents. The most abstract level is represented oritize education before founding a family. Due by socialization goals; that is, the more or less

to increased mobility and globalization, often

realistic or idealized images that parents want to

extended stays abroad contribute to professional

achieve through socialization and education (e.g.,

experiences and may further delay parenthood.

they want a child who is obedient or a child who

The decision to become a parent is mostly taken

is self-assertive or a child who is both in differ-

deliberately, with the individual determining when

ent contexts). Parenting ethnotheories represent the time is ripe for having a child. Because many a second level of socialization strategies in medi-adults have little experience with children, the

ating between goals and behaviors. They contain

newborn is often the first and only child they have

ideas, beliefs, and attitudes, as well as norms on

ever held. Although the father’s participation as an

how to reach socialization goals. They specify ideas

active parent has increased over the past decades,

about what good parenting is, what a child should

it is mostly the mother who goes on parental leave

do or not do, and what is supported and what is

and carries most of the everyday responsibilities

suppressed in children’s development, and more.

of child care. Although in some countries (e.g.,

Finally, the behavioral level comprises all social

Germany) fathers are especially encouraged to

588

dua l a nd Commu na l Pa r en T ing

Sociodemographic context

s

Cultural model

Autonomy

Relatednes

Socialization goals

Ethnotheories

Parenting behavior

Child development

Fig. 36.1 Socialization strategies from an ecocultural perspective.

go on state-based paternity leave, the numbers

The following excerpt from an interview

are small and the time span for leave short. Yet,

between a Los Angeles middle-class mother and

parents as well as professionals in Western soci-

an interviewer about good early care in response

eties share the view that a father’s regular par-

to picture cards that show different mother–infant

ticipation in child care is important for children’s

situations expresses this view (see for more details

healthy development (Hewlett, 2004). Mothers Keller, 2007):

and fathers mostly agree on socialization goals,

share similar ethnotheories, and perform similar

And then having some distance. Here is some

behavioral practices (Lamm & Keller, 2012). In

distance between mom and baby. And still it is

that respect, they can be regarded as represent-

intensive, the free space, so that the baby can act… .

ing dual parenting, at least during the children’s

I need the distance some times, e.g. on the lap it

early years. Because divorce rates are increasing in

is very close … and to understand the distance,

Western societies, family development is often dis-

yes he is an independent being. He is completely

rupted, and children experience care from parental

different from me and his father. There has been

as well as nonparental social partners in so-called

really something completely new created. Also this

patchwork families. Single parenthood rates are

fascination, I can only … I cannot understand it,

also rising in Western societies. Single parent-

I can only sense it if I take some distance and look.

hood may be deliberately decided on, especially by

Mothers and fathers agree that it is important

more highly educated women, but it may also be

for children to experience their parent’s exclusive

an unintentional consequence of unstable partner-

attention. This indicates that parent–child situa-

ships (e.g., Suro, 1992).

tions are typically dyadic, comprising mother and

In line with child care professionals, parents

baby or father and baby. Taking turns in attending

think of babies from the first day as separate indi-

to the baby also creates some free time and personal

viduals and unique personalities who have their

space for the parent who is not in charge. During

own will that needs to be respected (e.g., Keller,

the first year of life, the interaction style can be

2007). Lancy (2008) has labeled the child care

described as distal (i.e., extensive face-to-face con-

model underlying this model of parenting as neon-

tact, object stimulation, and extended conversa-

tocracy, with the family, institutions, and the child

tions). Typically, babies are lying on their backs and

care industry centered around the individual child.

mother or father is bending over the baby, main-

Thus, enhancing and supporting the baby’s indi-

taining facial conversations with objects included

viduality is an utmost goal of parenting.

(see Figure 36.2).

K ell er

589

Fig. 36.2 A typical interactional situation between a German middle-class mother and her 3-month-old baby daughter.

Body contact is rare, and body or motor stimu-

for humans to having a relationship with them-

lation is restricted to small-scale movements like

selves that they can be alone.

moving the arm or a leg a little (Carra, Lavelli,

Keller, & Kärtner, 2013). Mother or father

I (interviewer): Mhm. When they are older?

involves the baby in protoconversations in which

M: Uhm—even when they are babies, they

they maintain a dialogic structure with the baby

need to be able to just not have constant—

being a quasi-equal partner. Parents ask many

constantly somebody there.

questions, seeking the consent of the baby for

I: Mhm

ongoing or planned activities, and explain in a

M: Helps them develop some self-identity.

mentalistic discourse the baby’s own feelings,

This style of parenting is believed to prepare the

wishes, intentions, likes, and dislikes to the baby.

baby for a good start into his or her life journey. It is

Maintaining positive emotionality and support-

believed to be related to the development of secure

ing the expression of smiles and positive vocaliza-

attachment relationships, although the empirical evi-

tions is crucial for the experience of being a good

dence is scarce (Keller, 2007). Nevertheless “attach-

parent. Mind-mindedness or mentalization as the

ment parenting” has become a popular philosophy

parental capacity to read correctly the baby’s men-

for Western middle-class parents (e.g., “Families by

tal states that lay behind its behavioral expression

Design—Nancy Thomas Parenting,” 2013).

and to comment on them adequately is regarded

Although parenting changes over time to meet

as another expression of good parenting (Meins

the changing developmental status of the child, it

et al., 2003). Conversely, babies also spend a great

remains structurally consistent with respect to the

deal of their time alone and with toys. The early

emphasis on individuality and the autonomy of the

learning of not relying on somebody else and hav-

child. The major behavioral mode is verbal—con-

ing a relationship with oneself is also an impor-

versations and negotiations are verbally monitored.

tant socialization goal. The following excerpt from

Parents continue to be responsive to the child’s

an interview with a Los Angeles middle-class wishes and preferences. The following excerpt is a mother in her mid-30s about the right way to care

typical dinner situation for a German middle-class

for a 3-month-old baby expresses this attitude:M

family. Participants are the father, the mother,

(mother): And they don’t require having someone

the 4-year-old target girl child, and a 1½-year-old

there constantly. ‘Cause sometimes they get so

brother who does not participate verbally in the

clingy and whiny, and that’s just ‘cause they don’t

dinner conversation. For the occasion, this target

know how to be alone. And it’s important for kids,

child is asked by the parents what the family should

590

dua l a nd Commu na l Pa r en T ing

eat. She decided on pasta with sauce, which was

Although parenting is highly child-centered, the

accordingly prepared.

couple’s relationship is an important moderator of

C (child): No sauce… .

parenting. The couple’s relationship is addressed by

F (father) to C: You do NOT want sauce?

several conceptual positions. From an evolution-

C to F: Nooo.

ary point of view, Belsky, Steinberg, and Draper

F to C: Come on

(1991) proposed that marital quality is related to

M (mother) to C: are you crazy. (.) Saskia, don’t

the reproductive strategy. Marital harmony is asso-

be silly! (getting louder)

ciated with a qualitative strategy (i.e., later parent-

F to C: What are you doing?

hood, few children, and high parental investment),

C to F: Don’t want to have SAUCE.

whereas marital discord is associated with a more

F to C: No sauce?

quantitative strategy with earlier parenthood, more

C to F: mhmh (negating) (C is nodding head)

offspring, and more investment in mating effort

F to C: Come, I will give you mine—let’ see.

than in parenting.

↑Then I will have those with sauce (.) Yes,

A couple turns into parents with the birth of the

and you will have those WITHOUT sauce. (.)

first child. For Western middle-class families, this

Please.—from papa—without sauce. please.

often signals a complete change in their lifestyle.

Without sauce. Here you are! (F takes plate

Moreover, the daily life is full of challenges that

from child and hands her a plate with noo-

they are not prepared for. The baby is an unknown

dles without sauce)

creature, and the result is substantial insecurity in

C: (starts fussing) He took mine away. (points

how to care for a baby, let alone provide the best

at plate and starts crying)

possible care that supports the best possible devel-

F to C: But you didn’t want to have sauce.

opmental trajectory. There are often two conse-

(loud) (F looks at M)

quences: one is a decline in marital quality that

F to M: Oh wow!

is often reported following the birth of the first

F to C: But you did want noodles without child. Le Masters (1957) was the first to talk about sauce. (.) Yeah, do you want to have your

“Parenting as a crisis.” Since then, many authors

sauce stuff back?

have documented a decline in marital satisfaction

F to C: But you said, you want them without

associated with becoming a parent (e.g., Belsky &

sauce!

Kelly, 1994; Cowan & Cowan, 1992). The new role

and its responsibilities require a shift of attention

It is obvious that the conversation is dyadic,

from within the couple, the renegotiation of par-

mainly between father and child with occasional

enting tasks, and the development of new ways of

addresses from the mother to the child and some

coping with stress and conflict. The other factor

comments between the parents. The conversation

may be the occurrence of infant regulatory prob-

centers around the child’s wants, which are all

lems, especially concerning sleeping, crying, and

responded to by the parents, taking into account

feeding (Gardner & Shaw, 2008). Infant regulatory

all the changes and loops of the child reasoning. In

problems often also result in marital disharmony

this way, parents believe that they strengthen their

and discord (e.g., Porter, Wouden-Miller, Silva, &

children’s self-esteem and confidence.

Porter, 2003) thus producing a vicious circle that is

Parenting is also a scientifically based project, in

not easy to break.

the sense that parents seek out information about

Thus, parenting in Western middle-class fami-

child development and quality parenting in numer-

lies is scientifically oriented and represents a psy-

ous parent guidebooks, specialized journals, and on

chologically and economically high investment.

the Internet. Experts’ opinions are in high regard,

Parents have the sole and legal responsibility for

and journalists try to support their arguments with

their children and are the important caregivers at

scientists’ statements. Moreover, there are parent

least during the first years of life. Grandparents

blogs where parents themselves communicate with

are in regular contact with their grandchildren but

each other, exchange ideas, and provide counsel-

often live in different geographical regions so that

ing for each other. Parenting is complemented by

face-to-face contact is low (Georgas, Berry, van

numerous out-of-home activities in baby classes

de Vijver, Kagitcibasi, & Poortinga, 2006). If the

and courses—from little Mozart and little Einstein

spatial situation allows personal encounters, grand-

to art classes.

parents play a role as entertainer, but not so much

K ell er

591

as caretakers (Teiser, 2010). The following excerpt

educational mandate in most Western societies that

from an interview with a German middle-class

is based in the autonomy and self-determination of

grandmother about her relationship with her the child (e.g., Gernhardt, Lamm, Keller, & Döge, grandchild illustrates this attitude:

2014). Recently, there is a growing awareness that

day care teachers also have educational and parent-

I am happy when I see my grandchildren and I try

ing ethnotheories and practices that form impor-

to teach them something and spend time with them

tant socialization environments for the children

and be there for them. But I believe that the parents

in addition to the official, state-based curricula.

have to do the child-rearing, not the grandparents.

Obviously, parental satisfaction with day care and

It used to be like that but not nowadays. I am

the cooperation between home and institution is

just present for my grandchildren and want them

best when the childrearing ideologies of caretak-

to feel comfortable with me. My children do

ers and parents overlap substantially (Britner &

the child-rearing (Grandmother from German

Phillips, 1995).

middle-class; Participant 9).

In a study analyzing maternal and grandmater-

Parenting in Subsistence-Based

nal ethnotheories about early care, we found that

Farm Families

mothers of 3-month-old babies and their own moth-

Marriage and producing children constitutes the

ers did not differ in the content of their ethnotheo-

transition to adulthood for many traditionally liv-

ries (Lamm, Keller, Yovsi, & Chaudhary, 2008).

ing farm families. Formal education is rather low,

A reason for this intergenerational stability was that

with an average of around 7 years, and reproduction

grandmothers adapted their parental beliefs toward

starts early. Despite the change in status and role,

their daughters’ beliefs. This inversed transmission

daily life does not change much with being a par-

process has been proposed by Keller and Demuth

ent. Parenting is part of the traditional communal

(2005), who analyzed the ethnotheories of mothers

life and structured through cultural prescriptions

and grandmothers from two communities with an

and rituals. In many traditional farming commu-

independent sociocultural orientation using qualita-

nities, infants transcend through a rite of passage.

tive methods. This adaptation by the grandmothers

From his analysis of more than 200 cases from eth-

could be due to their own experiences with societal

nographic and archeological records from all areas

changes because many of them were still working

of the world, historical epochs from the Mesolithic

and thus confronted with continuing challenges of

to the present, and all types of subsistence patterns,

adaptation. On the other hand, it could be a way

Lancy (in press) concludes that the common pat-

to deal with increasing individualization in which

tern is that infants are placed on probation and not

interpersonal relationships are highly optional. immediately integrated into society. This morato-Individuals no longer depend on kinship ties but

rium may last from several days to months until

rather choose their companions on the basis of simi-

the transition is completed from the ancestral or

larities of interests, opinions, and beliefs. Thus, it is

spiritual world from which the baby is assumed to

easier for a grandmother to maintain regular con-

come into being a person (Lancy, 2008).

tact and rewarding relationships with children and

Lancy differentiates different models explain-

thus grandchildren if she adapts to their attitudes to

ing this lag. There may be an initial disengagement

at least some degree. A similar pattern has also been

and lack of maternal attention that is assumed to

described for European-American mother–grand-

have a protective function for minimizing grief in

mother pairs (Cho, Sandel, Miller, & Wang, 2005).

environments of high infant mortality and mother

The European-American grandmothers explicitly vulnerability due to general health problems (see mentioned that they did not want to give childrear-also Scheper Hughes, in press). This lag may have a

ing advice to their daughters or violate their auton-

duration of 4 days, as for the Inuit (Balikci, 1970),

omy as mothers.

to 5–6 months, as for the Bororo (Fabian, 1992).

Middle-class parents complement the educa-

The accordance of parenthood can also be linked to

tion of their children with out-of-home care, either

the “Not Yet Ripe” model (Lancy, 2008), as when a

family-based or institutional. Their main moti-

Gusii child is not a valid human being until reach-

vation, in addition to their intention to continue

ing the age of sense at 6 or 7 years (LeVine, 2004)

participation in the labor force, is to give their chil-

or with the appearance of teeth in the Bariba child

dren opportunities to be together with other chil-

(Sargent, 1988; for many more models and exam-

dren. Nevertheless, day care institutions have an

ples, see Lancy, 2008).

592

dua l a nd Commu na l Pa r en T ing

The responsibility for a child is with the Nso boy concerning baby care:C (child): She has extended family, where often the oldest male mem-carried the baby on the back.

ber has the right to decide all social and material

issues of the clan. Nevertheless, child care is dis-

I (interviewer): Why is it good to be carrying

tributed among family members and sometimes

the baby on the back [name of child]?

also nonfamily individuals, such as neighbors. In

C: Because when the mother goes to the farm

these matters, elderly females are often the authori-

and he is crying, they will then carry him

ties. Grandmothers thus play an important role

on the back and soothe him.

in the communal caregiving system; grandmoth-

I: So when you back-carry him when the

ers actively participate in the care and education

mother is not around, he will not cry any

of their grandchildren. This kind of involvement

more?

depends on co-residence or at least living in the

C: Yes

same neighborhood, which is the case in extended

I: Why is it not good for the baby to be crying

household arrangements. Active grandmaternal

[name of child]?

care is based on similar childrearing scripts across

C: Then he will be coughing and then he will

generations, which are rooted in similar life cir-

have nose bleeding.

cumstances of the grandmaternal and the maternal

The boy has the local knowledge how to soothe

generation. Although occasional encounters with

a baby, and he will apply it if necessary. Nso chil-

the nonvillage world are present (e.g., a TV in one

dren think that they are the best caregivers for

of the richer households), the subsistence activities

small babies, not the mothers (Lamm, 2008).

and thus the daily life circle has remained similar

Actually, the biological mother has a low hier-

for generations. In an interview with the grand-

archical position in a patrilineal and patrilocal

mother living in a Turkish extended family with a

household. When we wanted to interview young

low degree of formal education, she explained the

mothers in Gujarati Indian rural families, imme-

role of grandmothers:

diately the mother-in-law or the husband showed

up to answer questions. Knowledge is not a matter

Protecting them. Teaching them good things, give

of private ownership that everybody is allowed to

them an understanding of education. Feeding them

distribute but a shared property, with distribution

when they are hungry. Drying them when they are

rules in line with the family hierarchy (Greenfield,

wet. Those things… . Good childrearing, becoming

1996). Young mothers know that they need to rely

a good member of the society. Those things, what

on other caretakers to be able to fulfill their work-

else could it be?

load. Therefore they often also do not want to be

In a study comparing maternal and grandmater-

the sole or major caretaker (for different examples

nal ethnotheories about best care for a small child,

of multiple caregiving arrangements, see chapters

we did not find differences across generations in

in Otto & Keller, in press). For mothers, it is there-

rural Nso families with respect to sociodemographic

fore very important that children are easy to han-

conditions or parenting ethnotheories. Although dle, which means that they can easily be taken care all mothers had almost completed primary school

of by different people (Otto, 2008). This practice

(as compared with virtually no formal education

allows mothers to continue their chores and fulfill

in the grandmother generation), mothers—like

their obligations, a situation that is closely watched

grandmothers—lived from subsistence farming.

by the paternal family, especially mothers but also

Therefore, the process of absolute transmission of

sisters-in-law.

parenting (Vermulst, de Brock, & van Zutphen,

Nevertheless, many young women in some

1991) was prevalent here, which has also been shown

areas, as in the Indian Gujarati families, return to

in a comparison of rural Taiwanese mothers and

their natal homes to give birth to their first (and

grandmothers who also held similar childrearing

often also later) children. Because this is often

beliefs (Cho et al., 2005).

located far from the husband’s family residency,

In addition to grandmothers, older siblings, father and infant meet for the first time only after other relatives such as aunts and cousins, and several months or a year. Accordingly, fathers are neighbors may be involved actively in taking care of

rarely involved in their small children’s everyday

small children. Before becoming a member of the

life due to physical separation or to different role

male society, boys also are caretakers. The follow-

assignments. For example, Nso fathers under-

ing is an excerpt of an interview with a 6-year-old

stand their role as providers of material support

K ell er

593

and not as interactional partners. In an interview

e.g., Tronick, Morelli, & Winn, 1987; Weisner &

study with 34 Nso fathers, all agreed that provi-

Gallimore, 1977; Whiting & Edwards, 1988).

sion of food for baby and mother is their utmost

The consent between the different caregivers

duty. Sixty-nine percent of the interviewed fathers

concerning socialization goals, the sharing of simi-

thought that it is also their duty to provide mother

lar ethnotheories, and the performance of simi-

and children with clothes, hygiene products, lar behavioral practices is substantial (Lamm & and medical supplies. Only 16% of these fathers

Keller, 2012). All of the Nso fathers we interviewed

thought that playing with a baby during the first

claimed that growing into the relational network of

year of life is an important paternal assignment

the family is important as is developing respect and

(Lamm & Keller, 2012). During the following obedience. They also mentioned that traditions and years, they consider that sending the children to

cultural norms and values have to be inculcated

school and paying the fees is important, and they

into their children (Lamm & Keller, 2012; see also

want to decide about the future of their children.

chapters by Edwards, 2014; Ren & Brown, 2014;

Also, West African Fulani fathers are expected to

and Morelli, 2014, this volume, for further discus-

maintain an emotional distance to their children

sion of communal caretaking).

(Johnson, 2000). Only distance allows fathers to

The social system agrees that it is important for

receive respect and obedience, which defines his

children to never be the center of attention but also

authority. Participating in children’s care is also not

never to be alone. Infants participate in the house-

expected from Beng fathers (Gottlieb, 2004) who

hold’s daily activities; there are no extra spaces,

rather supervise their wives in being good moth-

utensils, or attention given to the baby. Infants are

ers (see also Riesman, 1992). Kipsigis fathers from

always in bodily proximity of a caretaker, who may

Kenya (Harkness & Super, 1992) believe that the

change quite often. Newborns are passed often

paternal look may harm the baby and the dirtiness

between women who hold, carry, and nurse them.

of the baby may compromise the maleness of the

At the age of 6 weeks, an Efe infant spend more

father. In the Kenyan Gusii community, fathers

time with other persons than with his or her bio-

spent less than 5% of the day within a distance of

logical mother (Ivey, 2000; Tronick, Morelli, &

5 feet of their 0–30-month-old children (LeVine

Ivey, 1992).

et al., 1994).

During the first year of life, the interaction style

The father’s levels of direct involvement in child

can be described as proximal (i.e., extensive body

care seem to depend on the subsistence pattern of

contact and body stimulation). This does not, of

the family and household size and composition.

course, exclude other parenting systems, but they

Among the Aka foragers in the Central African

are clearly subordinated under the leading systems.

Republic, for example, Hewlett (2004) observed

Typically, babies are lying on their caregivers laps

an unusual high paternal involvement with 1- to

when these are sitting, or they are attached to their

18-month-old children. Aka fathers spend more

backs or hips when caregivers are moving around

than half of a 24-hour period within arm’s length of

from one place to another or doing chores like

their babies and hold and carry them for one-third

sweeping the floor or selling food items. Attention

of the day. Hewlett proposed that less accumula-

is distributed, co-occurring or divided between the

tion of goods, regular cooperation in economic

different activities (Saraswathi, 2003). This does

and domestic issues between fathers and moth-

not imply that baby’s signals are ignored and not

ers, absence of wars, low population density, and

given priority. The channel of attention is just not

monogamy are factors that support paternal par-

face-to-face, but instead is mainly through body

ticipation in small children’s care.

perception (see Figure 36.3). Caregivers are atten-

In any case, babies are cared for by multiple care-

tive and responsive to the infant’s body signals,

givers from their first days of life and introduced to

even the slightest (Chapin, in press).

the village community immediately. For example,

If the caregiver’s exclusive attention is directed to

Alma Gottlieb described that, for the Beng people

an infant, it occurs during body or motor stimula-

from Ivory Coast, newborn babies are greeted by

tion. For example, the Nso have a practice of strong

the village, thus being exposed to a large number of

motor stimulation with the baby held facing out,

strangers (Gottlieb, in press). Multiple caregiving

in an upright position, and being moved vertically

with a special emphasis on siblings has also been

up and down. This practice is considered to be the

reported from Maya Indians (Maynard, 2002) core of Nso parenting, without which a baby can-and in different sub-Saharan communities (see,

not develop properly and thrive. Nso mothers have

594

dua l a nd Commu na l Pa r en T ing

Fig. 36.3 A typical Nso caretaking situation: an aunt is lifting the baby up and down, the typical motor stimulation pattern of the Nso.

a quasi-medical ethnotheory, expressing that this

Bambora (Bril & Sabatier, 1986), and the Nso

practice of lifting the baby up and down makes the

(Keller et al., 2002, 2005).

joints light, which is necessary for proper develop-

The motor stimulation is performed rhythmi-

ment (Yovsi, 2003). The following excerpt from an

cally, often synchronized with verbal/vocal behav-

interview about early child care with a 39-year-old

ior, as depicted in the following brief excerpt from

Nso farm wife and mother of eight children gives an

a conversation between a Nso mother with her

example:I (interviewer): Why is that one good (a pic-

3-month-old baby son. The baby is looking briefly

ture card showing body stimulation, that the mother

to the mother and then into the room. The mother

had selected as showing good maternal care)?

is bouncing the baby rhythmically while she per-

M (mother): Because she is lifting the child up

forms sounds and words in the same rhythm:

as they are playing and he is feeling fine.

I: Why is it good to be lifting the child and

chi kichik (.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik laughing with him like that? What happens

(.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik to the baby when the mother is playing and

(.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik laughing with him?

(.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik (.) chi kichik (.) Ti ketike= t M: The baby will be feeling fine.

i ketike= ti ketike=tiketike=tiketike. Ti ketike= ti ketik e= ti ketike=tiketike=tiketike Ti ketike= ti ketike= ti ke

“Feeling fine” is here not equivalent to joy or

tike=tiketike=tiketike Ti ketike= ti ketike= ti ketike=t

positive affection, as it would be in the Western

iketike=tiketike Ti ketike= ti ketike= ti ketike=tiketik

middle-class conversational context. The inter-

e=tiketike.

views were conducted in Lamnso, the local lan-

(see Demuth, 2008)

guage of the Nso ethnic group, and “feeling fine”

is translated as not having health problems or other

Caregivers involve babies in protosongs, rather

developmental difficulties. Motor stimulation eth-

than protoconversations. They maintain a syn-

notheories focus on the infant’s health, safety, and

chronous rhythmic structure, which involves

the promotion of early upright mobility, which

the baby in a joint social action. The baby thus

fosters the child’s early participation in the subsis-

experiences togetherness and interdependence

tence of the family (Keller, Yovsi, & Voelker, 2002;

with others instead of being separate and differ-

Lohaus et al., 2011).

ent. The rhythmicity of verbal/vocal as well as

Motor exercises, together with the practice of

motor stimulation is culturally salient, so that

caregivers being in close body contact with the

it is maintained also by migrants who otherwise

infant, have been documented as popular parent-

adopt more distal behavioral regulations (Carra

ing practices in different sub-Saharan traditional

et al., 2013, for Anglophone West African immi-

rural communities, such as the Kipsigis and Kung

grants in Northern Italy; for ethnotheories con-

San (Harkness & Super, 2001), the Gusii (LeVine

cerning the importance of motor stimulation in

& LeVine, 1963), the Wolof (Falladé, 1960), the

West African immigrants in Italy, Moscardino,

K ell er

595

Nwobu, & Axia, 2006; see also Rabain-Jamin &

and a traditional name, and they are differently

Wornham, 1990, 1993, for Francophone West

addressed at different phases of their lives.

African immigrants in France). Generally, con-

Although multiple caregiving systems are

versations are highly repetitive and consist of prevalent in the Nso community, maternal care is commands and instructions instead of questions.

especially linked to breastfeeding and its special

This style has been described in the literature as

role in Nso parenting beliefs. There is a saying

repetitive style with special value being placed on

that one can never become a real Nso without

the social context, moral rectitude, and behav-

being breastfed. Breastfeeding is not only done

ioral consequences (Miller, Jung, & Mintz, 1996;

on demand but often anticipatory. If the baby is

Mullen & Yi, 1995; Wang, Leichtman, & Davies,

on the mother’s body, she will notice small bodily

2000). Emotions are viewed as disruptive and are

signals and immediately start breastfeeding. This

expected to be controlled (Wang, 2001; Wang

is another mechanism to blur the ego boundar-

et al., 2000; cf. also Bond, 1991; Chao, 1995).

ies and support the development of a communal

The following brief example from a farm wife

identity. If the baby is roaming around with other

and mother’s conversations with her 3-month-old

caregivers, they will bring the baby to the mother

baby demonstrates these elements:M (mother): if they notice small signs of fussiness. In other Faay! (flicks the lips and kisses the child)

rural communities in sub-Saharan Africa and

M: Mmh mmh mmh mmh mmh mmh mmh

also in the South American Amazonas, babies

mh. Mmh mmh mmh mmh mh mmh.

are also nursed by other women (see Everett, in

(M talks to others, lifts the child and laughs)

press).

(M talks to others) Voc (flicks the lips & lifts

Socialization strategies follow an apprentice-

child) Voc voc voc. Ching ching ching

ship model, with the caregiver being the expert and

ching

the child being expected to learn by keen obser-

M: If you look at me again Mac! Yes.

vation and imitation (Rogoff, 2003). The follow-

M: If you look at me. Oh Goddy! Oh Goddy!

ing statements were made by Nso women whom

M: If you look at me again. Oh Goddy! Oh

we interviewed about child care (see also Demuth,

Goddy! (M shakes the arms of the child)

Keller, & Yovsi, 2012):

M: Who are you looking?

The best way of learning is by showing the child

M: Ching ching ching ching ching ching

what is right. You instruct the child; you tell the

ching. Ching ching.

child what is right by doing that thing. Yes by doing

M: Be clapping hands sheey! (claps the hands of

it. She learns faster when you do it and she sees than

the child together)

just telling her.

M: Clap your hands oh. Shake your waist oh.

And if you want to teach the child something,

M: Clap your hands oh. (M laughs & talks to

you tell him to observe because that would help him

others)

tomorrow …

(M talks to others, smiles & arranges the childś

clothes)

Children never interrupt the activities of adults

M: Clap your hands. (M talks to others) (child

and elder caregivers to seek out information and

voc) (M shakes childś arms & smiles)

advice. Also, these regulations are mainly nonver-

bal and co-occurring with ongoing other activi-

This conversation went on for an extended ties (Morelli, Rogoff, & Angelillo, 2003). Because period of time. As can be recognized, the mother–

parenting is a communal obligation and subject to

infant play takes place in a social surrounding with

public control, interindividual variability is low.

other people present and involved in the interac-

In a study addressing intercultural variability, we

tion. It is highly repetitive, with many vocaliza-

found a high consensus among women from the

tions and onomatopoetic references. What is also

Nso villages concerning socialization goals as well

interesting is that the baby is addressed by different

as parenting ethnotheories. In line with cultural

names (e.g., “faaye” which is a title in the tradi-

consensus theory (Romney, Batchelder, & Weller,

tional hierarchy). Often children are also addressed

1987), it can be assumed that much consensus

as “grandmother” or “grandfather”—these refer-

among the informants of a cultural issue demon-

ences link the baby to the world of ancestors and

strates a domain of common knowledge that is

the spiritual world, as discussed earlier. Each child

salient to every member of the cultural community

has different official names, at least a Western name

(Lamm & Keller, 2012).

596

dua l a nd Commu na l Pa r en T ing

Farm families are also consistent in their parent-

case of patrilineal households, as is the case in the

ing orientations over the course of their children’s

Nso community, the paternal family is the center

development. The following short excerpt is part of a

of the household. Genders are rather segregated.

transcript of a conversation of a Nso farmer mother

Couples do not normally spend time together;

with her 3-year-old daughter. They were asked

men are engaged in male groups and do male

to talk about an event that took place during the

activities, whereas women are engaged in women’s

past 4 weeks and in which they both participated

company. Even during family celebrations like

(Schröder, 2012).M (mother): We went to Mi’s Christian communion, men and women sit in dif-mother’s compound and she gave what to you, faay?

ferent parts of the church and celebrate later on in

C (child): Who?

different places. Couples do not go out for dinner

M: Mi’s mother. What did she give to you?

or for any other leisurely activities. Nevertheless,

C: puff puff (this is a local staple)

they hold similar conceptions of what constitutes

M: Sit on the chair. You went to the house of

a good marriage and a good partner. Astrid Kleis

Sallama and heard what that they were (2013) interviewed West African couples living in doing?

Guinea Conakry as well as those living in Berlin,

C: Mmh?

Germany, concerning their conceptions of family

M: You went to the house of Sallama and heard

and socialization strategies. West African mothers

what that they were doing there?

and fathers equally valued the extended family over

C: Mmh?

the nuclear family as the best form of living. They

M: You went to the house of Sallama and heard

also agreed that the family of origin is of higher

what that they were doing?

value than the newly started family. Family unity

C: I did not hear.

and mutual support are mandatory. Although men

M: I am saying that eh? You went to the house

and women live rather different lives, they agree on

of Sallama’s heard what that they were basic childrearing values. Both parents appreciated doing there?

socialization goals like respect and obedience and

C: They

agreed that spoiling children would be a mistake.

M: They were singing the song that what?

Mothers and fathers agreed that they do not have

C: They gave puff puff, you gave puff puff.

conflicts concerning childrearing. They gave high

M: They gave puff puff?

importance to developing an African identity in

C: You gave puff puff.

their children that seemed even more important in

M: And you ate.

a migration context (West African families living

in Germany). Otherwise, there was no difference

It is obvious that the conversation is structurally

between West African mothers and fathers living

similar to the earlier exchanges between caregiv-

in Guinea Conakry or Germany.

ers and babies. The conversation is highly repeti-

Thus, parenting in relational networks empha-

tive and centers around concrete behaviors (i.e.,

sizes communal obligations more than maximiz-

food and eating). The questions the mother asks

ing individuality. Also, school attendance, which is

can be answered confirmatorily; she is not invit-

available in many farming communities from pre-

ing the child to contribute new information. The

school to elementary school level and even beyond

context is social and deals with visits to neighbors.

sometimes, is subordinated to the necessities of

What the child wants and wishes is not the topic

household chores such as harvesting or selling in the

of the conversation, but rather what the child and

weekly market. Nevertheless, school attendance is

other people did. In this way, the child is socialized

regarded as important. Families and nursery school

into a role of being action oriented, to fulfill obliga-

teachers agree that the aim of preschools is to prepare

tions and be supportive of the family system.

children for schooling. Therefore the curricula are

The traditional farm families are differently oriented toward school-related activities (Gernhardt, organized than Western middle-class families. Balakrishnan, & Drexler, 2014). Moreover, a com-The multigenerational household, with its many

munal spirit is emphasized also in schools, with col-

members, permanent or transient, necessitates dif-

lective activities like singing or marching.

ferent subsystems. The couple’s relationship is not

in the foreground of the family system. Husband

Consequences

and wife prioritize their relationships with their

Children spending their first years in the dif-

families of origin to their marital relationship. In

ferent environments briefly characterized in the

K ell er

597

preceding sections must differ in their developmen-

research, I agree that the kind of relational net-

tal trajectories. Nevertheless, major developmental

work that develops during the first years of life

theories (e.g., attachment theory) claim that there

has consequences for later relational development.

is an evolutionary-based imprint for the develop-

Therefore the family relationships characterized

ment of similar developmental qualities across cul-

earlier can be regarded also as a consequence of

tural environments based on similar conceptions of

early relational experiences. Thus, the definition

parenting quality (van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schartz,

of young adulthood varies across cultural envi-

2008). There is no doubt that early experiences

ronments, if family foundation is considered to

have consequences for later developmental achieve-

be a task of early adulthood. Moreover, cultural

ments. Psychological (lifespan theory) as well as

environments differ with respect to the continu-

evolutionary (life history theory) views in line with

ity of life strategies involved in the solution of this

the growing body of neurophysiological knowledge

developmental task. It is a highly disruptive and

about early brain development concur in assuming

challenging event in Western middle-class fami-

that early experiences have lasting consequences

lies, where it produces a complete reorganization

for later developmental achievements and in gen-

of the individual life, whereas it is a concomitant

eral for the development of a conception of the self.

consequence with no major changes in the life

The argument put forward here is that the differ-

of traditional village farmers. Of course, not all

ent experiences in the context of dual or communal

members of cultural communities follow the pat-

parenting have substantial consequences for the

terns that have been described in this chapter. For

development of relationships and parenting of later

example, single parenting is a special challenge

offspring (Keller, 2013; Keller & Kärtner, 2013).

in both cultural communities described here.

Children growing up in dual-parenting mod-

Single parenting is often equated with the devel-

els in Western middle-class families experience opment of difficulties in children in the Western themselves as separate individuals and autono-middle-class model because it is associated with

mous agents from birth on, and they construct

economic and social constraints—single parent-

and co-construct emotional bonds with mother

ing may also be associated with non-normative

and father mainly in dyadic interactions that are

developmental trajectories in subsistence farmer

organized in a child-centered responsive mode. villages (Tyano, Keren, Herrman, & Cox, 2010).

This model represents classical attachment the-

For example, Hiltrud Otto observed in the Nso

ory (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978;

villages that single mothers had a low social sta-

Bowlby, 1969/1971/1975/1982; Bretherton, 1987).

tus because they had to live with their family

Especially evolutionary and cultural scientists have

of origin and were a burden on their economy

stressed repeatedly that this model is not adap-

(Otto, 2008). Nevertheless, much more research

tive for the farmer village context described ear-

is needed to understand the complex dynamics of

lier in this chapter (for summaries, see Otto &

parenting in cultural context.

Keller, in press; Quinn & Mageo, 2013 Morelli &

Rothbaum, 2007). The existence and presence of

Future Directions

multiple caretakers and alloparenting must have

In this chapter, I have portrayed dual and

consequences for the development of significant

communal parenting as associated with different

relationships. The need for a change in perspective

sociodemographic and sociocultural contexts. The

is recognized, when, for example, Heinicke states

knowledge base from Western middle-class fami-

“that the study of attachment needs to be expanded

lies is broad, whereas the “neglected 95%” (Arnett,

… to include multiple relationships” (1995, p. 307;

2008) are grossly underrepresented in the litera-

see also van IJzendoorn & Sagi-Schwartz, 2008).

ture. Some evidence about parenting practices from

This has important implications for the concep-

subsistence-based farmers has been summarized

tion of attachment as a whole. I have proposed

here, as well as some occasional reports from other

that, especially in cultural contexts of multiple

subsistence-based populations, for example, pasto-

parenting, the development of trust may rather be

rals like the Fulani (Yovsi, 2003) or hunter–gath-

based on physical availability of caretakers than on

erers like the Aka (Hewlett, 1991; 2004). Future

emotional bonds (Keller, 2013). Much research is

studies should systematically study parenting and

needed to address and substantiate these issues.

its consequences on children’s development and

With classical attachment theory, as well as with

on families in diverse cultural milieus. Moreover,

evolutionary conceptions and neurophysiological

qualitative differences should be assessed within

598

dua l a nd Commu na l Pa r en T ing

the different milieus and form the basis for specific

Cowan, C. P., & Cowan, P. A. (1992). When partners become

prevention and intervention programs. The current

parents: The big life change for couples. New York: Basic

prevalent practice of taking knowledge accumu-

Books.

Demuth, C. (2008). Talking to infants: How culture is instan-

lated in the Western world by Western researchers

tiated in early mother-infant interactions. The case of

mainly using Western middle-class families and

Cameroonian farming Nso and North German middle-class

applying it globally has been proved unhelpful

families. Doctoral thesis, University of Osnabrück, Faculty

(Keller, in press). Culturally sensitive approaches

of Human Sciences, Department of Culture & Psychology.

to parenting, its qualities, and its consequences

Demuth, C., Keller, H., & Yovsi, R. D. (2012). Cultural

models in communication with infants: Lessons from

would also be beneficial for the growing numbers

Kikaikelaki, Cameroon and Muenster, Germany. Journal

of migrant families in Western societies.

of Early Childhood Research, 10(1), 70–87.

Everett, D. L. (in press). Concentric circles of attachment in

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601

C H A P T E R

37 Fathering Diversity Within Societies

David W. Shwalb and Barbara J. Shwalb

Abstract

This chapter discusses diversity among fathers, fathering, and fatherhood within two societies (Chinese and Indian) and within two regions (Central/East Africa and the Caribbean). Case studies from these locations il ustrate diversity among fathers and are related to Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model. Eight categories of fathering diversity were derived from an analysis of contextual influences within 15 societies and regions in Fathers in Cultural Context. Fathering takes place in multiple contexts: (1) geography; (2) history; (3) family characteristics; (4) economic factors; (5) work/

employment conditions; (6) norms, beliefs, and values; (7) ethnicity; and (8) immigration/emigration patterns. This classification of sources of diversity, extension of the bioecological model to include a spatial system, Townsend’s analysis of American fathers’ multiple roles, and Hrdy’s consideration of fathering as situation-specific all can contribute to future research and an elusive definition of a pan-cultural core of fatherhood.

Key Words: fathers, context, diversity, society, ecology, geography, history, family, father’s role For my first research project in graduate school,

achieved an 85% return rate from Japanese fathers

I (DWS) wanted to conduct a “cross-cultural” with a wide variety of socioeconomic status (SES) study of fathers in Japan and the United States.

backgrounds. In Ann Arbor, where research partici-

I asked my graduate advisor if he would include a

pation was commonplace among residents, we were

set of questions for fathers in his landmark study

subject to stringent review both by the IRB and the

of children and families in the United States, school district’s research review board. The response Japan, and Taiwan but failed to persuade him to

rate from Ann Arbor fathers was only 45%, and the

add fathering to the scope of his already complex

sample was almost exclusively college-educated.

project. Several Japanese psychologists had told me

My past dealings with fathers and researchers in

previously that Japanese men seldom took part in

the two countries had led me to expect very dif-

research, making it unfeasible to obtain their coop-

ferent numbers in these response rates. Analyses

eration as participants.

were limited to the data from college-educated

I decided then to instead conduct a survey fathers in Hiroshima and Ann Arbor to preserve among fathers of elementary school children in Ann

some semblance of SES comparability between

Arbor, Michigan, and in the city of Hiroshima.

the samples. Because the results could not be

Surprisingly, in Hiroshima in 1979, there was no

generalized much beyond the diminished narrow

Institutional Review Board review required for my

samples, we were only able to publish the data in

research project. Based on good relations between

a small Japanese journal (Shwalb & Imaizumi,

my Hiroshima University collaborator and the 1981). This was unfortunate because ours was the teachers and principals of several schools, we first psychological study to compare fathers in the 602

United States and Japan. I learned from my first

satisfied with modal portrayals of typical fathers,

venture in fathering research the folly of making

but we knew from the onset of our work on Fathers

cross-cultural comparisons without understanding

in Cultural Context that fathers are diverse within

how fathers perceive research participation in each

every social group. We therefore asked every chap-

society, the pitfalls of sampling across nations, and

ter contributor to include a section on “subcultural

the critical importance of anticipating diversity of

variations,” yet some audiences are not so interested

subpopulations within each country.

in a nuanced approach. For example, in 2012 when

Thirty-four years later, in the concluding chapter

we were asked to give a conference presentation in

of Fathers in Cultural Context (Shwalb, Shwalb, &

the United States about Japanese fathering, the ses-

Lamb, 2013, p. 387), we recognized that “diversity

sion chairman asked us to “explain what today’s

is a fundamental characteristic of fathering across

Japanese fathers are like.” Similarly, when we were

cultures. In fact, diversity describes fathering in

invited in 2013 to speak about fathering in Tokyo,

societies once stereotyped as homogeneous or het-

the symposium organizers asked us to title our

erogeneous, with high or low levels of immigration,

speech “Fathering in the United States.” In response,

and characterized by large or small minority group

we made the general statements about “national ten-

populations alike. We can often discern cultural

dencies” that the organizers solicited, but inevitably

patterns of fathering, but it is also tempting to

returned to the issue of differences between subpop-

answer the question, ‘What are fathers like across

ulations and among individuals. We have learned

cultures?’ with one word: ‘Diverse.’ ” The main pur-

that without a discussion of intrasocietal diversity, a

pose of this handbook chapter was to revisit four

portrayal of fathers in any cultural group is incom-

of the portrayals of fathering in Fathers in Cultural

plete (Nakazawa & Shwalb, 2013).

Context and, as an epilogue to that volume, to pro-

The emphasis here on within-society diversity is

vide a better classification and analysis of fathering

in accord with the remark by Jonathan Tudge (2008,

diversity within societies.

p. 17) that “researchers interested in cultural issues

have paid too little attention to heterogeneity within

International Versus

societies.” The international literature also confirms

Intrasocietal Diversity

his assertions that researchers too often use catego-

Fathers in Cultural Context included a compre-

ries of diversity as independent variables in group

hensive review of fathering research in countries

comparisons rather than showing how these factors

and regions where half of the world’s population

explain diversity and that there is diversity even

lives, in societies of all sizes from both the indus-

within subgroups (e.g., SES groups within a society

trialized world and “majority world” (Kagitcibasi,

are themselves heterogeneous). Along these lines,

2007). Few of our chapter contributors identified

accounts of intrasocietal diversity are more often

cross-national comparative studies of fathering, concerned with diverse types of fathers than with and as editors we had to speculate to make gen-diversity in fathering behavior. Joseph Pleck (2013,

eral statements about fathers in each society and to

xv) further observed that while fathering research-

compare the various portrayals of fathers between

ers have sampled increasingly diverse groups since

chapters. In fact, our book reported more fathering

the 1980s, the research is “stove-piped” in that each

diversity within societies than between them, and

group is studied independently without comparison

this within-society diversity was often described in

to other groups of fathers.

terms of commentary and generalities by chapter

It was difficult to choose between using the

writers rather than based on empirical research.

word “nations,” “societies,” or “cultures” in the

We recently asked several chapter contributors to

title of this chapter, and none of these choices was

reconsider their respective literatures and to sup-

entirely satisfactory. We distinguish between a

ply additional references specific to intrasocietal

society (a social grouping that may equate with a

diversity. Based on their responses and a rereading

culture, nation, or both), a nation (a geographical

of our book, we compiled an inventory of findings

and political entity), and a “culture,” which we

on intrasocietal diversity. Unfortunately, there has

define as a pattern of beliefs and behavior com-

been mainly description of fathering diversity out-

mon to a social group and transmitted within

side the West rather than explanation of either the

or between generations. We titled this chapter

causes or effects of fathering diversity.

“Fathering Diversity Within Societies” rather

Why is it important to understand intrasoci-

than within “nations” or “cultures” because the

etal diversity among fathers? Some readers may be

two regions we discuss here (Central/East Africa

sh Wa lB, sh Wa lB

603

and Caribbean) include numerous communi-

intrasocietal diversity in fathering that emanate

ties, nations, and cultures, whereas the other two

from outside the individual and are found at the

groups (Chinese and Indian fathers) are found

macrosystem, exosystem, and microsystem levels of

worldwide and not only in the People’s Republic

a bioecological model (Figure 37.1).

of China (PRC) or Republic of India. “Societies”

also seemed to be the most appropriate term

• Geography: The spatial location of the father

because it can be used to refer to people in both

and what occurs in that place, whether in a city or

small-scale communities and in large-scale nation

rural area, a densely or sparsely populated region,

states. Diversity in its many forms is synonymous

or separated from versus living with his family,

with variability, and finally, a definitional distinc-

is the ubiquitous “foundation” (Michener, 1970,

tion was made between “fathers” (including both

p. 670) of other sources of fathering diversity.

biological and nonbiological “social fathers”),

• History: Historical influences may be

“fathering” (behavior), and “fatherhood” (con-

long-term (legacy of patriarchy, filial piety,

ceptualizations of men’s roles).

colonialism; cohort differences between recent

In addition to intra- and intersocietal diver-

generations), or short-term (changing views of

sity, four other types of diversity are discussed

fatherhood within a society or within an academic

in the fathering literature. First, there is diver-

discipline).

sity in researchers’ choices of independent

• Family characteristics: Variations are found

variables, dependent variables, and research in family structure, family size, and marital designs. Second, scholarly disciplines (psychol-or residential status (e.g., married, divorced,

ogy, anthropology, sociology, family studies, cohabiting; mating patterns, etc.).

education, etc.) each have a range of theoretical

• Economic factors: These factors take effect

approaches to fathering. Third, diverse research

at the family level (SES, poverty, means of food

methods are found in studies of fathers in every

production for subsistence) and societal level

country or region featured in Fathers in Cultural

(prosperity, recession).

Context. Finally, Day and Lamb (2004) pointed

• Employment/work conditions: Such conditions

out the importance of diversity at the individual

are seen in comparisons of fathers in single- versus

level; that is, variability in individual behavior

dual-income families, work hours, employers’

and attitudes based on biological, genetic, and

support for paternal leave, and the like.

psychological influences.

• Norms, values, and beliefs: Fathering may

In the remainder of this chapter we (1) classify

reflect diverse societal or subcultural ideologies or

intrasocietal diversity into eight general categories

value systems that may be reflected in government

that were relevant to most societies in our book,

policies and laws.

(2) view worldwide diversity of fathers based on one

• Ethnicity: Diversity has been identified

common model, and (3) form conclusions on the

between ethnic groups, defined in terms of the

common characteristics of fathers worldwide (i.e.,

group’s predominant language, culture, country of

universal core roles of fathers).

origin, religion, and the like.

• Immigration/emigration patterns: This type of

Categories of Fathering Diversity

diversity is found, for example, in societies where

Within Societies

men either travel abroad or from rural to urban

Diversity has not been the central focus of locations seeking work and in group comparisons fathering research in most countries (Pattnaik, based on the number of generations since a family 2013, Shwalb & Shwalb, 2014). The locations

immigrated.

highlighted here (China, India, Central/East

Table 37.1 illustrates these eight categories of

Africa, and the Caribbean) all have been previously

fathering diversity within 15 nations or regions, as

discussed in terms of fathering diversity, whereas

gleaned from the main chapters in Shwalb, Shwalb,

in most other countries outside of the United and Lamb (2013). This table provides an example States and United Kingdom accounts of diversity

or two of each form of diversity per country and

are sparse and speculative. Indeed, the full extent

is an illustrative rather than exhaustive list. Under

of diversity among fathers cannot be estimated

any category one might insert several complex con-

within most societies because of a lack of evidence.

textual factors, and these examples are not neces-

The reports of fathering diversity in Fathers in

sarily the best examples for any given society or

Cultural Context suggested eight main sources of

region.

604

faT her ing di v er siT y W iT hin soCieT ies

Macrosystem

( Norms, values & beliefs

of society or its subgroups)

Exosystem

Ethnicity

Religion

( Indirect environment;

Aspects of society)

e and History

Spatial System

Mesosystem

Government

:

: Tim

L

Economic

o

system

I

c

Language

mm

at

Microsystem

i

i

g

o

r

n

a

a

(Connections between microsystem context

t

n

School s)

ion

d

/

G

Mass media

(Direct personal contacts

Father

)

Em

Chronosystem

eo

Workplace

Family

(Age, Marital or

s

igr

gr

mating status,

at

a

oi

p

etc.)

n

hy

Wider

p

Neighborhood

a

community

tte

Religious

rn

Law

community

s

s

Employment/

Family policies

Educational

syste

Political

m

system

Systems in outer ring permeate

all systems in inner rings

Fig. 37.1 The bioecological model related to fathering diversity within societies.

Adapted from Bronfenbrenner & Morris (2006). Figure courtesy of Paul R. Larson, Southern Utah University.

Fathering Diversity Within

applies well to fathers, a “Spatial System: Location

an Ecological Model

and Geography.” One’s geographic location may

As shown in Figure 37.1, an adapted version

impact on every other system, much as history or

of Uri Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model of time (the chronosystem) permeates other systems.

human development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris,

Although not considered to be contextual fac-

2006) provides a visual portrayal of how the preced-

tors, characteristics of individual fathers (paternity

ing eight sources of diversity may relate to fathers

certainty, sexual orientation, incarceration, health

and fathering. These sources of diversity clearly

habits, personal history), mothers (education,

appear within microsystems that involve direct per-

employment, attitudes toward father involvement),

sonal interactions in one’s immediate environment

and children (age, gender, temperament) also have

(e.g., based on family characteristics or workplace

an impact on fathering diversity. Paternal fac-

conditions), exosystems that are manifestations of

tors fit best within the bioecological model in the

culture that impact fathers indirectly (e.g., eco-

innermost “Fathers” circle whereas maternal and

nomic systems or employment/family policies), child characteristics most often appear in the fam-the macrosystem that encompasses culture-related

ily microsystem. One other important contextual

behavioral norms and values (e.g., norms, values

factor, the impact of the presence of other people

and beliefs, immigration/emigration patterns, eth-

on fathers’ behavior, was emphasized only in the

nicity), and the chronosystem (history). We added

literature on Indian fathers (see below). We did

one other system to the bioecological model that

not include this factor in Table 37.1 or Figure 37.1,

sh Wa lB, sh Wa lB

605

Table 37.1. Examples of Eight Sources of Fathering Diversity in 15 Societies/Regions.

Location

Geography

History

Family

Economic

Employment/

Norms, Values,

Ethnicity

Immigration/

Characteristics

Factors

Work

Beliefs

Emigration

Conditions

Patterns

Arab Societies 22 nations across 7,000-year history Male as traditional

Some of richest Urban/rural

Values related to

Islamic & Arab

Migration to

Middle East &

authority

& poorest

differences

affluence of nation heritage

oil-producing

North Africa

nations in world

nations

Australia

Distances

Post-WW2

Marriage

Strong, stable

Hard work to

Egalitarianism

Indigenous &

44% foreign-born

between coastal population

age delayed;

economic

maintain rising

foreign-born

or with a foreign

cities; Sparse

diversified

extra-marital births growth

living standard

populations

parent

pop.

increasing

Bangladesh

Fertile plains,

Ancient history,

Joint, extended &

Poverty & dense Agricultural/

Islamic ideology

98% Bengali

Emigration to seek

vulnerable coast; new nation

nuclear families

population

low-income

(ethnicity)

employment

dense population

Religion: 90%

Muslim 9% Hindu

Brazil

Half of

Slavery,

Patriarchy;

SES disparity;

Increase in

Blend of traditional Indigenous;

Migration from

S. American land Colonialism;

Declining family

expanding

women in

& modern values

Origins in slavery Europe, Asia,

mass

Urbanized

size

economy

workforce

& colonization

Africa

population

Caribbean

Small island

Slavery &

Mate- /child-

Developing

Service

Disparate

African- vs.

Migration to

nations

Colonialism

shifting of

societies

industry

values between

Indo-Caribbean

N. America &

African-Caribbean

dominant

African- &

Europe

Indo-Caribbean

Central/E.

Climate &

Colonialism

Large families, high Lowest per

Hunter/

Collectivism

Diverse small-scale Migration to cities

Africa

topography;

mortality rates

capita incomes

gatherers

societies

mostly rural

among these

population

societies/regions

China

East coastal vs.

Confucian legacy

One Child Policy

Transition to

Floating

Egalitarianism

55 ethnic

Worldwide

western inland

market economy population

minorities, 91%

Chinese culture

regions

Han

India

Colonization;

Multi-chronicity; Patriarchal tradition Huge SES

Legacy of

Behavior impacted 81% Hindu 13%

Vast diaspora

dense population Several millennia

disparities

caste system & by others’ presence Islam 2% Sikh

inequality

Japan

Relatively

Confucian legacy

Small family, aged

Chronic

Decline

Westernized,

Brazilian, Chinese, Little emigration

small densely

population

recession in

of lifetime

traditionally

Korean minorities or immigration

populated island

post-bubble era

employment

group-centered

nation

system

Malaysia

Peninsular/

Several millennia; Traditional joint

Rapid growth

Modernizing

Islamic ideology

Malay, Chinese,

Bangladeshi

island; relatively recent urbanization family; trend toward

Indian, &

& Indonesian

sparse pop.

nuclear family

Indigenous

immigrant work

Russia

Huge land mass; Pre-Soviet, Soviet, Nonresident fathers; Wealth &

No job

Negative narrative; Numerous ethnic Long history of

vast uninhabited post-Soviet eras

alcohol use problems poverty

guarantee in

men undervalued

groupings

migration waves

areas

polarization

post-Soviet era

out of Russia

Scandinavia

Denmark,

Welfare state

Late marriage,

Highest per

Paternal leave

Egalitarianism

Relatively

Asylum-seeking

Norway, Sweden, introduced

cohabitation/

capita income

relatively

homogeneous

Swedish

Finland

divorce rates high

among these

common

(8-13%

immigrants

nations/regions

foreign-born)

Southern

Rich natural

European

Separation of

>50% poverty

Work location Traditional

S. Africa: 81%

Labor migration

Africa

resources

exploitation;

families; father

rates; wide SES isolated from

engendered roles

black 9% white

within country

apartheid

absence

disparities

families

11% ‘other’

United

Urbanized,

Impact of

Divorce/ father

Affluent; wide

Trend toward

Value placed

Multi-cultural

S. Asian,

Kingdom

island nation

recessions & world involvement

SES disparities

egalitarian

on fathering;

society

E. European,

wars

increased

domestic &

some fathers

W. Indies waves

paid work

marginalized

of immigrants

United States Large land

Urbanization

High divorce rate;

Significant

Service &

Egalitarianism & Growing sizes

Melting pot

mass; coasts

trends toward small wealth &

technology

pluralism

of minority

vs. heartland;

& nuclear

poverty

sector growth

population

uneven pop.

distribution

See Shwalb, Shwalb, & Lamb, 2013, for full details.

but it is relevant to every microsystem or may be

patriotism, and highest priority placed on the fam-

viewed as a macrosystem norm or value placed on

ily). His behavior can also be seen in the context of

sensitivity to one’s surroundings.

a specific country (spatial system) in the 21st cen-

The preceding systems model and categorization

tury (chronosystem). This father’s roles are further

of sources of fathering diversity are all illustrated by

relevant to all eight of the sources of diversity listed

the following case story, a composite figure based

in Table 37.1.

on several fathers we know.

Fathering Diversity Within Chinese,

Case Story: The Soldier Father

Indian, Central/East African,

At age 32, he is a military officer and a father

and Caribbean Societies

of four. His father was highly involved in

Let us now consider the specific sources of

his upbringing in an egalitarian two-career

fathering diversity within two highly diverse and

nuclear middle-class family. Perhaps related to

geographically dispersed cultural groups (Chinese

their religious heritage, ethnicity, and aware-

and Indian), and in two regions where diversity

ness of their ancestors’ history as refugees,

is also a hallmark of fathering (the Caribbean

both he and his father value the perpetuation

and Central/Eastern Africa). These four groups

of the family name through their sons, and

were chosen from 15 societies/regions featured in

they share an interest in family history and

Fathers in Cultural Context because they provide

genealogy. He is highly involved in neighbor-

a balance of geography (three continents) and

hood activities and with his religious commu-

small- versus large-scale societies, and because

nity, and his religion traditionally advocates

each of these four locations has some distinctive

patriarchy that fosters an engendered division

elements of fathering diversity. We include a short

of labor at home. He therefore prides himself

case story of a father from each location to illus-

in a breadwinner role while his wife runs the

trate how individual fathers are subject to contex-

household, and takes responsibility for daily

tual influences.

childcare and housework. His social network

consists mainly of family friends met through

China

church activities, and his family’s shifting loca-

Qiu, like most Chinese fathers in the hospital,

tion of residence is determined by the military.

was encouraged to stay with his wife during

Workplace conditions allow him to be home

the delivery.1 He helped push his wife into the

every evening and on weekends, although he

labour room, massaged her to ease her pain,

has often been sent out of town for occupa-

and guided her using techniques they learned

tional assignments over extended periods of

together in the prenatal classes. After the

time. He sees himself as an active and con-

exhausting days before and during childbirth,

cerned father who proudly took the paternal

Qiu was greatly relieved that both his wife

leave afforded to him by his employer. He lives

and child were in good condition, and he was

in an affluent country which compensates him

happy to have a son…

well as an officer, and both his own personal

Looking back, Qiu views the inconve-

history and the strong position of the military

niences they experienced (insufficient hospital

within his country have made it possible to

resources and poor services) as inevitable con-

provide his family with a “good life.” Asked

sequences of the huge Chinese population and

what is most important to him, the soldier

of the increasing popularity of institutional-

replies that his service to his religion, family,

ized childbirth by Chinese women whose

and country are all important, but his family

forebears gave birth in their own homes with

comes first.

the assistance of experienced, elder female rel-

Various aspects of the fathering role are displayed

atives and midwives. In fact, Qiu regrets that

in this soldier’s personal relationships in family,

such intrafamilial help is no longer available

neighborhood, church, and workplace activities.

in contemporary urban Chinese families. He

What occurs in these microsystems is affected

also thinks that fathers, who might not always

by exosystem influences (e.g., economic condi-

be competent assistants in matters such as

tions, government policies in relation to family

childbirth, now have to participate whether

and employment) as determined by the macrosys-

or not they want to do so, because traditional

tem’s cultural values and norms (e.g., pro-military,

resources are not available in modern Chinese

608

faT her ing di v er siT y W iT hin soCieT ies

society… . Participation in childbirth was an

literacy, and per capita income all favor urban over

empowering experience for Qiu.

rural locations. Kanbur and Zhang (1998) empha-

—(Li & Lamb, 2013a, pp. 15–16)

sized the importance of rural-to-urban popula-

tion migrations as well as migration from inland

This case story was relevant to diversity in the

Western China to the more industrialized and

form of geography (urban PRC), history (21st cen-

highly populated coastal regions. They also noted

tury), family characteristics (small family lacking

that in periods of economic hardship migrations

support from extended family), economic factors

become more common within provinces from vil-

(poor hospital services), and cultural values and lages to provincial capital cities, rather than across norms (past value of having a son; current norm of

regions. The primary effect of these migrations on

father’s participation in childbirth). In addition, Qiu

fathers is that migration affects men by changing

was involved with the microsystems of his family and

their lifestyles and roles. For example, increases in

wider community as impacted by the Chinese eco-

education, maternal employment, and living stan-

nomic system and family-related policies (exosystem)

dards are all associated with urbanization and can

and expectations for fathers from the broader culture

contribute to changes in father–child relations.

(macrosystem). We next consider broadly several

At the same time, the PRC’s “floating popula-

sources of fathering diversity in Chinese society.

tion” consists of individuals who leave their regis-

tered place of residence (often rural) and move to

Geographical Dispersion, Ethnicity,

another place (often urban) to seek employment.

and Migration Patterns

The size of the floating population, with a male

Beyond the PRC’s overall population of 1.35

majority, is now estimated at 269 million (Li &

billion (with about 20% of the world’s fathers),

Lamb, 2013 a), and this number is expected to

large numbers of Chinese live in the PRC territory

increase to 350 million by 2050. Some floating

of Hong Kong (7 million) and in Taiwan (23 mil-

fathers only see their children once a year, whereas

lion), and there are 48 million overseas Chinese in

coresident urban middle class fathers can see their

Indonesia (10 million), Singapore (2.8 million),

children daily (Li & Lamb, 2013 b). Biao (2007)

North America (4.8 million), Europe (1.7 million),

wrote that floating fathers usually leave their fami-

and elsewhere. Chinese fathers abroad are likely

lies behind because the family must remain regis-

to be affected differentially by all eight sources of

tered at its native address location to receive money

diversity listed in Table 37.1 in each location within

from the government or to avoid loss of the family’s

the diaspora. In the PRC, 91% of the population

property. The floating population is connected to

belongs to the Han ethnic majority, but 55 minori-

another phenomenon called the “skipped genera-

ties account for a diverse ethnic population of more

tion,” consisting of children and grandparents left

than 110 million (only 11 countries in the world

behind by parents who migrate to cities from their

have a greater population than 110 million). Li

rural homes. In addition to men leaving behind

and Lamb (2013 a) asserted that communications

millions of wives, children, and grandparents, Biao

between Chinese inside and outside the PRC also

emphasizes that communities are also “left behind”

contribute to diversity and change in Chinese in terms of lower standards of living and educa-fathering. For example, whereas Chinese notions

tional quality. Certainly, leaving one’s children

of fatherhood spread worldwide, alternative models

changes the nature of fatherhood and influences

of fatherhood infiltrate and spread throughout the

the children who grow up apart from their fathers.

PRC via returning expatriate Chinese and commu-

Finally, millions of “floating” men are unmarriage-

nications from the diaspora.

able because they comprise an excess male popula-

tion in some locations.

Employment Conditions: Urban/Rural

Migration and the Floating Population

Family Characteristics: One Child

As of 2010, 46.6% (621.9 million) of the PRC

Policy and Family Structure

population lived in cities or towns, compared with

Urban/rural diversity in Chinese fatherhood

an urbanization level of only 10.7% (57.7 million)

is also associated with the 1979 One Child Policy

just 60 years earlier. It is predicted that by 2030 the

(Shwalb, Nakazawa, Yamamoto, & Hyun, 2010).

urbanization rate will be greater than 65%, with

Various ways have emerged to circumvent the policy

a staggering 300 million increase of urban dwell-

in rural areas where farm labor is needed (e.g., in

ers in one generation. Large gaps in education,

rural China, additional children are permitted if the

sh Wa lB, sh Wa lB

609

first child is a daughter). In urban areas, a family

Geography and Ethnicity:

may pay a fine for having a second child, and other

Taiwanese Fathers

couples have multiple children while living outside

Although trends in both the PRC and Taiwan

China. The One Child Policy, overall, has reduced

are toward smaller families and later marriage

the number of offspring and the size of families and

age, Chu and Yu (2010) reported two differences

has enabled many families to give more time to the

between the mainland’s populous southeastern

single child because children have received the com-

region and Taiwan. First, arranged marriages are

bined attention of two parents plus the grandpar-

still common in the PRC but have become rare

ents. In addition, educational expectations for the

in Taiwan. Second, the Taiwanese divorce rate is

only child have risen since 1979, and, under this

reportedly lower than in the Mainland southeast.

competitive pressure, parents place children for long

With regard to fathering, Chu and Yu’s survey indi-

hours in after-school programs and other activities,

cated that many fathers in the southeastern PRC

removing children from their families and fathers

are still often viewed as disciplinarians whereas

(Li & Lamb, 2013a). Finally, because of population

day-to-day discipline remains the mother’s domain

control measures, multigenerational families have

in Taiwan. However, these authors speculated that

become exceptional in the PRC, where only about

their findings may not generalize to the northeast

13% of urban families and 20% of rural families

PRC region where mothers may also have taken on

are now three generational. This change in family

the disciplinarian role. Links between geography,

structure can affect fathering when fewer men in

ethnicity, and fathering cannot be definitive based

either rural or urban settings (like Qiu in our case

on one study, but these data suggest that one of the

story) can rely on extended family members to pro-

father’s roles (disciplinarian) may be related to both

vide for their families or attend to their children.

family structure and regional variations in norms

and values within broader Chinese culture.

Socioeconomic Diversity

and Social Mobility

History: Generational

In the context of increased living standards Differences and Changes

and transition to a market economy, Li and Lamb

Anthropologist William Jankowiak (2011)

(2013 b) found that educated Chinese fathers observed various trends and a “transformation”

with higher SES had more access to information

among urban families that have led to increased asser-

on Western-style fathering and more flexible atti-

tiveness of mothers, which he claimed has changed

tudes about gender roles compared to less educated

the father’s role within the family. Jankowiak’s

fathers who were more traditional in attitudes and

naturalistic observations of young fathers between

parenting styles. With fewer low-skill jobs available

the 1980s and 2010 in public and private settings

to men and with increased female participation

have shown that young fathers became more active

in the labor market, the provider role has become

with infants across the generations. Specifically,

more problematic for men as their relative financial

increasing numbers of men took their babies for

contribution to family income declines in the face

walks and performed child care tasks, although

of rising financial expectations.

women retained the task of physical care of infants.

As an example of diversity related to economic

Compared to fathers in the 1980s, Jankowiak also

conditions, Shek (2008) found that SES was associ-

observed trends away from a preference for sons

ated with Hong Kong secondary school students’

and toward closeness to and value of daughters. He

perceptions of the quality of their fathers’ parent-

described a new generation of closer and warmer

ing, more so than with perceptions of mothers’

father–child relations in the context of a Chinese

parenting quality. Specifically, adolescents in their

family that is increasingly nuclear, smaller, and with

sample who were economically “disadvantaged”

less authority held by the elderly. Generational diver-

had a more negative perception of the quality of the

sity also emphasized a trend toward dating and love

father–adolescent relationship and of their fathers’

marriages in place of formal courtship and arranged

quality of parenting. This may be because fathers,

marriages. Jankowiak viewed this latter tendency as

more than mothers, were held responsible by teen

supportive of Goode’s (1963) depiction of a global

children for their poor economic conditions. In

trend toward urban marriage based on companion-

effect, increased stratification by social class may

ship and emotion rather than on instrumental con-

be leading to greater diversity in perceptions of the

cerns and on the free choice of both parties rather

effectiveness of men in their fathering roles.

than via arranged marriages. A final manifestation

610

faT her ing di v er siT y W iT hin soCieT ies

of generational differences was the growing ten-

and expectations for fathers within broader Indian

dency of educated urban fathers (and mothers) to

society (i.e., that men can make decisions for their

seek expert advice on parenting techniques.

adult children). Let us look next more generally at

Chinese fathering, in sum, appears to be charac-

Indian influences on fathering diversity.

terized by numerous sources of diversity (all eight

categories of diversity in Table 37.1) at all levels

Ethnicity

of the bioecological model. Diversity is seen most

India, with a population of 1.2 billion, is

clearly in terms of within-PRC region, country,

expected to have the largest population in the

ethnicity, rural/urban locale, migration and immi-

world by 2030 and, like China, already accounts

gration patterns, social class, governmental poli-

for almost one-fifth of the world’s population

cies, and generational differences. Each of these is

and fathers. Most accounts of Indian fathering

likely to further diversify Chinese fathers and and families have focused on the Hindu (80.5%) fatherhood in the years to come, but unfortunately

majority, but India also has sizable Islamic (13.4%

research to date has seldom illuminated either the

or 160 million), Christian (2.3%), and Sikh (1.9%)

causes or effects of diversity on individuals or social

religious minorities, and wide linguistic diversity,

groupings of Chinese fathers.

with more than 30 languages spoken by more than

a million people. Psychologist Nandita Chaudhary

India

(2007, 2013, in press) has observed that even

Now as his children enter adulthood, Chandan

within Hindu families there is more variation than

is passionate, forceful, autocratic, and conser-

uniformity in family patterns. Although factors

vative in matters he considers his responsibility.

such as religious background and social class may

He is intolerant of modernity and liberalism

have separate and combined effects on fatherhood

where family relationships are concerned, and

and fathering, empirical research on these sources

is often angry and even unmanageable when

of diversity is almost entirely lacking.

things don’t go his way. Chandan’s convic-

tion is guided by his devotion towards the

Geography and History: Multiple Indias

family; something so sacred that it cannot be

Chaudhary (2013, p. 70) emphasized India’s

derailed by anyone. His son’s recent affections

“multi-chronicity,” the simultaneous existence of

and desire to marry is a current crisis for the

several historical levels of societal development

family. What he sees as his son’s momentary

within one country. For example, while one sector of

lapse of reason cannot be allowed to jeopardise

Indian culture is in a technology-driven postmod-

his world. Apart from his disagreement with

ern era, another subpopulation has almost no con-

the concept of love before marriage, the fact

tact with the technological and economic changes

that this young woman is from a different

accrued over the past century. She also described

ethnic community is an additional impedi-

diversity within Indian culture as “mindboggling,”

ment. Chandan feels that children owe it to

with variability based on region, caste, religion, SES,

the family to marry someone chosen through

and language. Diversity may also be seen in terms

the time-tested process of family arrangement

of transition to urban locations that emphasize

and that his honour, his word, and his world

individuality, autonomy, mobility, consumerism,

would be crushed if such a thing came to pass.

higher education, and international employment.

In a moment of dramatic despair, he ordered

Chaudhary (2013, p. 70) further emphasized the

his son to declare him (Chandan) dead in writ-

importance of geography for diversity: “There are,

ing if he insisted on marrying this woman.

in fact, many Indias that one could write about.”

—(Chaudhary, 2013, pp. 68–69)

For example, Indian society has a historical legacy

of separate interventions in different regions of India

This case story exemplifies the contexts of by the British, French, and Portuguese, as well as an history (generational differences), family char-Asian influence in the lands bordering China and

acteristics (patriarchal), cultural norms and val-

Myanmar, all of which likely affected family life and

ues (reliance of father’s approval), and ethnicity

fathering among these locations.

(father’s intolerance of young woman’s ethnicity).

In addition, these men are involved with the micro-

Economic Factors: Socioeconomic Status

system of their extended family as influenced by

There is scant research evidence but much spec-

laws and policies regarding marriage (exosystem)

ulation on SES diversity among Indian fathers.

sh Wa lB, sh Wa lB

611

Kakar (2000) noted that while anthropologists households. Specifically, Chaudhary identified a tend to study lower SES Indian families, psycholo-strong tendency for Indian fathers to avoid display-

gists usually study middle-class Indian families;

ing preferential affection for any child and to avoid

thus, research is not available to directly compare

expression of any such affection in the presence of

these groups. Sriram and Sandhu (2010) stated

others. As a result, Indian men may have tended not

that middle-class urban mothers and fathers share

to interact with children while being observed by

the value of working cooperatively for children’s

researchers, and some may become more involved

well-being and achievement. This view was sup-

at home with children when living in foreign set-

ported by Roopnarine and Suppal (2003), who

tings or in nuclear families where fewer strangers

found an association in modern middle-class fami-

and extended family members are present. It was

lies between maternal employment and fathers’ notable that India is the only culture for which we egalitarian view of family roles. However, this have observed in the fathering literature such an view of the middle-class father seemed to be con-emphasis on sensitivity to the social situation. But

tradicted by Jain and Belsky’s (1997) finding of

only future research will determine whether father-

greater paternal involvement in poorer families ing is as situation-dependent elsewhere (“faculta-than within middle- or upper-income families. Jain

tive”; see Hrdy, 2009) as it has been described in

and Belsky attributed their finding to the fact that

India.

lower SES fathers had to work at home more for

In summary, Indian fathering has been associ-

the sustenance of the family and were thus in closer

ated with every source of diversity in Table 37.1 in

contact with their children. As in other countries,

relation to religious group, language, social class/

Indian families are characterized by social class

caste, family structure, level of modernity and

differences in family environment and resources

economic development, and (in perhaps a special

including material possessions, size and structure

Indian manner) the presence of others. Fatherhood

of homes, and literacy and employment of par-

is understood in the microsystems of the family,

ents. Investigations are needed to demonstrate the

neighborhood, religious, and wider community,

connections between these contextual factors and

and it is most clearly impacted in the exosystem

diversity in fathering behavior.

by an economic system that results in extreme

social stratification. The impact of the chronosys-

Family Characteristics

tem (history) is notable for Indian fathers, and the

The joint family composed of parents, their chil-

contexts of Indian fathering are changing rapidly.

dren, and the children’s spouses and offspring in one

Where a father lives in India (spatial system) is

household was the modal structure of many tradi-

related to his social status, ethnicity, and religion,

tional Indian families. But family structure now

and all of these aspects of diversity impact on how

varies by region (urban vs. rural locale) and SES,

men behave as fathers. India’s “mindboggling”

with nuclear families (parents and children in one

variability suggests the value of future research on

household) predominant among lower SES families

how these contextual factors actually impact the

(Sriram & Ganapathy, 1997). Sriram and Sandhu

behavior within the diverse population of Indian

(2010) reported that 30% of Indian families (54 mil-

fathers.

lion families) are now urban and that the nuclear

family has become the predominant urban family

Central and Eastern Africa

structure. Childrearing by multiple caregivers has

Ba’win has no living brothers, and has

also been common in Indian society, and historically

encountered considerable loss in his life, expe-

the paternal role was that of provider, protector, and

riencing the death of nine children and two

disciplinarian, while mothers were responsible for

wives. Even given the Bofi forager child mor-

childcare (Sriram & Navalkar, 2013).

tality rates of approximately 41%, his loss is

still considerably above average for his com-

Situational Influences

munity. His age and experiences are apparent,

Finally, Chaudhary (2013) emphasized the

in his late 60s… . On most days, Ba’win is

significance for Indian fathering of the presence

in camp providing healing for clients or car-

of others (strangers and family members alike)

ing for his youngest child and grandchild. His

as a situational influence on fathering diversity.

youngest daughter, Kasey, is 3 years old and

She viewed this social psychological phenom-

his grandson, Lee, is 18 months old. During

enon as related to the legacy of extended family

one of my four-hour focal child observations

612

faT her ing di v er siT y W iT hin soCieT ies

of Lee, Ba’win was the primary careprovider

Economic Factors: Subsistence Type

even when Lee’s grandmother and aunts were

Fouts and Hewlett concurred that there may

present. Lee sat near or on Ba’win’s lap most of

be greater proximity between Central African

the afternoon that I observed. Ba’win was not

fathers and infants/children in forager groups

Lee’s play-partner, but instead he held him

(hunter-gatherers) than in small-scale societies

when Lee climbed into his lap, and cuddled

where the means of subsistence are agricultural or

and patted Lee when he cried. They rarely

horticultural (farming) or pastoral (herding). Most

spoke to each other, but Lee’s attachment to

recently, Fouts (2013) concluded from her own

Ba’win was clear. At one point in the observa-

work and from that of Hewlett and others that

tion a sudden rain storm started and Lee ran

active fathering is associated with husband/wife

straight to Ba’win rather than to his grand-

egalitarianism and cooperation in subsistence and

mother or aunt (his parents were in the forest).

child care, women’s work, lack of material accu-

—(Fouts, 2013, pp. 151–152)

mulation, lower testosterone levels among males,

and constraints on mothers who are nursing young

This case story shows that fathers must be babies; most of these variables have been associated understood in terms of family characteristics (large

with life in forager communities.

families, high infant mortality rate), geography

(village), economic factors (forager means to pro-

The Evolution of Diversity

vide subsistence), and cultural beliefs (in healing).

Hewlett (1991, 1992) posited that ideologi-

In the family microsystem, fathers like Ba’win cal, demographic, ecological, social, and psy-are social fathers to their grandchildren, and eth-

chological factors were all related to fathering

nicity (Bofi) and history (long-time prevalence diversity. According to his review of several of hunter-gather communities) reflect many ele-theoretical perspectives, evolutionary biologists

ments of a complex and diverse picture of father-

attributed differences in father involvement

ing within the small-scale societies of Central and

within small-scale societies to (1) distribution of

Eastern Africa.

females, (2) paternal certainty, and (3) individual

developmental factors. For example, in reference

Family Characteristics

to “distribution of females” Hewlett meant that

Numerous contextual factors associated with

fathers were expected to provide more child care

family life have been shown to contribute to in hunter-gatherer camps than in cities because diversity in father involvement within African urban men would have to compete more for small-scale societies. First, Katz and Konner mates in a town or village than would men in cit-

(1981) observed that in such communities monog-

ies. Evolutionary theory also predicted that when

amous and egalitarian spousal relations were fac-

paternity was certain, men would invest more

tors that contributed to paternal involvement. in child care of children they knew to be their Hewlett (1991) later reported that within Aka own. Third, in the developmental course of early forager communities more involved fathers had

childhood, children may or may not learn from

fewer brothers or relatives, married a wife from a

their own fathers that mating relationships are

more distant location, married later, were monoga-

stable and that fathers provide for their children.

mous, or lacked a position of status within their

Hewlett also mentioned the following factors as

clan. Meehan (2005) then found in the same relevant to fathering diversity in small-scale soci-societies that patrilocality (living with the hus-

eties: warfare (more paternal involvement in the

band’s extended kin or clan) was also associated

absence of warfare), polygyny (more involvement

with father involvement. Supportive of Hewlett’s

when one had fewer wives/children to divide

conclusions, Fouts (2008) showed that Aka and

one’s time and resources among), the degree to

Bofi forager fathers with fewer kin resources (e.g.,

which men controlled women’s lives (affecting

fewer brothers) were more available to their chil-

how much time men spent in child care them-

dren. Finally, Fouts (2008) also related differences

selves), lack of resources, and the degree to which

in father involvement to the child’s age, observing

men contributed to subsistence.

more involvement with infants (a period of maxi-

Overall, we have viewed fathers within Central

mum vulnerability), less involvement with tod-

and East Africa as diverse according to geogra-

dlers, and then an increase in paternal care from

phy in the spatial system (large rural popula-

ages 3–4 years (another period of vulnerability).

tion), history (gradual migration to cities), family

sh Wa lB, sh Wa lB

613

characteristics (relatively large and extended fami-

of grandparents), economic/work conditions (low

lies), and economic factors (fathering behavior wages), geography in the spatial system (urban related to subsistence means). In addition, eth-location), and history in the chronosystem (gen-

nicity (differences between numerous small-scale

erational differences in fathering involvement). His

communities) as an aspect of the macrosystem was

involvement with children is related to the micro-

shown by Fouts, Hewlett, and others to account

systems of the family, workplace, school (early

for important variations in fathering in this region.

childhood program), and religious community.

Many elements of the bioecological model having

Fathers like Rakesh are also affected by the exo-

to do with institutions seem less relevant to fathers

systems of the mass media (television), economic

in small-scale societies than in larger societies, and

system, employment policies, and educational

the microsystems of family and workplace seem

systems and by the macrosystem’s societal norms

less distinct in these Central/East African villages.

(expectation for fathers to discipline children) and

Exosystem influences are most apparent in terms of

values (favoring strict discipline). We next sum-

the economic system within each community. But

marize some of the insights of Roopnarine and his

we may expect that more modern-day influences

colleagues regarding specific elements of fathering

shown in Figure 37.1 will impinge on fathering as

diversity within the Caribbean region.

Central and Eastern Africa become more modern

and urban via the spatial system and chronosystem

Ethnicity

(see also Townsend, 2013).

Psychologist Jaipaul Roopnarine (2013)

emphasized intrasocietal diversity in that ethnic

Caribbean

(African-Caribbean fathers vs. Indo-Caribbean

Rakesh is very reserved and maintains a good

fathers) and social class variations account for the

deal of distance from his father and brothers

most notable diversity among fathers in Caribbean

due to family disputes. Work is unpredict-

communities. In addition, his recent findings of

able and wages are generally low in his town.

consistently high paternal warmth dispel negative

On most days, he appears worried and the

stereotypes of Caribbean fathers across all SES lev-

demands of work keep him away from the

els based on the tendency of researchers to focus on

children… . On weekday mornings, Rakesh

low-SES Caribbean fathers.

drops the older child off at his full-day early

Ethnic diversity in the Caribbean dates back

childhood program and the younger one off at

several centuries. It has resulted in different lev-

the maternal grandparents’ home before going

els of economic advancement and educational

to work. He fusses about the older child’s

attainment between and within Caribbean societ-

behavior and often threatens to discipline him

ies. Within Indo-Caribbean culture, Roopnarine

when he misbehaves. When he disciplines the

(2013) described how the nuclear family, with its

older child, the treatment can be harsh involv-

higher marriage and marriage commitment rates,

ing physical punishment and a series of stern

has replaced the extended family as the norm and

verbal reprimands. By all accounts, Rakesh

in that most Indo-Caribbean children live with

is more involved in the care of his children

their biological fathers. Roopnarine and his col-

than men of the previous generation. But his

laborators have pointed out a shift in the current

involvement is mostly confined to taking the

generation of this ethnic group from patriarchy and

children to places and events (e.g., church

strictness toward egalitarianism and higher levels

social gatherings), physical discipline, and

of warmth in the context of dual-income nuclear

watching television with them (e.g., wrestling

families and a cultural shift away from Hindu tra-

and sporting events). Rakesh sometimes looks

ditions (see preceding section on Indian fathers).

puzzled and uncertain about how he should

approach his responsibilities as a father. He

Family Characteristics: Mate

remains quiet for long stretches of time when

Shifting and Child Shifting

he is with the children.

According to Roopnarine (2013), and as evi-

—(Roopnarine, 2013, pp. 203–204)

dence of diversity between cultures, mate shift-

ing and child shifting are two examples of how

The case story of Rakesh the Indo-Caribbean

African-Caribbean family structure, marital

father illustrates the importance of family charac-

patterns, and child care are diverse and diverge

teristics (disputes within his family, involvement

from European/American models. Compared

614

faT her ing di v er siT y W iT hin soCieT ies

with Indo-Caribbean fathers, African-Caribbean

care providers, spouses, protectors, models, moral

fathers may be more diverse in their marriage and

guides, teachers, and breadwinners… . Only by

mating patterns (Roopnarine & Hossain, 2013).

considering fathers’ performance of these various

For example, in mate shifting, some fathers may

roles, and by taking into account their relative

have children with several partners and “shift” importance in the socio-ecological contexts con-partners over their adult years; in child shifting,

cerned, can fathers’ impact on child development

children are moved or “shifted” for care by relatives

be evaluated.”

and nonrelatives.

What roles can be found globally and within

societies? Anthropologist Nicholas Townsend

Economic Factors

(2002) described four elements of fatherhood in

Another source of diversity within the popu-

the United States that encompass all the roles listed

lation of African-Caribbean fathers concerns in the preceding quotation from Lamb (2010). He one’s economic conditions (i.e., whether men labeled them as follows: “intimacy” (emotional can provide for their children). As described by

closeness with a child), “provision” (enabling

Roopnarine (2013), many African-Caribbean men

one’s spouse or partner to nurture the children;

first become fathers outside marriage in “mating

providing a material standard for family life),

unions,” and their marriage rates are relatively low.

“protection” (from physical danger and negative

However, as these men gain economic status with

influences), and “endowment” (giving one’s time,

age, their marriage rates and marital stability may

money, and energy to children or family; making

increase toward middle age. Because of these pat-

possible opportunities such as sports, lessons, and

terns and the prevalence of social fathers, many

schooling; endowing children with character). Also

African-Caribbean children grow up with little

according to Townsend, American fatherhood is

contact with their biological fathers. Roopnarine

expressed in the contexts of marriage, employment,

emphasized that intrasocietal diversity in fathering

and home ownership, and he observed that all

should be viewed in the context of alloparenting;

four elements and three contexts are interrelated.

that is, parenting by people other than biological

Townsend’s research sample consisted only of US

parents by multiple caregivers.

fathers, but it seems that the elements of father-

In sum, fathering in Caribbean communities is

hood he described may be relevant internationally,

diverse according to ethnicity (African- vs. Indo-

with the relative salience of each element and con-

Caribbean), history (legacy of patriarchy, colo-

text dependent on the ecology of each social group.

nization, and slavery), geography (differences in

We would add “procreation” (Gilmore, 1991) to the

fathering within and between various nations), fam-

preceding four elements (roles) because procreation

ily characteristics (resident vs. nonresident, social

may be the primary or only aspect of fatherhood

fathering, mate and child shifting), economic fac-

fulfilled by some men. In addition, the elements

tors (SES), and immigration (to the United States,

and context from Townsend (2002) may be viewed

Europe, etc.). Within the bioecological model, in terms of the bioecological model and the eight fathers have been studied mainly in the microsys-categories of fathering diversity discussed in this

tem of the family, and the case of Caribbean fathers

chapter.

challenges the notion of fatherhood as defined in

How, then, shall we describe the international

the context of marriage and permanent, stable essence of fatherhood if the literature provides an spousal relations. Caribbean economic influences

incomplete and sometimes inconsistent picture

within the exosystem have often been discussed in

of diversity within societies? First, we can adopt

terms of SES differences. Finally, at the macrosys-

Townsend’s (2002) four elements of the father

tem level of norms, values, and beliefs, fatherhood

role as a starting point for intra- and intersocietal

has clearly diverged between African-Caribbean

research, as either a common core or a range of core

and Indo-Caribbean men.

roles. In addition, the eight sources of diversity in

Table 37.1, along with the three contexts identi-

Conclusion: The Core Roles

fied by Townsend (marriage, home ownership, and

of Fathers in Cultural Context

employment) and the bioecological model (Figure

Michael Lamb (2010, p. 3) wrote in the intro-

37.1) all will provide clues for how to organize

duction to the most recent edition of The Role of

future work on contextual influences. Ultimately,

the Father in Child Development that “fathers we want to understand the psychological experi-play a number of significant roles—companions,

ence of fathering, cultural goals and values that

sh Wa lB, sh Wa lB

615

guide fathering, how fathers achieve cultural case stories: Michael Lamb, Nandita Chaudhary, goals and pass them on to future generations, and

Hillary Fouts, Jaipaul Roopnarine, and Xuan Li.

whether the goals and behaviors of fathers change.

We also appreciate the support of the Southern

Unfortunately, there is currently insufficient data

Utah University Psychology Department (Britt

to issue definitive conclusions about either the Mace, Chair), and acknowledge Lene A. Jensen for core meaning of fatherhood or fathering diversity.

her insightful comments on the earlier drafts of this

Moving ahead, in our opinion, comparative stud-

chapter. This chapter is dedicated to the fathers of

ies of intrasocietal diversity should precede interna-

Thomas Hersch Gorder and Elijah Hyrum Shwalb.

tional comparisons. This is because cross-national

studies almost always fail to account for intrasoci-

Note

etal diversity, and this results too often in unwar-

1 The four quotations from case stories about fathers from

ranted conclusions and generalizations beyond the

China (Li & Lamb, 2013a), India (Chaudhary, 2013),

scope of their samples.

Central/East Africa (Fouts, 2013), and the Caribbean

(Roopnarine, 2013) are all copyright 2013 from Fathers in

Biological anthropologist Sarah Hrdy (2009,

Cultural Context by David W. Shwalb, Barbara J. Shwalb,

p. 161) called human fathering “extremely faculta-

and Michael E. Lamb (editors) and reproduced by per-

tive—that is, situation-dependent and expressed

mission of Taylor and Francis Group, LLC, a division of

only under certain conditions.” Chaudhary’s

Informa PLC.

depiction of Indian fathers as constrained by the

presence of others was a perfect illustration of fac-

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P A R T 6

Middle and Older

Adulthood

C H A P T E R

Cognition in Adulthood

38 Across Cultures

Angela H. Gutchess and Aysecan Boduroglu

Abstract

Although studies indicate that aging impacts a number of cognitive abilities, this research has largely been confined to Western samples. This chapter reviews the budding literature on cross-cultural differences in cognitive aging. Although cultures largely converge in the effects of aging on basic processes including speed, working memory, and cortical thinning, some aspects of memory appear to differ with age across cultures. For example, the content of autobiographical memory and the influence of categorization on long-term memory differ across cultures for older adults.

Cultural differences are particularly robust in the domain of social cognition, including stereotypes and expectations about memory with age, wisdom, and emotional processing and memory. The chapter concludes with a consideration of some of the methodological chal enges and suggestions for promising future directions, with the authors advocating for additional cognitive aging research with a cross-cultural perspective.

Key Words: cognition, aging, culture, memory, attention, emotion, social cognition To date, the majority of research on cognitive

of investigation. Reports of people who age well are

aging has been conducted in Western nations, pri-

rife in the media, and we are quick to extrapolate

marily studying elderly of European descent. This

to the group or cultural level to ask what makes

research demonstrates that a variety of cognitive

those people age well. For example, we consume

abilities are impaired in later life. Neurobiology

news coverage of Sardinians living long lives,

likely drives some of these changes, meaning that

adopt Mediterranean diets, or ponder why the old-

declines should be universal across elderly despite

est living man and woman both hail from Japan.

differences in strategies and cognitive lenses. The

When the first author embarked on the study

generalizability of cognitive aging across cultures,

of cognition across cultures, she was struck by

however, has been investigated little. Understanding

the perception that older Chinese were far more

cross-cultural differences and similarities is of able-bodied than older Americans. When touring increasing importance as populations age because

the streets of Beijing, she passed men and women

of the global challenge to support independent and

carrying heavy loads while walking long distances

productive lives in the elderly. Furthermore, the

or squatting comfortably by the side of the road.

study of cultural differences has the potential to

She wondered what about their lifestyle led them

uncover a variety of information-processing strat-

to age better than their American counterparts,

egies and to identify those that more successfully

but she also questioned the subjective nature of her

sustain cognition with age.

assessments. Systematic comparisons across cul-

The subjective perception of differences in aging

tures are necessary to objectively evaluate poten-

across cultures also makes this an interesting topic

tial differences in the trajectory of cognitive aging.

621

Whether cultural differences in stereotypes and

more independent lives and had “fewer and less

expectations about aging actually influence out-

complex social relations than did the Chinese… .

comes is also important to consider, particularly in

The independence of their lives might have given

light of the dramatic differences in views of older

them the luxury of attending to objects in light of

adults across cultures.

their personal goals in relation to them” (Nisbett

The combined study of aging, culture, and cog-

& Masuda, 2003, p. 11163). These differences led

nition is in its infancy, so many exciting questions

the Greeks to adopt an analytic approach, empha-

have yet to be addressed. This chapter focuses pri-

sizing rules, objects, and their features and catego-

marily on Eastern versus Western differences, with

ries. In contrast, Chinese adopted a more holistic

little consideration of subgroups within a nation.

approach, emphasizing relations between objects.

This choice is for both theoretical and practical rea-

These differences are exhibited on a variety of tasks.

sons: specifically, we contend that culture operates

East Asians attend to contextual information, better

as a lens through which the world is viewed and

recalling background details of underwater scenes

correspondingly processed rather than exerting its

(Masuda & Nisbett, 2001) and explaining the

effects in a hardwired, inflexible manner. Groups

behavior of an individual fish in terms of other fish

within a larger culture should share some exposure

(Morris & Peng, 1994). Americans are more facile

to shared cultural heritage. In addition, the bulk

with rule-based categorization (Norenzayan, Smith,

of the research thus far contrasts East Asian (com-

Kim, & Nisbett, 2002) and focusing on objects

monly Chinese, Japanese, or Korean) with Western

while ignoring a conflicting context (Ishii, Reyes,

(American or Canadian; rarely Western European)

& Kitayama, 2003; Masuda & Nisbett, 2001).

cultures within extant theoretical frameworks

When cultural differences are considered across

(Nisbett, 2003). The research we discuss focuses

the life span, one might expect age to act as a “great

on adult development, typically comparing young

equalizer.” Based on the extent of age-related process-

adults who are college-aged (18 to early 30s) to

ing declines, cross-cultural differences in cognitive

older adults 60+, with occasional consideration of

processing present earlier in life could be eradicated.

middle-aged adults in their 40s and 50s. The next

That may be the case for many abilities, but it is also

section introduces a theoretical perspective to guide

possible that culture has the opposite effect—that

the investigation of cross-cultural differences, with

of enlarging cultural differences over the life span

and without consideration of age. Then, we review

due the greater absorption of culture over a lon-

research on cultural differences in cognition with

ger time period. Cultural effects can be malleable,

age, including comparisons of brain anatomy, basic

with testing location (Ji, Zhang, & Nisbett, 2004),

cognitive processes (e.g., speed of processing and

cross-cultural exposure (Elfenbein & Ambady,

working memory), arithmetic ability, several aspects

2003; Norenzayan et al., 2002), and biculturalism

of memory (long-term, source, categorization, auto-

(Gardner, Gabriel, & Lee, 1999; Hong, Morris,

biographical, and beliefs about memory), emotion,

Chiu, & Benet-Martinez, 2000) impacting the

and wisdom and problem solving. The final sections

magnitude of cultural differences.

discuss methodological challenges to the study of

Park, Nisbett, and Hedden (1999) discuss the

cognition across culture and age, as well as suggest-

effects of culture as increasing or decreasing cul-

ing some promising future directions for research.

tural differences across the life span depending on

task requirements. They challenge the view that

Theoretical Framework

culture affects only “software” but not “hardware”

Nisbett and colleagues (Nisbett, 2003; Nisbett

components of cognition, whereas neurobiological

& Masuda, 2003; Nisbett, Peng, Choi, & aging exerts the reverse pattern of influence (Baltes, Norenzayan, 2001) propose that profound differ-1993; Geary & Lin, 1998). Instead, Park and col-

ences in the societal organization of ancient Greek

leagues suggest that even components typically

and Chinese civilizations shaped cognition in considered “hardware” can be molded by culture ways that distinguish East Asians and Westerners

and that resource demands determine whether cul-

today. Because of “multiple, complex role relations

tural differences will be magnified or minimized

with other individuals … the socially interde-

on a task with age. Conspicuous cross-cultural

pendent Chinese would always have been looking

differences in the young can be obliterated by

outward, trying to coordinate their actions with

cognitive aging when tasks are resource intensive,

those of others while minimizing social friction”

such as working memory tasks. In this case, per-

(Nisbett & Masuda, 2003, p. 11163). Greeks led

formance declines more steeply with age for one

622

Cognit ion in A du lt hood ACross Cu lt ur es

culture relative to the other. Automatic tasks with

in processes differentially emphasized across cul-

low resource demands, such as social judgments,

tures. In a direct comparison of cultural differences,

should show maintenance of cultural differences

a number of regions differ in cortical thickness

with age or possibly even further divergence due to

such that these regions are thicker in the American

more extensive cultural immersion.

young compared to the Singaporean young (Chee

The dynamic interaction of culture and age

et al., 2011). Few differences emerge for older adults,

discussed by Park et al. (1999) is also recognized

with only left inferior temporal gyrus thicker for

by Li (2003) in her model of cross-level dynamic

Singaporeans than Americans. Chee et al. (2011),

biocultural co-constructivism. This model suggests

however, caution against interpreting this as cul-

that cultural influences on cognition can only be

tural convergence with age due to high variability

understood by investigating a variety of processes

in cortical thickness with age. This suggestion is

over numerous time scales and contexts. Social

supported by a comparison of high-ability subsam-

situations, an individual’s experiences, and genes

ples of older adults in that the cultural differences

contribute to and are influenced by each other

in this group are relatively similar to the pattern for

across neurobiological, cognitive, behavioral, and

young adults. It is possible that aging mitigates the

sociocultural levels and time scales of human

effect of culture for the low-ability individuals such

phylogeny, life span ontogeny, and moment-to-

that greater convergence may occur across cultures

moment microgenesis, suggesting that the contri-

for older adults who exhibit poorer trajectories of

bution of culture to cognition extends far beyond

cognitive aging (also see the chapter by Ryff et al.).

the “software” components. Chiao and col-

leagues (2013) also argue for the importance of

Basic Processes

a culture–gene coevolution approach, especially

In the emerging research on cross-cultural cog-

highlighting the role of cultural neuroscience in

nitive aging, the most convergence across studies

this endeavor.

occurs in the study of basic processes. Cognitive

building blocks such as perceptual speed and work-

Cultural Differences

ing memory capacity decline with age for both East

in Cognition with Age

Asian and American populations, consistent with

Brain Anatomy

the notion that these deficits in cognitive aging

Neural measures largely converge with behav-

result from neurobiological processes. Schaie,

ioral measures in revealing similar effects of aging

Nguyen, Willis, Dutta, and Yue (2001) examined

across cultures, such that brain volume decreases

whether a Chinese sample replicated the systematic

with age and to a similar degree across cultures.

cognitive declines with age identified by the Seattle

Chee and colleagues have found that older adults

Longitudinal Study. Indeed, the older three cohorts

of East Asian descent from Singapore show (aged 50s–70s) performed worse than the younger age-related reduction in total cerebral as well as

three cohorts (20s–40s) on measures of inductive

hippocampal volume (Chee et al., 2009; see also

reasoning, word fluency, and verbal, spatial, and

Chee et al., 2011). Regional volumes across sev-

numerical ability. Similarly, for a Singaporean sam-

eral gray matter regions, as well as in white matter,

ple aged 55–86, Chee et al. (2009) reported effects

showed reduction with age. As stated by Chee et al.

of aging on speed of processing, executive function,

(2009), “despite differences in diet, lifestyle, body

visuospatial memory, language, attention, and

structure and a lower frequency of APOE e4 carri-

verbal memory. Effects of aging were more pro-

ers in our East Asian cohort, the pattern of change

nounced for speed of processing compared to other

in cognition and brain measures was broadly com-

domains. These findings converge with reports of

parable to similar studies conducted in Caucasian

Western samples, indicating similar effects of cog-

populations and speaks to the generalizability of

nitive aging cross-culturally on basic processes. The

processes involved in age-related decline in cogni-

consistency across samples suggests that neurobio-

tion and brain volume” (p. 265).

logical aging operates with little regard for the cul-

Because the cortex tends to atrophy and thin

tural environment.

with age, measures of cortical thickness serve as

In terms of domain-specificity of cognitive

a proxy for how the brain is aging. Even among

building blocks, Hedden et al. (2002) showed that

young adults, the thickness of the cortex varies

visuospatial measures of speed and working mem-

across regions, potentially reflecting the effects of

ory are ideal for equating samples across culture and

life experiences and the involvement of the regions

age, but digit-based measures favor Chinese (see

gu tChess, Boduroglu

623

Corsi blocks-forward

Digit span-forward

18

18

Chinese

Chinese

16

Americans

16

Americans

14

14

12

12

10

10

8

8

Trials correct 6

Trials correct 6

4

4

2

2

0

0

Young adults

Older adults

Young adults

Older adults

Corsi blocks-backward

Digit span-backward

18

18

Chinese

Chinese

16

Americans

16

Americans

14

14

12

12

10

10

8

8

Trials correct 6

Trials correct 6

4

4

2

2

0

0

Young adults

Older adults

Young adults

Older adults

Pattern comparison

Digit comparison

35

35

Chinese

Chinese

Americans

Americans

30

30

25

25

# Correct

# Correct

20

20

15

15

Young adults

Older adults

Young adults

Older adults

Fig. 38.1 The performance of younger and older American and Chinese participants on measures of speed and working memory.

Visuospatial measures are displayed on the left, exhibiting a pattern of cultural equivalence. Verbal measures are displayed on the right, showing a pattern of cultural differences.

Adapted with permission from Hedden et al. (2002), figures 1 and 2, with permission of the publisher, American Psychological Association.

Figure 38.1), presumably because of differences in

sampling or properties of the measures; for example,

syllabic density across languages (discussed in the

more familiar iconic patterns on the Geary et al.

section “Methodological Challenges”). Although (1996) measures could facilitate Americans’ per-Geary, Salthouse, Chen, and Fan’s (1996) spatial

formance. Interestingly, the most striking finding

orientation results converge with Hedden et al. across both studies is the large age-related decline in (2002), their perceptual speed measures do not.

speed of processing. Advantages present for young

Geary and colleagues report an advantage for of one culture are reduced with age, especially for American young over Chinese young on their visuo-higher processing loads (Hedden et al., 2002). This

spatial measure but no cultural differences on their

is consistent with Park et al.’s (1999) position that

numerical verbal measure. The conflicting results

age-related neurobiological changes can eradicate

between the two studies could reflect participant

early-life cultural differences.

624

Cognit ion in A du lt hood ACross Cu lt ur es

The similar age-related decline across cultures

suggests that samples can be matched on levels of

strategies, and any advantages seen in youth would

basic cognitive abilities. This would allow for the

be obliterated by aging. Using the framework of

investigation of culturally driven differences in Park et al. (1999), strategies that are automatic and higher order processes (e.g., qualitative differences

largely dependent on knowledge structures should

in memory errors), thus ensuring that cultural dif-

lead to maintained or possibly larger cultural dif-

ferences in general intelligence do not contaminate

ferences with age. However, elderly should perform

or confound the results. As shown in Figure 38.1,

similarly on resource-driven memory tasks. Thus

the Corsi Blocks task (Wechsler, 1987) is a cultur-

far, three domains of long-term memory—source

ally invariant measure of working memory (but see

memory, memory for categorically related items,

Chee et al., 2011, for cultural differences on forward

and autobiographical memory—have been investi-

Corsi), and the Pattern Comparison (Salthouse &

gated across cultures.

Babcock, 1991) is a culture-invariant measure of

speed of processing (Hedden et al., 2002). Subtests

Source Memory

of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS;

Source memory is a domain of striking

Wechsler, 1981), normed across cultures, can be

age-related impairments (Spencer & Raz, 1995).

used to match samples on world knowledge (e.g.,

Older adults perform poorly at binding or asso-

Gutchess, Yoon, et al., 2006).

ciating information such as locations, colors, or

sources to items (e.g., remembering that the cat

Arithmetic Ability

was black or that a statement was read by a male

Initial work on strategy-dependent cognitive voice). Based on the cross-cultural work of Nisbett domains reveals the same pattern as for basic pro-and colleagues (Nisbett, 2003; Nisbett & Masuda,

cesses, with an overwhelming effect of aging with

2003), East Asians would be expected to better

little variation due to culture. One example of

associate contextual details with an item, relative to

this is arithmetic ability, in which studies reveal

Americans. Chua, Chen, and Park (2006) investi-

a Chinese advantage in arithmetic for elemen-

gated binding processes using statements presented

tary and high school children (e.g., Stevenson, by speakers on a videotape. They found no effects Chen, & Lee, 1993). Investigating older adults led

of culture, with similar declines in source memory

Geary et al. (1996) to conclude that the dispar-

with age for Chinese and Americans. These results

ity is a relatively recent phenomenon rather than

converge with neuroimaging evidence (Goh et al.,

a long-standing historical difference, possibly due

2007), suggesting that age-related source memory

to cohort differences in education in the United

and binding deficits are largely an effect of neurobi-

States. Although young Chinese adults performed

ology. Potential cultural differences in strategy do

better than young American adults, older adults in

not mitigate these effects.

both cultures performed similarly on measures of

mathematical ability. The advantage for the young

Categorization and Memory

Chinese was limited to numerical facility; cultural

Another aspect of cognition that intersects

differences were not present on measures of speed

with memory involves the use of categories.

of processing or spatial orientation.

Investigation of cross-cultural differences in cat-

egorization has a relatively long tradition. Chiu

Long-Term Memory

(1972) reported that American children tend to use

Long-term memory declines with age are well

taxonomic categories and features, whereas East

established across domains such as verbal and Asian children use thematic relationships to group visual materials, but providing effective strate-pictures. Ji et al. (2004) extended this finding to

gies such as deep or meaning-based encoding can

college-aged adults using linguistic stimuli, show-

sometimes reduce age-related declines (Kausler, ing that the relational bias is maintained for East 1994). Because culture can be conceptualized as

Asians regardless of testing language. A number

conveying cognitive biases for information pro-

of studies report similar findings, with differences

cessing, strategies emphasized by different cultures

in strategy use and response speed (Unsworth,

could be more or less affected by age-related cog-

Sears, & Pexman, 2005), rule-based categorization

nitive changes. On the other hand, the neurobio-

(Norenzayan et al., 2002), the role of functional

logical effects of aging could have a more profound

relationships (Schunn & Vera, 2004), effects of

effect than the subtle nuances of culture-specific

category salience (Choi, Nisbett, & Smith, 1997),

gu tChess, Boduroglu

625

and neural engagement (Gutchess, Hedden, Ketay,

name of an item and then either viewed a picture

Aron, & Gabrieli, 2010).

of the item or imagined the item. Once again, par-

Even though young adults may differ in pre-

ticipants’ memory was tested for the words and the

ferred categorization strategies, research suggests

source of whether the item had been seen or imag-

that categorization ability is similarly affected by

ined. Results converged across the two studies to

aging across cultures. In a Hong Kong sample,

indicate that the Chinese older adults were dispro-

Chan and Poon (1999) reported the same pattern

portionately impaired on item memory (whether

of category fluency performance across the life span

the trial was correctly recognized as old vs. new)

as seen in Westerners. Category fluency decreases

compared to Americans, who did not exhibit an

throughout adulthood, suggesting changes to the

age effect. The pattern was similar for source mem-

semantic network across development and experi-

ory; although the interaction of age and culture

ence. Likewise, elderly adults across cultures show

did not reach significance, there were trends for

age-related declines in free recall but are similarly

larger effects of age for the Chinese than for the

aided by the presence of categories (Gutchess, Yoon,

Americans. Results were interpreted in line with

et al., 2006). Nevertheless, there were cultural dif-

previous findings indicating that the memory of

ferences in that older Chinese exhibited reduced

Americans benefits from categorization more than

use of categories as a strategy compared to older

does East Asians’ memory. Yang and colleagues

Americans, whereas young across cultures used the

speculated that providing categories (good/evil,

strategy more similarly (see Figure 38.2).

seen/imagined) at encoding supported memory,

Yang and colleagues took an interesting allowing for the divergence of source memory find-approach, combining source memory and cat-

ings from Chua et al. (2006). The results of Yang

egorization paradigms to investigate cultural dif-

and colleagues are consistent with other studies of

ferences across young and older adults in Canada

categorization and memory that identify cultural

and China (Yang, Chen, Ng, & Fu, 2013). In this

differences. Categorization appears to be one of the

study, participants first saw a picture of a person;

most consistent domains of cultural differences in

subsequently, they were presented with auditory

the literature.

information regarding the person. This audi-

tory information was presented by either a male

Autobiographical Memory

or female speaker, and the gender of the speaker

Although the study of categorization and mem-

actually corresponded with whether the person ory focuses on stored knowledge, autobiographical was good or evil, which served as categories in this

memory addresses memory for personal episodes

study. Participants were then tested for their mem-

and events. There is considerable work on cultural

ory for the person as well as the source (or category)

differences in autobiographical remembering, with

of the information and whether the person was

many studies sampling populations other than

good or evil. In Experiment 2, participants read the

typical young undergraduates extending all the

ARC scores - high frequency

1

0.8

0.6

0.4

0.2

Transformed ARC score

0

Young

Young

Elderly

Elderly

Americans

Chinese

Americans

Chinese

Group

Fig. 38.2 On a measure of the use of categories in memory, cultural differences are more pronounced with age. Older Chinese are less likely to use a strategy of categorical clustering (transformed ARC scores, on the y-axis) than are older Americans, whereas young adults are more equivalent.

Adapted with permission from Gutchess, Yoon et al. (2006), figure 2, with permission of the publisher, Karger.

626

Cognit ion in A du lt hood ACross Cu lt ur es

way to centenarians. One robust finding from this

differences, although the content of flashbulb mem-

literature is that, across many different cultures,

ories is obviously locally determined. However,

for middle-aged and older adults there is a distinc-

future research needs to directly test whether

tive bump in the life span distribution curve for

cultural differences exist in how certain global

personal (Rubin, Wetzler, & Nebes, 1986), public

public events (like 9/11 or the SARS epidemic)

(Janssen, Murre, & Meeter, 2008), and semantic

are encoded, with a focus on cohort differences in

memories (Rubin, Rahhal, & Poon, 1998), as well

the impact of media (e.g. Twitter, Facebook) on the

as for life scripts (Erdoğan, Baran, Avlar, Taş, &

retrieval and reconstruction of flashbulb features.

Tekcan, 2008) and life stories (Berntsen & Bohn,

When cultural life scripts—the expected events

2009). This bump reflects the greater number of

in the life of an average person—were compared

memories retrieved from the second and third across countries and age groups, there was substan-decades of life, regardless of factors such as the age

tial overlap in the top 10 events (e.g., beginning

of the participants (Bohn, 2010) or the number

school, beginning kindergarten, marriage, start-

of memories retrieved (Rubin et al., 1986). More

ing college, having children, getting first job) listed

importantly, patients with Alzheimer disease, char-

by Danish, Dutch, Turkish, and Qatari adults

acterized by severe memory loss, and centenarians

(Ottsen & Bernsten, 2014). In all cultural groups,

also show a similar pattern of life span distribution

both young and older adults listed more positive

of personal memories (Fromholt & Larsen, 1991;

than negative events, with the latter being slightly

Fromholt et al., 2003).

more pronounced among older adults’ responses

Even though memories across the life span typi-

(Bohn, 2010; for greater positivity reported by

cally involve a bump, research has shown that for

older adults see Tekcan, Kaya-Kiziloz, & Odaman,

certain types of autobiographical memories there

2012). Approximately 50% of the positive events

are qualitative and quantitative memory differ-

that were listed were expected to occur between

ences across cultural groups. For instance, for the ages of 15–30, during the typical reminiscence personal memories, Janssen, Chessa, and Murre

bump period. What was striking, though, was that

(2005) noted that although both Dutch and the Qatari sample produced more unique and posi-American adults (ages ranging from 20 to 70, mean

tive life events (e.g., circumcision; learning Islamic

38) showed a reminiscence bump, the American

rituals and the Quran; Islamic birth rituals; learn-

adults had an earlier bump right around the onset

ing to pray, to fast, and going to mosque) dated to

of teenage years (starting at age 13) compared to

the first decade of life. These events were character-

the Dutch (age 15); this finding was consistent with

ized by a religious focus and led to a second bump

earlier reports that American adults reported more

in the Qatari cultural life script data. These find-

teen memories compared to adults (all ages rang-

ings suggest that life scripts, although somewhat

ing between 38 and 60) from Bangladesh, China,

age-variant, are more open to cultural influences.

England, and Japan (Conway, Wang, Hanyu, &

However, whether culture systematically influences

Haque, 2005).

life stories and memory for particular personal

Similar cross-cultural differences in the remi-

events remains an open question.

niscence bump for public memories have been

Another critical characteristic of life span mem-

noted. Wang et al. (2009) demonstrated that ories is related to the onset and offset of childhood Chinese participants (aged 32–66) were more amnesia; typically, people do not remember many likely to retrieve public memories from the third

memories from the first few years of life. The lack

decade of life compared to the Turkish, British,

of memories from this period is believed to be

German, and American participants. These results

related to the lack of an organizational schema to

were explained by the typical later onset of inde-

scaffold memory, as well as to the lack of an inde-

pendence and autonomy for Chinese individuals.

pendent self. Interestingly, research in the past two

Also, Americans recalled more domestic public decades has clearly demonstrated cultural varia-events with greater numbers of “flashbulb” details

tions in the offset of childhood amnesia. Although

(e.g., place, time, source, activity, others present)

Caucasian Americans were found to report earlier

regarding these domestic events compared to the

and more specific childhood memories, Asians

other groups, a finding that was not immediately

and Asian Americans retrieved more general

explained by cultural differences in media coverage.

memories of scripted events (Wang, Leichtman, &

The very limited research on the qualities of

White, 1998). Both urban and rural Indian par-

flashbulb memories has identified no cultural ticipants also reported general memories of later gu tChess, Boduroglu

627

onset (Sankaranarayanan & Leichtman, 2000; implying that older adults will show less cognitive cited in Leichtman, Wang, & Pillemer, 2003). decline if they are immersed in cultures endorsing Interestingly, in New Zealand, natives (the Maori)

positive views of aging.

reported earlier childhood memories (from before

Unfortunately, the optimistic message about the

age 3) compared to Caucasian settlers (the Pakeha),

promise of culture to reduce deficits with age is at

and this was attributed to the strong oral traditions

odds with other research. Yoon, Hasher, Feinberg,

in the Maori culture, as well as to the cultural nar-

Rahhal, and Winocur (2000) failed to replicate Levy

ratives of mutual experiences via adult–child con-

and Langer (1994), finding that age plays a much

versations (Hayne & MacDonald, 2003).

larger role than culture in cognitive performance.

Most recently, Boduroglu and colleagues dem-

Yoon and colleagues attribute the differences across

onstrated that self-cultural priming in a Turkish

the two studies to task materials and use of com-

young adult sample impacted the content of ear-

posite memory scores, which obscure variability in

liest childhood memories (Boduroglu, Tekcan, cultural differences on the individual measures. In Mutafoğlu, & Karadöller, unpublished manu-Yoon et al. (2000), older Chinese Canadians per-

script; also see Wang & Ross, 2005, for research

formed better than older Anglophone Canadians

on self-construal and earliest childhood memories).

on only the Visual Reproduction test (Wechsler,

Specifically, participants primed to be more inde-

1987), the measure most likely to benefit Chinese

pendent and hence engage in an analytic mode

because their language engenders fluency with

of thinking were more likely to retrieve memories

ideographs. Another challenge arises because

with greater perceptual detail and report memories

Chinese elderly do not report more positive stereo-

of familial, social, or emotional conflicts compared

types of aging than American elderly. Although

to those primed with interdependence.

Chinese young express slightly more positive views

These findings from the autobiographical litera-

of aging than American young, the elderly cohorts

ture overall suggest that individual narratives and

hold similarly negative stereotypes in both cultures

life scripts are created in culturally specific ways

(Boduroglu, Yoon, Luo, & Park, 2006). These ste-

starting from early childhood. Although there can

reotypes were assessed using open-ended responses,

be cultural differences in the qualitative content

which largely converge with trait ratings measures

and the timelines for autobiographical events, the

that show that Pacific Rim young (Harwood et al.,

overall features of autobiographical memory, such

1996) and elderly (Harwood et al., 2001) rate

as the reminiscence bump and positivity of life

elderly more negatively on physical descriptors.

scripts, seem to be similar across cultures. Thus, at

For Chinese elderly, these negative views of aging

least to date, what has been reported as cultural dif-

extend to the domains of wisdom and generosity,

ferences in autobiographical remembering mainly

in contrast to other Pacific Rim cultures that rate

reflect culturally determined higher level influences

elderly more positively than young on these traits

on what is readily available in memory.

(Harwood et al., 2001).

Other studies have investigated cultural differ-

Beliefs About Aging and Memory

ences in expectations for changes with aging and

Beliefs about aging can be based on culturally

in memory function. Their findings are generally

stored knowledge rather than personal, autobio-

consistent with reports of negative views of aging

graphical experiences. One intriguing finding is the

in East Asian cultures, much as is the case for

suggestion that culture-specific stereotypes about

Western cultures. One study comparing young,

aging can affect cognitive performance. Whereas

middle-aged, and older adults found that South

Americans’ views of aging are largely negative, the

Koreans reported more anxiety about aging than

Chinese endorse more positive views of aging (e.g.,

did Americans. These cultural differences occurred

Zhang, Hummert, & Garstka, 2002). Levy and

in fear of old people and concerns about psycho-

Langer (1994) found that Chinese elderly exhib-

logical function and physical appearance (Yun &

ited better memory performance than American

Lachman, 2006). The subscale assessing fear of old

elderly, whereas young adults from both cultures

people exhibited diverging patterns with age across

performed equivalently. Furthermore, there were

the two cultures: whereas Koreans reported less

positive correlations between the positivity of views

fear across the three age groups, reports escalated

of aging and memory performance of older adults.

with age for Americans. Another study with young

A path analysis suggests that the positive views of

Koreans compared to Canadians explored expecta-

aging mediate the influence of culture on memory,

tions of the effects of aging for oneself versus others

628

Cognit ion in A du lt hood ACross Cu lt ur es

(Ryan, Jin, & Anas, 2009). Across cultures, greater

“positivity bias.” Relative to younger adults, older

change was expected as a function of increasing

adults tend to remember negative, positive, and

age, and estimates were larger for others than for

neutral information at similar levels, although they

oneself. The self-protective bias, however, was more

sometimes exhibit a bias to better remember posi-

pronounced for Koreans than for Americans.

tive information (Mather & Carstensen, 2005).

Differences in expectations about aging also Such biases in memory and attention are thought emerge between subcultures. Views of aging and

to reflect awareness of limited time remaining in

memory performance were assessed in young one’s life, leading to the prioritization of emotion-

(20–30 years), young-old (60–70 years), and ally meaningful experiences, according to socio-old-old (71–85 years) Sardinians, a group evidenc-

emotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, Isaacowitz,

ing longevity and successful aging, and Milanese,

& Charles, 1999). Awareness of limited time

who were expected to represent the more negative

remaining in one’s life should be a universal phe-

views of aging held in Italy and Europe. Indeed,

nomenon, leading to the prediction that positiv-

Sardinians reported more positive beliefs about ity biases should emerge across cultures, although the effects of aging than did Milanese (Cavallini,

it is also possible to imagine that differences in

Bottiroli, Fastame, & Hertzog, 2013). For general

culture-specific historical events (e.g., Cultural

beliefs about memory, Sardinians expected later

Revolution; the Great Depression) or living in

memory decline and more control over memory

unstable environments with more exposure to neg-

function in the future than did Milanese. Personal

ative events could impact the motivational biases of

beliefs about memory were more pronounced, older adults in unique ways across cultures.

with Sardinians reporting more positive beliefs.

In terms of the effects of culture on a positivity

Subsequent work (Bottiroli, Cavallini, Fastame, &

bias in memory with age, a handful of samples have

Hertzog, 2013) suggests that, despite expectations

been studied. Kwon and colleagues (2009) found

for declines in memory with age, Sardinians antici-

that Western reports of a positivity bias extended

pate more malleability in the effects of aging; rat-

to Koreans. Although young Koreans recognized

ings of improvement and stability differed from

and recalled more negative than positive pictures,

Milanese. Moreover, Sardinians also outperformed

older Koreans did not exhibit a bias in recall and

Milanese on a free recall memory measure, but

tended to better recognize more positive than

it could not be established whether this cultural

negative pictures. The pattern of a positivity bias

difference was an effect of views on aging (as in

in memory recall has also been established for

Levy & Langer, 1994), lifestyle, or other differ-

younger and older Chinese (Chung & Lin, 2012)

ences impacting the success of aging or an effect of

and Hong Kong Chinese (Fung, Isaacowitz, Lu, &

sampling bias (Cavallini et al., 2013). Interestingly,

Li, 2010). Chung and Lin (2012) further investi-

although these beliefs and memory performance

gated whether cultural differences in the view of

varied across cultural groups, the extent of cultural

aging impacted the magnitude of the positivity bias

differences did not vary across the life span.

in memory. Despite finding that older Chinese had

Despite the large role of culture in shaping a more positive view of aging than young adults knowledge and the history of greater reverence for

or older Americans, a participant’s view did not

older adults in Eastern cultures, generally, cultures

affect the pattern of emotional memory perfor-

converge in holding relatively negative stereotypes

mance. American and Korean young also exhibited

about aging and in expecting declines in memory

the expected negativity bias in the recognition of

with age. Although there are some suggestions that

emotional backgrounds behind a variety of facial

more positive views of aging could lead to better

expressions (Ko, Lee, Yoon, Kwon, & Mather,

cognitive outcomes, the evidence is mixed.

2011). Older adults, however, did not show better

memory for negative pictures, serving as poten-

Emotion

tial evidence for a positivity bias with age across

Cultural differences have also been tested for

cultures.

emotional information, with a focus on the ways

Although the studies reviewed thus far indi-

in which motivations, such as information seek-

cate negative biases in the young that are reduced

ing versus emotional well-being, may change with

with age across cultures, this pattern is not uni-

age. Although young adults tend to remember versal. A study by Fung and colleagues (2008) more negative than positive information, this trend

found that older adults in Hong Kong look away

is reduced with age, sometimes referred to as the

from positively valenced stimuli, unlike American

gu tChess, Boduroglu

629

older adults who exhibited a positivity bias com-

Although generally there is support for a posi-

pared to young adults (Isaacowitz, Wadlinger, tivity bias with age across East Asian and Western Goren, & Wilson, 2006). Although these results

cultures, there are exceptions to this pattern. These

diverge from others (e.g., Chung & Lin, 2012; Ko

exceptions may be more dramatic as more diverse

et al., 2011; Kwon et al., 2009), the discrepancy

samples, particularly in rapidly changing emerging

could be accounted for by differences in the pro-

nations, are tested. Furthermore, cultural differ-

cesses being tested (memory vs. attention/eye gaze),

ences in attention to context, including differential

stimuli (photos of scenes vs. facial expressions), or

prioritization of object versus background informa-

groups being examined. Importantly, a follow-up

tion, may interact with identification of and mem-

study using different stimuli suggests that the ory for emotional information.

positivity bias of Hong Kong older adults may

be more pronounced for those with independent

Wisdom and Problem Solving

self-construals compared to those with interdepen-

Very little research has addressed the effects of

dent self-construals (Fung et al., 2010).

aging across cultures on interpersonal social situ-

Culture may differentially impact the identi-

ations. A recent study (Grossmann et al., 2012)

fication of emotions. Japanese young adults from

explored wisdom in reasoning about scenarios,

a college-aged sample are more impacted than including interpersonal ones. Young (post-college, Americans at identifying the emotion expressed by

aged 25–40), middle-aged (aged 41–59), and older

a target face when faces in the background context

adults (aged 60–75) from Japan and the United

display a different emotion (Masuda et al., 2008;

States read articles describing intergroup conflict

see Ko et al., 2011, for a replication with Korean

and wrote responses about the conflict. These were

young). Correspondingly, Japanese performed bet-

scored according to principles of wise reasoning.

ter than Americans at recognizing changed emo-

Whereas wise responses increased with age for the

tional expressions in the background (Masuda et al.,

Americans, this was not the case for the Japanese.

2008). A study by Stanley and colleagues using pho-

For interpersonal conflicts, Japanese exhibited

tos of faces rather than cartoons found that context

wiser responses than the Americans for the younger

can impact the ability of Americans to recognize

and middle-aged groups, with convergence in

emotional expressions; they replicated the finding

older age.

that East Asians (here, Chinese) were more impacted

than were Americans by the distractor faces Methodological Challenges

that served as context (Stanley, Zhang, Fung, &

Although the study of cross-cultural differences

Isaacowitz, 2013). In the test of emotion recogni-

in cognition is ripe for further study, we want to

tion, a target face was presented in an array of other

raise some methodological challenges for research-

faces that all shared the same emotional expression

ers to consider before we discuss future directions.

or had an emotional expression that differed from

This section is limited to discussing those pitfalls

the target face. Cultural groups differed in the rec-

to which there are proposed solutions, although see

ognition of fear emotional expressions when tested

Park et al. (1999) and Park and Gutchess (2002) for

in an array of surprise faces, with Americans per-

further discussion.

forming better than Chinese. Notably, the culture

effects persisted across groups of younger and older

Equating Stimuli

adults in this study (Stanley et al., 2013).

Many subtle linguistic concerns are not

Investigations into the interplay between emo-

addressed by semantically equivalent transla-

tional contexts and central objects have moved

tions. For example, Li (2003) suggests that subtle

beyond the focus on facial stimuli to extend to the

syntactical differences in parental speech can

study of memory for different types of emotionally

profoundly influence cognitive development of

valenced backgrounds (e.g., pictures of puppies,

children. A Chinese advantage with numbers

snakes). In the recognition of background contexts

may reflect the lower syllabic density of digits

presented behind emotional faces, young Koreans

in Mandarin (versus English); this could impact

performed better than young Americans. With age,

memory performance because words with fewer

however, the culture effect does not simply go away.

syllables can be rehearsed more (Cheung &

Instead, the culture effect actually reverses, such

Kemper, 1993; 1994). Given the fundamen-

that older Americans remember more backgrounds

tal contributions of syllabic density and sen-

than do older Koreans (Ko et al., 2011).

tence structure to a language, translations that

630

Cognit ion in A du lt hood ACross Cu lt ur es

are equally natural and comprehensible pose a

be a particular concern for the study of aging if

challenge.

self-presentation pressures are greater in one culture

Norming of stimuli can establish conceptual

than another, perhaps as a result of cultural differ-

overlap and equivalent familiarity across cultures.

ences in the stigma associated with dementia and

To support future categorization studies, Yoon unhealthy aging (Ineichen, 1998). These concerns et al. (2004 a) collected category norms for 105 ver-may be addressed by including neutral or control

bal categories across American and Chinese young

items to which groups should respond similarly and

and elderly samples (http://vitallongevity.utdallas.

by relating self-reports to behavioral measures.

edu/culture/Cat_Norms/index.html). Our experience with the categorization task used in Gutchess,

Sampling

Yoon et al. (2006) suggests that overall category

Sampling multiple cohorts poses additional

structure should be considered in addition to famil-

challenges. Park et al. (1999) recommend sampling

iarity of individual items to create culture-fair lists.

within a range of abilities, such as percentiles on

Under the strictest criteria, only 13 of the normed

a normed measure, within each culture. Speed of

categories show equivalent structure across all four

processing, working memory, and general intel-

groups. Nonverbal stimuli avoid some linguis-

ligence should be assessed using culture-fair mea-

tic concerns, and the Snodgrass and Vanderwart

sures. They also suggest sampling from different

(1980) line drawings have been normed for Chinese

socioeconomic strata within each culture to address

and American young and elderly (Yoon et al., problems inherent to a cross-sectional approach, for 2004 b; see http://agingmind.utdallas.edu/stimuli/

example, comparing samples with different levels

culturedb/pictnorms/). They identified 57 pictures of education.

with equivalent name agreement and an additional

29 pictures with high concept but not name agree-

Future Directions

ment across the four groups. The norms provide a

Many potential avenues for cross-cultural

strong foundation for future cross-cultural research

research on aging are unexplored, and we are

because they remove potential confounds with excited to see future developments in this field. In item familiarity. Because the norms suggest sub-this section, we highlight three topics that hold

stantial changes due to age alone, concerns about

promise for future investigations with aging: atten-

cross-cultural differences could be magnified for

tion, memory errors, and cognitive neuroscience.

studies of aging, making it all the more important

Typically, East–West differences in young

to select normed items. Interestingly, subsequent

adults’ processing of visual displays are explained

work (Yoon et al., 2006) indicated that the level

as differences in the attention paid to central versus

of specificity of the names varied more for the

contextual elements. However, alternative cognitive

Chinese sample than for the Americans and sug-

accounts have been proposed. Using a content-free

gests that this is another important characteristic of

visual change detection task, Boduroglu, Shah, and

stimuli to consider (see http://agingmind.utdallas.

Nisbett (2009) demonstrated that East–West dif-

edu/stimuli/culturedb/specificity/).

ferences in the processing of central objects versus

peripheral contextual elements could be explained

Response Scales

by cultural differences in attentional breadth, with

Interpretation of responses from Likert scales is

East Asians allocating attention to a broader region

also a potential concern, given that East Asians are

and Americans focusing more narrowly. This par-

more likely to use the midpoint whereas Westerners

ticular attentional breadth proposal of cultural

are more likely to endorse extreme responses (Chen,

differences could lead to further study at the inter-

Lee, & Stevenson, 1995). However, this finding is

section of aging and culture because it is known

based on extremely large samples, has a small mag-

than attentional breadth is significantly reduced

nitude, and does not extend to all tasks. In fact,

with age. Following Park et al. (1999), one would

Yoon et al. (2004 b) report the reverse finding.

predict that aging would eliminate cultural differ-

Nevertheless, rating scales could pose difficulties

ences in such tasks of visual processing.

for the interpretation of self-reported informa-

Another important domain for future research

tion. For example, the use of different reference

necessitates a shift from current behavioral para-

groups could jeopardize the validity of Likert mea-

digms that focus on overall accuracy differences

sures cross-culturally (Heine, Lehman, Peng, &

across conditions to paradigms in which cultural

Greenholtz, 2002). Differences in scale use could

differences in the relationship between reaction time

gu tChess, Boduroglu

631

and accuracy can be directly explored. Ongoing

effects on neural function can operate either func-

research from our labs investigating the impact of

tionally, whereby different neural routes support

attentional breadth on the identification of targets

task performance, or structurally, with actual

amid congruent or incongruent flankers at differ-

reorganization of a pathway. Cultures could differ

ent eccentricities revealed no cultural differences

qualitatively, activating strikingly different neural

between young Turks and Americans in accuracy

routes and reflecting strategy differences, or quan-

across conditions (see Lin & Han, 2009, for related

titatively, exhibiting magnitude differences in the

work). However, accuracy–reaction time curves same network of regions as a function of difficulty did reveal cultural differences, with Americans tak-or effort. Paired with behavioral methods, func-

ing more time to reach similar levels of accuracy as

tional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) helps

Turks, especially when targets were flanked by near

evaluate these possibilities, as well as identify can-

incongruent distractors (Millar, Arslan, Gutchess,

didate strategies for further behavioral exploration

Boduroglu, & Sekuler, 2013). Our findings high-

cross-culturally.

light how there may be subtle ways in which cog-

The distinction between resource-intensive

nition differs across cultural groups and illustrates

versus automatic processes should be reflected in

the need to utilize highly sensitive paradigms and

neural function. Cultural convergence would be

even to revisit earlier findings of cultural invari-

expected with age on highly demanding tasks that

ance, both in young and old adults.

are not strategy-dependent due to the contribution

Although some research has addressed the of prefrontal cortex, which is particularly affected impact of culture on memory, little work has by aging. Cultural differences should be main-addressed memory errors. By necessity, some tained with age for automatic processes that rely details and aspects of complex environments are

on relatively more intact regions. One of the first

prioritized over others; cultural lenses contribute

fMRI studies to investigate nonlinguistic cultural

to selection demands in information processing,

differences found that Americans recruit more

as well as shape the reconstruction of informa-

object processing regions than do East Asians, such

tion from memory (see Gutchess & Indeck, 2009).

as middle temporal gyrus, which is responsible for

Thus, memories can reflect the distinct values semantic processing of objects (Gutchess, Welsh, and ideals, as well as the oft-used strategies, of a

Boduroglu, & Park, 2006). These data suggest that

culture. We recently found evidence (Schwartz,

cultural differences exist in low-level object-based

Boduroglu, & Gutchess, 2014) that young semantic processing, which should be maintained Americans were likely to make categorical mem-with age. Similarly, East Asian elderly exhibit

ory errors more than were Turks, a people whose

reduced neural response to repeated object infor-

culture has been shaped by Eastern and Western

mation, although American elderly do not, sug-

influences. Although categories can support more

gesting that cultural differences can emerge late in

accurate memory in a culture (as discussed previ-

the life span when resources are constrained (Goh

ously), categories can also make members of a cul-

et al., 2007).

ture more vulnerable to memory errors. Given the

compelling nature of many false memories and the

Conclusion

difficulty in discriminating veridical from errone-

Investigation of life span samples is impor-

ous memories, systematic cross-cultural differences

tant not only to assess the universality of cogni-

in memory errors could contribute to misunder-

tive aging, but also to test the generalization of

standings across individuals and groups. Because

cross-cultural differences. Individual variability

a loss of specificity in memory makes older adults

is underscored by Oyserman et al. (2002), who

highly vulnerable to memory errors (Koutstaal &

warn against generalizing differences as “cultural,”

Schacter, 1997), which can sometimes put them

given this substantial variability within cultures.

at risk for fraud or manipulation, it is particularly

Although it is important to realize that purported

important to understand the influence of culture

cross-cultural differences do not characterize every

on false memory with age.

individual within a culture, the existence of general

Applying cognitive neuroscience methods tendencies across broad life span samples provides allows the assessment of whether the strong neu-credence that reported differences are valid.

robiological component of aging operates simi-

A developmental approach incorporating the

larly across cultures (see Park & Gutchess, 2006).

study of aging holds promise to address the tran-

As noted by Park and Gutchess (2002), cultural

sience of cultural differences. Some evidence

632

Cognit ion in A du lt hood ACross Cu lt ur es

suggests that environmental effects are flexible

processing. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 40(3),

and short-lived, such as biculturals momentarily

349–360.

switching between modes of processing (Gardner

Boduroglu, A., Tekcan, A. İ., Mutafoğlu, M., & Karadöller,

D. Z. (unpublished manuscript). Effects of self-construal

et al., 1999; Hong et al., 2000). On the other hand,

priming on earliest childhood memories.

cognitive change in response to cultural milieu

Boduroglu, A., Yoon, C., Luo, T., & Park, D. C. (2006).

may be relatively stable and slower than social

Age-related stereotypes: A comparison of American and

change (Kitayama & Duffy, 2004). Developmental

Chinese cultures. Gerontology, 52, 324–333.

patterns suggest that culture may impact brain

Bohn, A. (2010). Generational differences in cultural life

scripts and life story memories of younger and older adults.

organization early, with biases evident at age 2 in

Applied Cognitive Psychology, 24, 1324–1345.

tendencies to respond to item shape or substance

Bottiroli, S., Cavallini, E., Fastame, M. C., & Hertzog, C.

(Imai & Gentner, 1997). Attention to focal objects

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or relationships are reinforced through socializa-

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Carstensen, L., Isaacowitz, D., & Charles, S. (1999). Taking

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American Psychologist, 54, 165–181.

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Cavallini, E., Bottiroli, S., Fastame, M., & Hertzog, C. (2013).

especially because globalization and greater access

The role of age and culture on personal and general beliefs

to shared media could lead to greater convergence

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Chan, A. S., & Poon, M. W. (1999). Performance of 7- to

across younger cohorts.

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The study of culture, cognition, and aging is

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still in its infancy, but initial studies have laid the

Society, 5, 525–533.

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Chee, M. W. L. Chen, K. H. M., Zheng, H., Chan, K. P. L.,

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Acknowledgments

Memory and Cognition, 21, 666–670.

This material is based on work supported by

Cheung, H., & Kemper, S. (1994). Recall and articulation of

the National Science Foundation under Grant

English and Chinese words under memory preload condi-

Number BCS-1147707. Any opinions, findings,

tions. Language and Speech, 37, 147–161.

Chiao, J. Y., Cheon, B. K., Pornpattanangkul, N., Mrazek

and conclusions or recommendations expressed in

A. J., & Blizinsky, K. D. (2013). Cultural neurosci-

this material are those of the authors and do not

ence: Progress and promise. Psychological Inquiry, 24, 1–19.

necessarily reflect the views of the National Science

Chiu, L. -H. (1972). A cross-cultural comparison of cognitive

Foundation. The authors also gratefully acknowl-

styles in Chinese and American children. International

edge support from the Fulbright Scholars Program

Journal of Psychology, 7, 235–242.

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(A. H. G.), and TUBA-GEBIP (A. B.).

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636

Cognit ion in A du lt hood ACross Cu lt ur es

C H A P T E R

Midlife Narratives Across

39 Cultures: Decline or Pinnacle?

Usha Menon

Abstract

This chapter explores variations in cultural meanings that three different cultural groups attach to the middle years of life. Each conception of the middle years emerges as the unique product of cultural assumptions about the life course and the meaning and purpose of life: for middle-class Anglo-Americans, it is to be able to pursue one’s interests without hindrance; for middle-class Japanese, it centers on personal growth and cultivating one’s talents and abilities during every phase of life; for Odia Hindus, it is to be ful y engaged in the world so as to fulfill one’s duties to family by ensuring its material prosperity and spiritual wel -being. However, despite these cultural differences, a universal aspect of the experience of this life-phase is its centrality in the life course: being in the middle, this phase of life is shaped and defined by its linkages and connections with the generations that precede and succeed it.

Key Words: middle age, mature adulthood, the prime of life, pure action, possibilism, social maturation, mass longevity, decline ideology.

Introduction

and physical and mental decline, is a “cultural fic-

This chapter explores the experience of the tion” that gathers “realness” primarily in the cul-middle years of life in three very different cultural

tural world of middle-class Anglo-Americans.

settings: an Odia Hindu temple town in east-

Other cultural worlds have their own equally elab-

ern India, middle-class Japan, and middle-class

orated cultural fictions to imagine and experience

Anglo-America. Although the chapter elabo-

this phase of life (see Miller et al, this volume1)—the

rates on those aspects of this life phase that are

Odia Hindu prauda (mature adulthood) and the

culture-specific, it also attempts to demonstrate

Japanese soonen (the prime of life), to name just

that the events and experiences that characterize

two—each the result of culture-specific concep-

it are, irrespective of cultural context, fundamen-

tualizations of the life course and culture-specific

tally tied to changes in the roles and responsibilities

assumptions about the meaning and purpose of

of preceding and following generations. Thus, its

life.

location at the center of the life course appears to

Given the cultural variability in indigenous con-

encapsulate the universal significance of this phase

ceptualizations of the life course, it is difficult, as

of life.

Shore has observed, to make “simple cross-cultural

The term “middle age” is fraught with mean-

comparisons” (1998, p. 103) of any life phase, be it

ings characteristic of one particular culture—that

middle age or any other. Therefore, I first examine

of middle-class Anglo-America (Shweder, 1998).

the various models of the life course that prevail

Thus, middle age, with its connotations of midlife

in the three cultural worlds being discussed here

crises, chronological markers like birthday parties,

before attempting a comparative study of variations

637

in cultural meanings attached to this life phase. In

Although nuclear living arrangements do occur

the process, I explore cultural conceptions of the

here, extended households are regarded as the ideal,

self, as well as indigenous assumptions about cul-

the tendency being to maintain or move toward

ture and nature, and about the passage of time,

such living arrangements rather than the reverse.

membership in society, and appropriate behavior.

As Seymour (1999, pp. 63–69) has described, these

My interpretive framework is derived from cul-

households are most commonly three-generational,

tural psychology—a field that has re-emerged, over

numbering at least 10–15 people who share a single

the past quarter century, at the interface between

cooking hearth. They tend to break up when the

anthropology, psychology, and linguistics (see oldest member, either male or female, dies, and Cole, 1989; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Shweder

each son sets up his own separate nuclear house-

1990, 1991; Stigler, Shweder, & Herdt, 1990). hold, which over time becomes extended once again It assumes that cultural worlds are “intentional

when sons grow up, marry, and have children.

worlds” (Shweder, 1990) that exist because of our

Similarly, arranged marriages continue to be the

involvement in them. It maintains that we exist as

norm. Marriage is a highly significant transforma-

human beings—with agency, identity, subjectivity,

tive ritual for both men and women because it com-

and a sense of self—because we interpret and make

pletes them as social and moral beings—although

sense of the events and experiences of our lives in

in slightly different ways. For Brahman men, there

terms of the meanings and resources we seize from

are two sets of rituals: as boys, they undergo the

our worlds—the very worlds that we create and

sacred thread ceremony that confers on them the

uphold through our thoughts and actions.

purity and prestige of the “twice-born,” and, later

as adults, the rituals of marriage complete them as

Maturity in Hindu India

moral beings. In contrast, for Brahman women,

An Odia Hindu Temple Town

the rituals of marriage symbolize both rebirth (and

I begin by introducing, very briefly, the Odia

therefore, the ritual purity of being “twice-born”)

Hindu temple town of Bhubaneswar because it pro-

and their becoming fully moral beings.

vides the ethnographic data for discussing Hindu

Like Hindus elsewhere, residents of the temple

conceptualizations of the life course and Hindu

town believe that the primary task of any commu-

meanings about the middle years of life.2 The tem-

nity is to reproduce itself—the only way, as they

ple town is a medieval urban settlement that goes

see it, to transcend the depredations of time. For

back to at least the 10th or 11th century (Panigrahi,

them, the family represents the most appropriate

1961; von Stietencron, 1978). Much of the activ-

site for such social reproduction. Therefore, both

ity in this neighborhood centers on the temple,

men and women regard the “domestic domain”—

dedicated to the Hindu god Siva, represented here

the home and the family—as the most vital sphere

as the Lord of the Phallus, Lingaraj. A pilgrimage

of human actions. More importantly, within fam-

center of some importance, it attracts substantial

ily compounds, it is the senior women—married

numbers of the devout from North India, Bengal,

mothers-in-law and senior wives—who control and

and Assam. Most families here continue to derive

manage all household affairs (Marriott, 1998).

their power and prestige because of hereditary con-

This representation of the temple town may

nections with the temple.

appear a far cry from the India portrayed in

Several scholars (Menon 2002, 2011, 2013; Western media these days—the India that is expe-Seymour 1980, 1999; Shweder, 1991) have riencing rapid socioeconomic transformation.

described the Odia Hindus who live here as fairly

But this transformation, as most observers would

traditional in their beliefs and practices. Like other

agree (OECD Economic Survey of India, 2010–11;

Hindus, they believe in the relative permeability

Yardley, 2009), is not experienced uniformly: some

of the human body. They conceive of bodies as

parts of the country are modernizing rapidly while

unbounded and porous containers, which, over the

others lag behind—and the temple town belongs

life course, are partially shared and/or exchanged

to the second rather than the first group. And so,

with others through events like birth and mar-

although sociocultural change is certainly not

riage and experiences like sharing food and liv-

absent here and never has been, it is more muted

ing together (Daniel, 1984; Lamb, 1997, 2000;

than in other parts of the country. Thus, custom-

Marriott, 1976, 1990). Such events and experiences

ary Hindu thinking and practice continue to guide

are thought to continually alter and reconstitute

and shape the orientation of temple town residents

one’s physical substance.

toward life and the world—as my visits to the

638

Midlife nA r r At i v es ACross Cu lt ur es

temple town since I did fieldwork tend to confirm

typically associated with mature adult men, Odia

rather than contradict (see Hauser, 2008, 2010;

Hindu men become fully mature adults only when,

Tokita-Tanabe, 1999).

as fathers themselves, their own fathers either die or

physical decrepitude and/or mental infirmity over-

An OdiA Hindu COnCeptuAlizAtiOn

takes the latter. Until they become the senior-most

Of AdultHOOd

man in the family, men remain sons—frozen in

People in the temple town have their own cul-

immaturity, always overshadowed by the presence

turally distinctive way of talking about the life

of their fathers. When one compares a woman’s

course. First, they spontaneously postulate phases

experience of mature adulthood to that of a man’s,

to describe life span changes; thus, adulthood a critical difference becomes immediately appar-occurs in three phases— jouvana or young adult-

ent: in the former, marriage and motherhood are

hood, initiated, for both men and women, by mar-

implicated, whereas in the latter, it is fatherhood

riage, followed by prauda or mature adulthood,

and seniority. Thus, being married is integral to the

which, in turn, is followed by the last and final

female experience of mature adulthood but not to

phase of life, briddha avastha or old age.3 Second,

the male: a widower with adolescent children can

they prefer not to identify these phases with spe-

become a mature adult but a widowed mother,

cific chronological ages (Lamb, 1997, 2000; Vatuk,

although undoubtedly an adult, can never become

1982, 1990)—only on being pushed do the more

a mature adult.

articulate speak about appropriate age spans.

Because being married is integral to mature

Third, Odia Hindus here do not include physical

adulthood among women, particular events, such

or psychological transformations in their discus-

as early widowhood or the permanent return of a

sions of the life course.4 Fourth, when talking of

married daughter to her father’s home, can obstruct

life span changes, they speak in terms of changes

the sequence of life phases, and a woman may never

in duties and responsibilities. Because such changes

experience mature adulthood. Inauspicious young

often accompany transitions from one family role

widows or permanently separated daughters are

to another, these roles are a significant part of the

anomalies that go against order and coherence.

idiom for discussing life span transitions.5 Finally,

From a practical point of view, there are no par-

while maintaining that the male and female life

ticular family roles that such women can occupy

courses have the same sequence of phases, people

and, therefore, no well-understood, clearly defined

here emphasize that the duties and responsibilities,

duties and responsibilities that they can fulfill.

as well as the emotional texture of each life phase,

Odia Hindu women are well aware that prauda

vary according to gender.

is not guaranteed to all women, and this fact, in

their opinion, confers a special meaning to this life

prauda Or MAture AdultHOOd

phase.

Odia Hindus of the temple town describe

Women here value mature adulthood because,

prauda or mature adulthood as a time of complete

as senior wives and as married mothers-in-law, they

immersion in the affairs of this world. They regard

have control over their own actions and those of

it as the most decisive, important, and demanding

others, they are central to the productive and dis-

phase in a person’s life for at least a couple of rea-

tributive activities of their households, and they

sons. First, mature adults have the duty to perform

are psychologically and morally coherent (Menon,

the life cycle rituals of their children; by doing so,

2013). Dominance, centrality, and coherence,

they are preparing their children for the life that

therefore, are the key features of mature adulthood.

lies ahead. Second, they are responsible for the

Senior wives direct their juniors in cooking and

material prosperity and the spiritual well-being other household chores while continuing to be the of the entire family, in the present and in the near

primary servers of food, a distributive responsibility,

future. Whether they succeed at these tasks or not

steeped in prestige, and one that emphasizes their

hinges on the discipline, forethought, and compe-

centrality within the household. They are the public

tence with which they manage this life phase.

faces of their families, entertaining guests, shopping

Odia Hindu women are mature adults when

for the entire family, and representing it at neigh-

they occupy one of two particular family roles: that

borhood celebrations such as weddings and sacred

of senior wife ( purna bou) or still-married mother

thread ceremonies. They also begin to represent

of married sons ( sasu 6) (Menon & Shweder, the family in its relations with divinity—although 1998). Although there are no family roles that are

there are physiological and cultural limitations to

Menon

639

this involvement because they are young enough to

replace their fathers both in the process of deci-

menstruate, to be sexually active, and to be involved

sion making within the family and in the fam-

in the feeding and care of their children.

ily’s interface with the community. At this point

Mature adulthood reaches its zenith when a in time, they are at the pinnacle of mature adult-woman welcomes into her household the wives of

hood, but the marriage of an adult child—and for

her adult sons. As a married mother-in-law, a wom-

Odia Hindus, the child must be a son—signals the

an’s position is unassailable. Building on the privi-

beginning of the end of this phase of mature adult-

leges that she has begun to enjoy as a senior wife, a

hood (cf., Kakar, 1998).

married mother-in-law only supervises and manages

Claiming that mature adulthood provides them

the household and all its activities and expenses,

with opportunities for achieving well-being that

making sure that everything runs smoothly and

previously were and subsequently will become

efficiently (Lamb, 2000; Vatuk, 1987).

unavailable to them, most Odia Hindus of the

In terms of dominance and centrality, the two

temple town declare that this life phase is the

family roles of senior wife and married mother-in-

most satisfying in a person’s life (Menon, 2013;

law are almost equivalent. However, in terms of

Menon & Shweder, 1998)—although men are less

coherence, a married mother-in-law experiences full-throated in their appreciation than women.

greater coherence because she is better able to main-

Given the nature of their work, the 40s and 50s do

tain bodily purity. This ability is relatively recent

not mark a time when the men of the temple town

and the direct result of two factors. First, when a

are coming into their own in the workplace: they

son marries and brings his wife into the family,

are not climbing the temple town equivalent of

his parents usually cease being sexually active: the

the corporate ladder. With work being peripheral

job of reproduction has been passed on to the next

to their sense of self, and with the mature adult

generation (Lamb, 2000; Vatuk, 1992). Second, at

women of the family controlling domestic activi-

this age, a woman is usually past menopause, and

ties, Odia Hindu men of the temple town do not

there is no time of the month when she is polluted

evaluate mature adulthood quite as positively as

( mara; Lamb, 2000; Reynolds, 1980). Although

their womenfolk—although they certainly prefer it

bodily purity contributes to greater coherence, it

to both young adulthood7 and old age.

does more than that. Bodily purity and her con-

tinued involvement in the household’s productive

The Dharmasastric Model

activities make a married mother-in-law the best

of the Life Course

intermediary between the household and its gods.

If this is the temple town conceptualization of

As such, a married mother-in-law feels the most

adulthood, what does traditional Hindu thinking

coherent. It needs to be noted that this experience

have to say about the various phases of the human

of coherence, although partly cultural and partly

life course? The ideal life course as presented in

physiological, is uniquely female—this is the one

the Dharmasastra s8 refers only to upper-caste men

aspect of the female experience of mature adult-

and consists of four phases: the student/apprentice,

hood in the temple town that men never share.

householder, forest dweller, and the renouncer,

Odia Hindu men experience mature adulthood

with each phase having its distinguishing moral

quite differently. Even after they marry and are gen-

code ( asramadharma). Although this model may

erally thought to have become young adults, their

appear to grant equal importance to each stage,

family role continues to be that of son. Marriage

that is not the case: there are two crucially impor-

does not instantaneously transform their family

tant stages, that of the fully relational householder

role as it does for women: there is no family role

and the arelational renouncer (Dumont, 1960).

labeled “ ‘new’ husband” as there is “ ‘new’ wife”

The highlighting of these two stages is important

( nua bou). Rather, within 4–5 years of marriage,

because it reflects one of the distinguishing features

a young husband and new father usually begins to

of the Hindu worldview: the “persistent” tension

play an increasingly greater role in managing the

between dharma or world-affirming values and

extended family’s relationships with the outside

moksa or world-renouncing ones (Dumont, 1970;

world. This involvement usually marks the begin-

Heesterman, 1985; Kinsley 1993).

ning of the gradual, almost imperceptible shift

Although it is important to note this tension, it

for a man from being a young adult to becoming

is equally important to recognize the cultural sig-

a mature adult. Odia Hindu men finally become

nificance attached to being a householder. Despite

mature adults when, as fathers themselves, they

doctrinal differences, the Dharmasastra s are

640

Midlife nA r r At i v es ACross Cu lt ur es

unanimous in considering the householder phase

Westernized elite in Hindu India, he says, exposed

of life as the most blessed. Ancient Hindu philoso-

over many years to a steady influx of Western ideas

phers—Gautama, Baudhayana, and Manu—all and concepts, can claim any familiarity with the assert that no other stage of life equals that of the

Anglo-American notion of middle age.

householder’s (Kane, 1941, p. 640). In fact, Manu

In contrast, Kakar’s north Indian respondents

is quite explicit in his admiration for the house-

claim that there are only three phases: childhood,

holder: he lauds this stage as the best of the four life

youth, and old age. Only when he pushed his sub-

stages because the householder supports the other

jects did they recall adher-awastha, the middle

three (Manu 6:89 [Doniger & Smith, 1991]).

condition—the transition between youth and old

While there are several differences9 between the

age. And, although the Hindi term adher-awastha

traditional four-stage Dharmasastric model and the

connotes decline, it also implies the wisdom and

five-phase temple town model of the life course,

mature intelligence that comes from experience,

there is one highly significant similarity: the cen-

through having lived in the world for many years.

trality of the fully relational social being in both

The precipitating event that announces the

models, the householder in the former and the arrival of middle age, Kakar says, “is the marriage mature adult in the latter. This centrality is sig-of the first child—whether son or daughter—and

nificant because it taps into Hindu understandings

the confrontation with the procreative activity of

about maturity. Far from assuming “an opposition”

one’s offspring” (1998, p. 78). Interestingly, like the

between “relationships and self-development,” as

Odia Hindus of the temple town, these Hindus

Gilligan (1995, p. 122) suggests Western theories

also conceive of middle age as being marked by

of psychological and political development tend changing roles within the family—from father to to do, both ancient Hindus and modern Odias

father of a married (and therefore sexually active)

view self-development and maturity as occurring

son or daughter and from mother to mother of a

through the process of cultivating and maintain-

married son or daughter.10

ing relationships with others. Thus, people become

To conclude, for Hindus, mature adulthood

mature adults, develop their sense of self most fully,

involves expanding oneself more comprehensively,

and exercise power most substantially by embedding

extending oneself to become more inclusive, weav-

themselves in social and familial relationships—not

ing oneself more strongly into the fabric of the

by severing connections and separating themselves

family and the community. Furthermore, although

from others. People in this community, and Hindu

most men are likely to become mature adults,

social and psychological theories more generally,

this phase of life is by no means guaranteed to

claim that to be human is to be part of society: far

all women. And when a woman does achieve and

from subscribing to any idea of “ontological indi-

experience mature adulthood, she considers herself

vidualism” (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, &

to be singularly blessed, interpreting the experience

Tipton, 1996, p. 143), social arrangements are seen

as a sign that divine grace has touched her life.

as part of nature and as more enduring and fun-

damental than the people who participate in them.

Maturity in Japan

One cannot, therefore, opt to become part of soci-

One of the more enduring tidbits in Western

ety—although one can certainly opt out of it, as

folklore (Benedict, 1946; Rohlen, 1978) about

countless renouncers have done in their attempt to

Japan centers on the idea that the Japanese view

achieve release ( moksa) from the never-ending cycle

aging positively: the old are respected, even

of rebirths and redeaths ( samsara).

indulged, and they enjoy great freedom. And

although there is evidence to suggest that such atti-

Other Hindu Meanings for

tudes are hardly all-pervasive (Plath, 1972), most

the Middle Years of Life

observers of contemporary Japanese society would

As I mentioned at the outset, Hindus are a

agree (Lock, 1993, 1998) that the Japanese have a

diverse group and, therefore, not surprisingly, unique perspective on the process of aging, and age Hindus in rural north India differ from the Odia

has particular salience in Japanese culture.

Hindus of the temple town in their thinking

Even a casual observer notices that, in modern

about the middle years of life. Indian psychoana-

Japan, age continues to order social rank and the

lyst Sudhir Kakar claims that these north Indian

exercise of authority. Japan’s leaders, whether in

Hindus are quite unaware of middle age, in the

business, academics, or politics, tend to be gener-

Anglo-American sense (Kakar, 1998). Only the

ally older11 than most of their counterparts in other

Menon

641

parts of the world. Even in entertainment, where a

it involves “submitting” to nature and thereby

huge premium is usually placed on youthfulness,

having access to a “nature-given reality” (Rohlen,

Lock (1998) reports that older women are appreci-

1978, p. 130). Given this cultural desire to become

ated and valued not merely for their artistic talents

one with nature and to experience bodily changes

but for their beauty. It thus appears that, in the

due to aging as natural changes, the Japanese seek

Japanese cultural world, age is associated positively

to mirror in their personal lives the changes that

with both creativity and power.

occur so smoothly and so predictably in the sea-

However, this impression, although accurate, is

sons. Every season is appreciated for having its

somewhat superficial because Japanese attitudes12

own distinctive qualities, its own special beauties.

to aging are much more complicated. A closer

Similarly, every phase of life represents a distinct

examination reveals a highly elaborated national

set of experiences and opportunities and is thus val-

discourse on aging: a complex narrative that weaves

ued for its own unique potentiality.

together several disparate elements from Japan’s

The Japanese attitude to the passing of time

various traditions—themes of loss, regret, and fear

could, perhaps, be characterized as “fatalistic”

elaborated in classical literary texts from between

(Rohlen, 1978, p. 130): all phenomena in the man-

the 14th and 17th centuries (Formanek, 1992, ifest world, it is thought, must inevitably submit to cited in Lock, 1998), as well as more positive orien-time, and humans are no exception. To resist in any

tations toward aging that can be traced to Japan’s

kind of way, to combat the ravages of time, is an

Confucian and Zen Buddhist traditions. In trying

exercise in futility—a sign of immaturity or folly

to understand what distinguishes Japanese under-

or both. But, and this is an important qualification,

standings about aging, at least two related aspects

an integral element of this submission to time is

need to be mentioned: first, the Japanese concep-

to simultaneously explore the potential available in

tion of aging as a process of social maturation,

every life phase for self-cultivation and human per-

and, second, the Japanese view that the different

fectibility. The fatalism that the Japanese appear to

life phases offer endless opportunities for continual

display toward aging comes, then, with a particu-

personal improvement.

larly striking twist: although accepting the effects

of aging, they are extraordinarily concerned with

Aging as Social Maturation

the potential for human perfectibility that the pro-

According to the first, a person moves through

cess brings in its wake.

life as a member of a particular age-grade: he

Plath identifies this aspect of aging as part of

or she matures as a social being and learns about

Japan’s Confucian-inspired “heritage of possibil-

age-appropriate behavior through participating, ism” (1980, p. 5)—the idea that age is no bar to with fellow members, in community and family

continual personal improvement. Thus, the tradi-

rituals.13 Lock (1998) reports that birthdays are tional Japanese understanding of aging is “much infrequently celebrated as markers of individual more profound and challenging” (Rohlen, 1978, maturation and aging; biological transformations

p. 130) than just the notion that age, in and of itself,

evidently take second place to “social matura-

must be respected and the aged valued because

tion” as a member of a family and the community.

they embody the experience and wisdom of years.

Rohlen suggests that this underemphasis of biol-

While acknowledging that the passage of time can-

ogy reflects the Japanese view that socialization is

not be resisted and will always result in change, the

an all-important process that lasts a lifetime, the

Japanese strive to shape this change such that it

clearly understood purpose of which is to create a

“centers on personal growth” and “looks to release

human being. The Japanese, therefore, see all of life

from the ‘self’ rather than its satisfaction, and

as “a time of becoming, not being” (1978, p. 132).

stands as the most important yardstick of personal

More importantly, becoming human is not guaran-

achievement and a life well lived” (p. 130).

teed simply by the passage of time. The moral con-

notations attached to becoming human require that

“Pure Action” and Gender-differentiated

people work at this process throughout their lives.

Paths to Personal Growth: Past

and Present

The Confucian Legacy of Possibilism

The Japanese define and understand personal

The second noteworthy aspect of Japanese growth in a particular kind of way, as revolv-attitudes to aging is that they accept and experi-

ing around the idea of “pure action.” In Japanese

ence aging as a natural process, in the sense that

thought, “pure action” is said to result when the

642

Midlife nA r r At i v es ACross Cu lt ur es

motivation for it is totally pure. And motivation

the 20th century, women married in their mid to

becomes unquestioningly pure when one’s sense

late 20s, and, by their mid-30s, their families—

of self is completely obliterated. Successful oblit-

consisting of the requisite two children—were

eration of the self implies becoming part of nature,

complete. She explains this unusual similarity in

blending seamlessly with the patterns and rhythms

women’s life experiences as a result of the national

of nature, no longer even aware of the actions one

discourse on aging14 that focuses and elaborates on

performs. As Plath says, “You are not ‘commun-

the various phases of life and appropriate life cycle

ing’ with nature, but are nature, moving with it

development.

in bursts of spontaneity that express the greatest

From the traditional perspective, the transfor-

truth of human nature” (1980, p. 47, emphasis in

mation on marriage from an often thoughtless,

original).

spoiled daughter into a caring, expert wife could

Although this may sound too esoteric and only be achieved through self-discipline and per-abstract for most people, it has practical implica-

forming one’s duty obediently, an often pain-

tions for the way ordinary Japanese have lived their

ful process according to many of Plath’s (1980)

lives. It explains the voluntary and rigorous prac-

subjects. In these older narratives, the transition

tice of total and unquestioning obedience to the

from young to mature adulthood is told in terms

demands of the moment, until one achieves “expert-

of acquiring “expertness” in managing the house-

ness” in whatever one is doing. It also explains the

hold’s affairs and in supervising the activities of

unwavering commitment that the Japanese have

other family members while supporting them

displayed—men to work and women to mother-

through the various exigencies of their lives. The

ing. According to this logic, commitment leads to

situation shifted somewhat in the late 20th century

“expertness,” which prepares the person for those

when the two-generational nuclear family became

moments of “pure action” when, in the midst of the

the national norm. During this period, Japanese

humdrum activities of the workaday world, truth

women derived meaning and purpose in their lives

and beauty converge.

not, as they had in the past, from the smooth and

The association between men and work and

efficient management of a large household, but pri-

women and mothering is hardly random. It repre-

marily from marriage and child rearing.

sents the gender-differentiated paths toward per-

The situation today, in the early years of the

sonal growth that the Japanese have traditionally

21st century, is startlingly different. Contemporary

considered appropriate. Until the turn of the 20th

Japan is experiencing an unusual and profound

century, women achieved personal growth through

social change: many young women appear to

striving for private rather than public goals, by

be abandoning marriage and child rearing alto-

becoming “good wives and wise mothers.” In con-

gether, giving up on the cultural ideal of being

trast, men achieved personal growth, and possibly

“good wives and wise mothers.” Thus, in 2003,

moments of “pure action,” through sincere and

fully 54% of women in their late 20s were unmar-

diligent work in the public domain.

ried, up from 24% in 1980. And, the figure for

Thus, despite modernization, the pulse of life for

men in their early 30s is roughly the same: 43%

men and women has remained strikingly different

of them are unmarried, a number that is double

for most of the 20th century (see Ryff et al, this

the figure for 1980 (Faiola, 2004). This decline in

volume). During this period, women constituted

marriage rates began with the economic stagna-

a high proportion of the Japanese workforce, but

tion of the early 1990s when many Japanese men

these were generally unmarried, younger women.

doubted their abilities to maintain a family; how-

The Japanese have traditionally believed that a ever, despite recent improvements in the economy, married woman’s calling should be that of “special-the trend toward lower marriage rates only seems

ist homemaker” or “professional wife” (Plath, 1980,

to have accelerated—and this time, women appear

p. 139), tapping into those qualities of nurturance

to be opting out of marriage. Perhaps this is not a

and caring that nature supposedly has bestowed

decline but rather a postponement of marriage and

on women (Lock, 1998). Although it is difficult

evidence for the existence of emerging adulthood

to imagine that all married women stopped work-

in contemporary Japan (see Arnett, this volume).

ing, Lock claims that, for much of the modern era,

Clearly, female maturity in 21st-century Japan

the experience of marriage and motherhood has

can no longer be defined in terms of marriage and

been identical for all Japanese women, irrespec-

child rearing; and, in the absence of substantial

tive of class or educational levels. Until the end of

research into the issue, hazarding a guess about

Menon

643

new meanings that the Japanese concept of female

maturity” was strictly limited by the organiza-

maturity is likely to acquire is, I would suggest, a

tional parameters and the circumstances of their

little foolhardy.

work in a postindustrial society. Many men, there-

Traditionally, for Japanese men, work has not

fore, never accomplish anything approaching such

only been the fulcrum of their existence, it has also

maturity. But today, by turning away from mar-

been the medium through which they could real-

riage and motherhood, Japanese women seem to be

ize “pure action.” But work in contemporary Japan

voluntarily giving up this advantage.

is tending not to provide those opportunities any

It appears, therefore, that new ideas about per-

longer. The average Japanese man today is a sala-

sonal fulfillment and thriving will necessarily have

ried worker, employed by either the government or

to emerge as the Japanese reconceptualize both

a company. Although educational qualifications male and female maturity. And in this reconcep-and personal abilities are undoubtedly necessary

tualization, traditional ideas about “spiritual edu-

for career advancement, the critical variable that

cation” may continue to play a role (Plath, 1980,

decides “rank, responsibility, status, and monetary

p. 49). Many middle-aged Japanese deliberately

reward” is seniority and its corollary, experience—

engage in avocations that cultivate and develop

a reflection, some suggest, of the attitudes and ide-

their inner resources: fully half of Plath’s two

als of traditional family businesses (Rohlen, 1978,

dozen interviewees were enrolled in classes to learn

p. 144). Modern organizations in Japan, whether in

the traditional arts of calligraphy, the tea ceremony,

the corporate or public sector, try to recreate these

flower arrangement, or the reciting of No drama

idealized and traditional family relationships but

texts. Their goal, they told him, was not merely to

fail because of their structure and scale. It is sim-

develop their skills but, more importantly, their

ply impossible to promote all employees at begin-

“discipline and self-composure” (p. 49).

ning and subordinate levels to senior positions that

carry the same authority and respect. The idea that

The Middle Years of Life in Japan:

companies and government offices are analogous

“Middle Age” or “The Prime of Life”?

to “big families” and that all employees are “fam-

Modern Japanese appear to have a rather

ily members” is harped on unceasingly, but, for

clear view of the middle years of life: Plath’s

most employees, it rings false—the gap between

subjects bracket this phase of life as beginning

the ideal and the real is too great to sustain such a

in the 40s and ending around age 60 (1975). In

myth. The vast majority of older employees, despite

addition, there are many Japanese glosses for the

being “family members,” do not ascend to higher

Anglo-American term “middle age.” The tradi-

management positions and inevitably retire and

tional term for this period of life has been soonen,

go home. And the worst of it is that, very often,

its chief meaning being the “prime of life.” The

economic necessity compels these retirees to look

word most commonly used today is chuunen, and,

for another job in another company at a subordi-

in Plath’s opinion, it is the most literal transla-

nate level. As Plath says, older Japanese do not look

tion of “middle age” although dictionaries do not

forward to “retirement” from work; instead, they

elaborate on its etymological roots. There is also

look to “rehirement” (see Plath, 1980, pp. 89–90).

the premodern term shoro, or “beginning old age,”

For many Japanese men, therefore, the realities of

which some think is a better gloss for middle age

a postindustrial society are tending to seriously

because it includes meanings of loss and decline,

undermine the intensity of their commitment to

but its infrequent usage makes it a poor equivalent

work. And although “the conception of male adult-

for the Anglo-American term. And, finally, there is

hood as ‘flowering’ in the toil of work” (Rohlen,

jukunen, which includes meanings of ripeness and

1978, p. 145) may remain a major cultural theme,

wisdom and could be glossed as “mature in age and

new meanings are likely to emerge, thus redefining

wisdom” (Honde, personal communication).

the central experiences of male maturity.

Although those of Plath’s subjects who were

Throughout the 20th century, in any compari-

older than 40 did not resist the term chuunen

son of female to male maturity, Japanese women

being used to describe them, they often suggested

enjoyed a clear advantage over their menfolk: moth-

other terms—unconnected with aging or middle

erhood, “the pinnacle of socially recognized produc-

age per se—that they felt sounded better because

tive maturity” (Rohlen, 1978, p. 145), remained an

they connote fullness, activity, or weight in the

option open to all women. For men, the possibility

sense of wielding authority (see Plath, 1975). Many

of achieving such “socially recognized productive

used the term atsukmashisa, glossed as “boldness”

644

Midlife nA r r At i v es ACross Cu lt ur es

or “nerve,” to describe the ways in which they had

of emerging adulthood (see Arnett, this volume).

changed with age. With age and experience, the

Inevitably, these expanded lifetimes will challenge

Japanese feel, one can afford to relax and take liber-

current conceptualizations of the life course, as well

ties—even with time-honored customs and prac-

as the particular life phase known as middle age—

tices (Plath, 1980).

but how? Will the fact that the 70s and 80s are

In common with most other cultures, there

becoming experienced as physically and mentally

are in Japan no ceremonies or public recognition

vigorous periods of a person’s life make a difference

of a person’s transition into middle age. However,

in the ways that youth and middle age have custom-

the end of middle age, which coincides with the

arily been understood and defined? Is it conceiv-

beginning of old age, is marked by a highly evoca-

able that understandings about aging will change

tive ceremony in which 60-year-old Japanese put

so radically that a person of 60 will be thought of

on a bright red kimono symbolizing the noncha-

as continuing to grow, rather than as growing old?

lance of early childhood and acknowledging the

Will the prevailing cult of youth (Gullette, 1998;

never-ending cycle of rebirths and the continual

Rohlen, 1978) finally be undermined? It is difficult

regeneration of the family and the cosmos (Lock,

to provide a definitive answer to any of these ques-

1998, p. 58). And although no one today is likely to

tions. Suffice it to say that whatever new meanings

consider 60 as old, it marks the threshold, in Japan,

are added on to the experience of an expanded

of eligibility for social security benefits.

middle age, they will be refracted through the cul-

To conclude, the most distinctive feature about

tural lens of middle-class Anglo-America with its

traditional Japanese understandings of aging is that

emphasis on the desirability of individual success,

time is not seen as a factor that erodes life’s pros-

on the importance of personal independence and

pects; rather, the passage of time provides people

self-reliance, and on the moral superiority of hard

the opportunity to apprehend the essential truths

work and industriousness.

of life. The Japanese most certainly recognize the

In an insightful and rather entertaining piece,

physical facts of maturation and aging, but they

entitled “What to Call People Who Used to Be

do not grant these physical changes any great or

Old?” that appeared in the editorial columns of

overwhelming significance. Japanese culture and

the New York Times (July 2, 2000), Clendinen

society favor the mature and old over the young

refers to a Harris poll conducted by the National

not only because the former have the accumulated

Council on Aging that found that nearly half the

experiences of a lifetime, but also because they are

people between the ages of 65 and 69 consider

supposed to have cultivated themselves as human

themselves “middle-aged,” as do one-third of those

beings, becoming self-disciplined and persevering,

in their 70s. Clearly, for these people, Cumming

developing and maintaining personal integrity and

and Henry’s controversial yet influential disengage-

social responsibility. At the same time, maturity

ment theory of the 1960s is completely outdated

holds out the promise of freedom, ease, and relax-

(Cumming 1964; Cumming & Henry, 1961). More

ation: it signifies the opportunity for each person

importantly, Clendinen notes that the vocabulary

to experience and display his or her individuality

needed to talk about these extended lives has yet

and uniqueness. And, finally, mature adulthood

to be developed. Even clinical psychologist Elliott

is prized because it is the harbinger of old age, a

Jaques, himself now 83 years old, who coined the

period of return to the insouciance of early child-

highly evocative and enduring phrase “midlife cri-

hood, when women, in particular, can give up

sis” (1965) more than 35 years ago is at a loss: his

displaying “feminine reserve” (Lock, 1998, p. 59),

suggestion that the phrase “the third stage of adult-

when they can be as forward as they please without

hood” be used to describe the period between 62

incurring social censure.

and 85 years sounds less than catchy.

Anglo-American “Middle Age”

Investigations into the Experience

Middle-class Anglo-Americans possess the of Middle Age

uniquely 20th-century advantage of “mass lon-

Since the mid-1960s, several empirical stud-

gevity” (Plath, 1980, p. 1), an advantage that is

ies have examined how Anglo-American men and

likely to change forever the way they perceive the

women conceive of the life course and, more par-

life course and its various phases. Already, those

ticularly, negotiate middle age. Generally speak-

Anglo-Americans born toward the end of the 20th

ing, these studies tend to agree that middle-class

century are experiencing a new life phase, that

Anglo-Americans conceive of the life course as

Menon

645

an individual’s journey from birth to death, an

1 in 10 persons of those surveyed, suggesting that

irreversible sequence of stages in which chrono-

such periods of emotional disturbance are rare for

logical years or biological events mark significant

both men and women (Wethington, Kessler, &

milestones. Lately, there has also been consensus

Pixley, 2004). Even more interesting is the finding

about the meanings that Anglo-Americans tend

that middle age is period of relative equilibrium

to attach to middle age. Although scholars, during

characterized by few “turning points,” these turn-

the 1960s and ’70s, tended to highlight the nega-

ing points being defined as “experiences involving

tive aspects of this life phase, to focus on the crises

fundamental shifts in meaning, purpose, or direc-

that are thought to characterize it (Levinson, 1978;

tion” (Brim et al., 2004, p. 28) in one’s life.

Vaillant, 1977), more recent work underscores the

But does this upbeat representation of middle

positive aspects of middle age, the accumulated

age make the substantial claim that life gets progres-

resources that it brings, both internally and exter-

sively better with age? Well, not exactly—although

nally, to enable people confront the challenges

it does attempt to reshape cultural understand-

of life with equanimity (Baruch, 1984; Costa ings about middle age among Anglo-Americans.

et al, 1986; Keyes & Ryff, 1998; McAdams &

It contends that middle age is a good place to be

de St. Aubin, 1998; Mitchell & Helsen, 1990;

in, perhaps even the “best place to be” (Goode,

Neugarten, 1968; Peterson & Klohnen, 1995; New York Times, February 16, 1999). At the same Ryff, 1989).

time, it highlights the risks that lurk in the future.

In 2004, an encyclopedic and multidisciplinary

Complaints of losses in personal growth and pur-

survey of midlife development in the United States

pose in life made by older midlifers are interpreted

was published. Entitled How Healthy Are We? as portending decline and losses that are likely A National Study of Well-Being at Midlife (Brim,

to characterize the next phase of life, old age. As

Ryff, & Kessler, 2004), it consists of the findings and

Ryff, one of the co-editors of the book, says, people

analyses of a survey, conducted in 1995, with more

in midlife should “be mindful of what is ahead”

than 7,000 English-speaking adults ranging in age

(Goode, New York Times, February 16, 1999).

from 25 to 74 years. Given the wealth of data, the

This latest study has not abandoned the

detailed interpretations, and the cross-disciplinary

decline ideology that is thought to characterize

perspectives that it contains, it is an extraordinarily

Anglo-American conceptualizations of the life

valuable reference tool for anyone interested in

course, but it suggests a somewhat different tim-

issues of health and well-being in middle age in

ing—instead of occurring in the fourth decade of

the United States. More importantly, it presents a

life, decline and losses are now thought to occur in

robust and optimistic narrative about the middle

the sixth or seventh decade. It, therefore, redefines

years of life. Its upbeat message is implicit in its use

middle age as the prime of life for middle-class

of the term “midlife development” when discuss-

Anglo-Americans. Although this redefinition

ing aging into the middle years: there appears to

can be ascribed, in part, to today’s stupendous

be a deliberate attempt to get away from the nega-

advances in medical science and technology, much

tive connotations of “decline” attached to the more

of it reflects ordinary people’s recognition of the

commonly used phrase “middle age.”

advantages of middle age: having a greater sense

In particular, it provides rather solid empirical

of control over themselves and their environment

evidence to refute two of the more persistent myths

and more satisfying relationships with spouses,

that dominate the Anglo-American conceptualiza-

children, other family members and friends (Brim

tion of middle age—the psychological and physi-

et al., 2004).

cal costs of menopause and the midlife crisis. Thus,

To conclude, for middle-class Anglo-Americans,

only 12% of postmenopausal women interviewed

life consists of a linear progression of stages begin-

claim to have experienced hot flashes “almost every

ning at birth and ending with death, in which

day” (Rossi, 2004, p. 195)—the “sine qua non

chronological years and/or biological events mark

of menopause” in the West (Lock, 1998, p. 63).

significant milestones and experiences. In this

Furthermore, most greet the end of menstruation

conceptualization, middle age is thought to mark

with “only relief” (Brim et al., 2004, p. 15) rather

the beginning of the end of life; and, sometimes,

than the depression and distress that psychoana-

it is perceived as a time of crises. Even when there

lysts and gynecologists claim to have observed.

is an attempt to extol the attractions of aging

In addition, midlife crises described as periods of

or middle age, such extolling takes the form of

extreme emotional turmoil seemingly afflict only

identifying those elements that embody some

646

Midlife nA r r At i v es ACross Cu lt ur es

typically youthful quality. For most middle-class

And what effect does this highly developed sense

Anglo-Americans, then, “It is youth that epito-

of individualism have on the way people under-

mizes the American sense of wellbeing, and we pay

stand and experience aging? The most obvious is

homage to its gods time and again throughout an

that changes in individual biology eclipse the social

adulthood that inevitably leads us away from many

experience of aging. More importantly, because of

of its perquisites” (Rohlen, 1978, p. 130).

the enormous significance granted to human biol-

ogy, advances in science and medical technology

Middle Age in Popular Culture

have medicalized the entire process of aging; grow-

While scholarly investigations into aging and

ing old is now redefined and diagnosed as a set

middle age accumulate, Gullette (1998) claims of medical problems that need to be treated. For that most middle-class Anglo-Americans learn “the

much of the 20th century, this medicalization was

truth” about these topics from the media—from

less than evenhanded in its treatment of women, in

magazines, novels, films, and television shows. that middle-aged men were thought to be exempt And, in the world of popular culture, confusion

from biological aging, attention being paid only to

abounds about middle age and the process of aging.

their work life, whereas women’s midlife experi-

There are primarily two narratives that vie for peo-

ences were examined as being entirely determined

ple’s attention: the one that claims that everyone

by their biology (Kaufert & Lock, 1991; Lock,

“dreads” (p. 5) aging, that one slips into middle

1998). However, by the end of the 20th century,

age unbeknownst to oneself, and that decline is the

this “double standard of aging” (Sontag, 1972) was

dominant motif of middle age; and the other, more

over. Referring to more than 100 years of social his-

optimistic counterdiscourse, much of it emerging

tory in the United States, Gullette (1998) makes

from academia, that seeks to persuade people that

the case that most men today are as vulnerable to

middle age is a satisfying time of life.

the invidious influences of the “decline ideology”

Gullette contends that the counterdiscourse, as women. Life in a postindustrial society, charac-despite its sunny message, falls on deaf ears because

terized by uncertainty and insecurity in jobs and

it lacks the emotional intensity and immediacy

wages and the ubiquitous fiction of midlife male

that “the bad news about midlife aging” (1998,

menopause, contrive to create anxiety in all but the

p. 7) possesses in such abundance. In all the din of

most privileged of men.

conflicting messages, the one that is heard the most

To conclude, the prevailing ethos of individu-

often, the most insistently, and the most insidiously

alism makes the Anglo-American experience of

is that of aging as “an unavoidable decline, like a

middle age less a process of social maturation and

curse” (p. 7). And, significantly enough, despite the

more a solitary and singular journey in which

inevitability of aging, the timing of this decline is

the individual traverses the life course, propelled

vague and unclear. Gullette suggests that part of

by a cultural ethos that emphasizes self-reliance,

the power of “middle ageism” derives from this

personal independence, and individual success.

uncertainty about its onset—what she terms its

And the predominant narrative is one of loss and

“perverse undecidability” (1998, p. 27).

decline—inevitably, so it would appear, because

Leaving aside for the moment the cult of youth

death is the certain and unavoidable end to every

thought to dominate popular culture, a distinctive

life. In this regard, however, the most recent study

feature of the Anglo-American conceptualization

of this phase of life (Brim et al., 2004) pushes back

of the life course is its emphasis on the individual.

against this narrative of loss and decline, seeming

Maturation and aging are not social experiences

to suggest that these negative experiences can be

that a person goes through as a member of a family

safely postponed to old age.

or a community; rather, they are solitary “engage-

ments” (Plath, 1980) that an individual undertakes

Contrasts and Comparisons

as a singular entity. This is hardly surprising given

Each of the three conceptions of “middle age”

the prevailing ethos of individualism. The institu-

presented in this chapter emerges as a unique “cul-

tion of privacy, the cultural salience and signifi-

tural fiction” (Shweder, 1998), each the product

cance of autonomy, child-rearing practices designed

of cultural assumptions about the life course and

to nurture and develop independence, all symbol-

the meaning and purpose of life. For middle-class

ize the value and worth a human being is thought

Anglo-Americans, the purpose of life is to be free,

to embody “simply because as an individual he is of

mobile, and active, able to pursue one’s inter-

consequence” (Trilling, 1972, p. 24).

ests without hindrance or undue influence; for

Menon

647

the Japanese, traditionally speaking, a valued, the entire life phase is being extended to include meaningful life centers on personal growth, the

chronological years that were previously catego-

cultivation of one’s talents and abilities through

rized as old. This postponement and extension of

considerable effort and application; and for the

middle age may reflect an implicit recognition of

Odia Hindu, an important life goal is to be fully

the 20th-century phenomenon of “mass longevity”

engaged in the world and its activities so as to fulfill

(Plath, 1980, p. 1). It appears that Anglo-American

one’s duties to the family by ensuring its material

middle age is more a state of mind when life’s cir-

prosperity and spiritual well-being.

cumstances and physiological changes accumulate

Speaking as an Anglo-American about the until, finally, an individual recognizes himself or relationship between an individual and society, herself as having entered middle age.

Plath says:

In contrast to middle-class Anglo-Americans,

the Japanese and Hindus conceive of aging as a

We enter society out of concession to animal

social process rather than an individual experi-

weakness and practical need. But social

ence of biological changes and transformations.

participation can only diminish us; our highest

Notwithstanding this similarity, the Japanese

self is realized in peak experiences that take us out

notion of possibilism is unique, nothing even

of the ruck of society. Our cultural nightmare is

remotely similar being found in Hindu under-

that the individual throb of growth will be sucked

standings of maturation and aging. In that respect,

dry in slavish social conformity. All life long, our

Hindus tend to resemble Anglo-American midlifers

central struggle is to defend the individual from the

(see Brim et al., 2004). Both groups identify the

collective. (1980, p. 216)

middle years as the prime of life, followed by an

The Japanese and the Hindus, in contrast, par-

old age characterized by the inevitable decline and

ticipate in social relations because they believe that

losses in physical ability and mental acuity.

that is the only way available for humans to fully

In middle-class Anglo-America, the cult of

experience their humanity: one realizes who one is

youth remains preeminent. Aging is tolerated only

and where one is going through interrelationships

to the extent that it allows people to retain “some-

and interdependencies. For both the Japanese and

thing of the carefree, mobile, active state typi-

the Hindu, one is never born a human being; one

cal of youth” (Rohlen, 1978, p. 130). And, in the

becomes human through living in society, through

past several decades, advances in medical science

participating in life cycle rituals, and through fol-

and technology have helped people postpone the

lowing customary practice. And exclusion from the

inevitability of aging. By comparison, Japanese and

group, for both Japanese and Hindus, is the worst

Hindu conceptions appear more fatalistic in the

kind of punishment. “Exclusion is depersonaliza-

sense that nature is thought to have its way irrespec-

tion … For without a circle of intimates to attend

tive of human wishes. But again, there are differ-

to it, one’s human integrity is in peril, here and

ences in the Japanese view of biographical time and

beyond” (Plath, 1980, p. 217). Plath is speaking of

the Hindu. The Japanese submit to the depredations

the Japanese, but he could as well be talking about

of time but simultaneously see within this submis-

Hindus (see Kakar, 1982).

sion a challenge and a potential for perfecting the

Not surprisingly, then, the most striking fea-

self. A mature adult, someone who is completing

ture of the Anglo-American conception of adult

this process of becoming human, is characterized

development and aging, and one that distinguishes

by wisdom, self-control, and cultivated abilities. For

it from both the Japanese and the Hindu, is its

Hindus, the passing of the years provides opportu-

emphasis on the individual as people mature and

nities to refine oneself. Through becoming vegetar-

age rather than on the changing dynamics of social

ian, through fasting regularly, through reading the

and familial relationships. Given this emphasis on

scriptures, through meditation, through going on

the individual, it is perhaps to be expected that the

pilgrimages, through practicing yoga, one cultivates

passing of life is marked in terms of chronological

self-control and self-discipline and thereby becomes

years and biological events, terms rarely used by the

more and more refined. Such self-refinement enables

Japanese or the Hindus when describing the various

one to disengage from the world in old age, the last

life phases. Despite this emphasis on chronological

and final phase of life, and pursue the ultimate goal

change, the boundaries of Anglo-American middle

of liberation ( moksa).

age appear somewhat fuzzy: not only is middle

Again, the emotional tone of the middle

age beginning and ending a little later, but, lately,

period of life reflects and corresponds to cultural

648

Midlife nA r r At i v es ACross Cu lt ur es

understandings of aging. Thus, mature Japanese

of a cultural underemphasis on biology, it takes its

adults, imbued by the idea of Confucian pos-

place as just another element in the larger process

sibilism, talk of boldness15 ( atsukamashisa) when

of human aging; and for Odia Hindu women in

describing the changes that age has wrought on

the temple town, menopause signals a momentous

them. The dominant motif of middle age among

transformation in a woman’s ability to maintain

the Japanese is, therefore, not decline; instead, they

bodily coherence and has the immediate impact

view middle age as an opportunity for each person

of allowing her unrestricted access to divinity, a

to come into his or her own, a chance to experience

privilege that contributes enormously to her sense

and display to the world his or her own individual-

of well-being.

ity, his or her own uniqueness. Comfortably famil-

Notwithstanding these cultural differences in

iar with their social roles, they can now afford to

the experience of the middle years of life, there are

take liberties with cultural rules, they can be play-

two aspects—perhaps universal—about this life

ful, even a little self-indulgent.

phase that all three cultural conceptions seem to

For Odia Hindus, mature adulthood is a com-

share, to a greater or lesser degree. The first is what

plicated time, emotionally speaking. As mature

Neugarten, when describing the conduct of a mature

adults, self-assured and confident of their accom-

adult, refers to as “conscious self-utilization rather

plishments, they enjoy a heightened sense of than the self-consciousness of youth” (1970, p. 78).

well-being. However, two anxieties cloud this This is a particularly apt way of describing the ways contentment. The first results from apprehensions

in which all the peoples discussed in this chapter—

about an uncertain future in which old age, and

upper-caste Odia Hindus, middle-class Japanese,

the inevitable decline and dependence on others

and middle-class Anglo-Americans—experience

associated with it, figures prominently. And the

themselves as mature adults. All, as mature adults,

second is about having to live up to a cultural ideal

appear confident of their abilities to judge and

that exhorts mature adults, both men and women,

manage people, situations, and relationships so as

to begin renouncing the pleasures of this world,

to obtain the results they seek; furthermore, while

starting with sexual activities—the precipitating

continuing to be concerned by social approbation,

event usually being the marriage of an adult child.

they are no longer driven by it.

As Kakar suggests, perhaps this is the midlife cri-

The second is the idea that the “transitions

sis that most Hindus face: “renunciation versus

and meanings of mature adulthood are linked to

involvement” (1998, p. 81), requiring them, if they

transitions in the sexuality, schooling, and family

are to resolve this challenge positively, to develop

formation of one’s adolescent children” (Shweder,

equanimity.

1998, p. xvi). This theoretical insight, articulated

For middle-class Anglo-Americans, the emo-

first by Weisner and Bernheimer in their study of

tional texture of this phase of life would depend

the midlife experiences of Anglo-Americans who

on whether they have bought into the theme of

had participated in the countercultural move-

middle-age decline uncritically or not. If they have,

ment of the 1960s, suggests that for these parents

their predominant emotion would be the acute fear

“midlife actually is marked by its being yoked with

of growing even older; although for those who have

the adolescent developmental transition” (1998,

not, this would be a time of considerable satisfaction

p. 217). And, far from having only local mean-

and well-being, though tinged with some anxiety

ings that do not travel well, this particular insight

about the future and all that it foreshadows—old

can be readily applied to the Japanese and the

age and the losses and decline that accompany it.

Odia Hindi context. Thus, a 53-year-old Japanese

Each cultural conception of the middle years of

employee told Plath that he would regard himself

life is, as would be expected, saturated with cul-

an old man only after his daughters were mar-

tural meanings. Even elements that are commonly

ried and a grandchild was born: “Only after I’ve

acknowledged as a feature of aging in all three

graduated from those events” (1975, p. 54). And,

cultural contexts—the experience of menopause,

similarly, for an Odia Hindu married mother, the

for instance—acquire an entirely different empha-

marriage of her son and the entry of his new wife

sis and salience once they go through the pro-

into the family promote her to the very pinnacle of

cess of cultural construction. Thus, middle-class

mature adulthood.

Anglo-American women react to menopause with

One could perhaps extend this metaphor of the

little more than mild relief; for Japanese women,

middle and younger generation being yoked to

menopause characterizes female aging but, because

include the older generation as well. The universal

Menon

649

meaning attached to mature adulthood, then, 10 Kakar speculates that this “psychological transition of men would derive primarily from the centrality of its

and women into middle age” would occur at around age 45

location in the life course. Being in the middle,

for men and 40 for women living in urban areas, whereas,

in rural areas, the equivalent ages would be a couple of

mature adulthood takes shape and is defined in

years younger.

terms of linkages and connections with the genera-

11 The present Japanese Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe, at

tions that precede and succeed it. One is thrust into

56 years of age, appears to be the exception that perhaps

mature adulthood when the person further along

proves this rule.

in life’s journey accedes to old age; and, the pres-

12 In trying to describe and explain these attitudes in a

comprehensive and detailed manner, I run the risk of

tige and privilege of mature adulthood is further

homogenizing all Japanese, of blurring the intracultural

endorsed when the person following in one’s path

variability that surely exists, and presenting an entire peo-

has been socially processed.

ple as a monolithic entity. Nevertheless, the Japanese artic-

ulate a degree of cultural self-consciousness that encourages

Notes

observers and commentators to assume such homogeneity.

Lock, for instance, talks of the “remarkable uniformity in

1 As Miller et al. suggest, it behooves serious scholars to go

the creation of family life” and ascribes it to a cultural sensi-

beyond conventional academic thinking that tends to lump

tivity about movement through the life course since at least

all Asians or all Easterners into one homogeneous group. As

the beginning of this century (1998, p. 56).

this chapter demonstrates, there are substantive differences

13 Although, according to Lock, modernization has led to the

between Japanese and Odia Hindu meanings about middle

former becoming more rare—except in some rural areas—

age and about the process of aging.

and the latter more important in contemporary Japan.

2 I need to emphasize that I am being very specific here

14 Lock (1998, p. 56) says that in Japan since the turn of the

because I am well aware of the diversity that distinguishes

19th century, a “genre of writing” known as “people’s life

Hindu communities, and I do not wish to make unwar-

span” discussed and elaborated in great detail the ideal life

ranted generalizations about other groups of Hindus.

course for people in diverse circumstances.

3 The temple town conceptualization of the life course con-

15 Interestingly enough, the Odia term for mature adult-

sists of five phases: childhood ( balya avastha), youth ( kishoro

hood “prauda” includes the meanings of “audacity” and

avastha), young adulthood (jouvana avastha), mature

“boldness.”

adulthood ( prauda avastha), and old age ( briddha avastha).

I have, however, omitted mentioning the first two phases

because this paper is examining adulthood, in particular

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C H A P T E R

Explorations in Generativity

40 and Culture

Ed de St. Aubin and Mara Bach

Abstract

This chapter shows that any full exploration of generativity, the emerging midlife desire to invest in the wel -being of younger and future generations, must account for the salience of culture. The chapter begins with a close examination of Erikson’s initial writings regarding generativity and culture, with a focus on his mid-century observations of the Sioux and Yurok tribes and his analysis of two generativity myths: Hitler’s 1941 Mein Kampf and a 1938 film about Maxim Gorky’s youth. This is fol owed by an evaluation of generativity scholarship after Erikson that has been mindful of culture.

The authors end the chapter by presenting a set of suggestions for ideal modes of inquiry as this area of scholarship is advanced in the future.

Key Words: generativity, culture, Erik Erikson, personality, midlife development, custom complex, emic vs. etic, Japanese culture, Mexican-American culture, narrative

“They think of you as very foolish.” Prominent

we—the US folks—consistently referred to adults

Japanese scholar Yoko Yamada delivered these who score “low” or “high” on generativity. We words to the first author of this chapter during

spoke of research participants who were generativ-

a lunch conversation in 1999, when both were

ity exemplars, meaning that they scored very high

attending a conference in Kyoto that focused on

on measures of this variable in our research. And

the concept of generativity. Generativity refers to

we spoke of other participants as “nongenerative.”

a process that emerges in midlife wherein adults

Our entire enterprise seemed based on quantitative

begin to shape the lives of younger and future

individual differences in generativity. For Yoko and

humans via parenting, mentoring, creativity, pro-

her Japanese colleagues, this is foolish because gen-

ductivity, and other relevant modes that invest in

erativity is not a phenomenon that resides within

the well-being of forthcoming generations. By this

the individual. It is a collective force that exists

time, Ed and his mentor Dan McAdams had cre-

within and between generations—moving toward

ated a well-received heuristic model of generativity,

us from several generations ago and moving for-

designed methods of quantifying individual differ-

ward to the far future. An individual adult is but a

ences in generativity, and published several articles

conduit through which generativity is transferred.

and an edited book on the subject. But Yoko was

Yoko went on to explain that seeking to find the

correct. She had hit on an important truth.

magnitude of generativity within individuals was a

The “they” in her quote signified the Japanese

misguided endeavor. Better to try and understand

scholars attending the conference and the “you”

the manner in which it flows within and between

referred to Ed specifically but also to the other US

age cohorts, the various ways it is received and

academics present. She went on to explain that

passed on. If you must examine this at the level of

653

the individual, Yoko explained, better to question

serves the developing individual well. But then, in

the “flavors” of one’s generativity or the “colors,” for

stage six, Intimacy vs. Isolation, the focus shifts, for

there may be important qualitative differences in

the psychosocial virtue gained here, love, puts the

how adults manage this transaction. But no adult,

well-being of another—an intimate life partner—

in her Japanese perspective, could be thought of as

at the forefront. It is this shift to other-orientedness

more generative than another, or as less so, and cer-

and the acquisition of love during young adulthood

tainly not as nongenerative.

that leads to the lengthy adulthood stage seven,

This brief lunch conversation was an “aha” Generativity vs. Stagnation. The love for one morphs moment for Ed. Despite the ubiquitous message

into the psychosocial mode of care for many. The

in the training and practice of academics who do

healthy midlife adult then, for Erikson, engages

human development that one must consider cul-

in generativity by caring for a wide audience of

ture when exploring any developmental phenom-

known and unknown others who populate younger

enon, it was this comment that most dramatically

and future generations. Erikson flips the common

conveyed the idea central to this book and to this

top-down conceptualization of socialization (adults

chapter: Culture matters!

impact children) and suggests that the “need-to-

We have thought much since then about the

be-needed” during adulthood makes it such that

meaning of culture within the study of generativ-

children (and the understanding that humans will

ity. This chapter provides an opportunity for us to

continue to procreate beyond one’s lifetime) shape

review the relevant literature in this area and to

the development of the adult. Generativity compels

articulate our current vision of how one interested

one to do what one can to improve the lives of those

in generativity might consider culture. We begin

in future life cycles.

at the beginning with the inception of the con-

The existential foundation of generativity is

cept of generativity as a midlife psychosocial phase

a “belief in the species”—a perspective that the

of development. Erik Erikson, originator of the

human enterprise is worthy of one’s efforts. Given

term “generativity,” spent substantial time think-

this faith in humankind and being equipped with

ing and writing about culture and its impact on

the collective ego strengths one has acquired via

the developing human and had much to say about

psychosocial development, the generative adult

the connection between generativity and culture.

engages in productive and creative pursuits that

Surprisingly, much of what he wrote about gen-

allow him or her to positively impact the perpetual

erativity and culture has not been incorporated

cycles of life. In this brief treatment of the topic,

into contemporary thinking in this area. We next

Erikson is careful to point out that generativity may

explore generativity research following Erikson be enacted in myriad ways. Parenting is an obvious that attempts to account for cultural dynamics. As

path, but, to rephrase Erikson, generativity is about

we review this work and its key findings, we look

an adult’s relationship to one’s “production” as well

for effective design elements in methods used to

as to one’s “progeny.” The list of potentially genera-

examine generativity and culture. This then leads

tive modes and products is extensive.

to a section that articulates key points to consider

Erikson justifies the brevity of this section by

as scholars continue in their efforts to understand

reminding the reader that the book is focused on

and explain the meaning of generativity, a phenom-

childhood stages. Otherwise, he notes, this would

enon that is both culturally situated and one that

have been “the central” section of concern. And yet

drives cultural change.

our read of the book is that it addresses generativ-

ity in many other chapters and that his very deep

The Inception of Generativity: Erikson’s

appreciation of culture and its connection to gen-

Emphasis on Culture

erativity is repeatedly expressed, even if the word

Generativity is introduced in Childhood and “generativity” is not used. This component of his Society, the book published in 1950 that launched

writing is essential if we are to fully appreciate how

Erikson onto the national scene. Fewer than two of

the original and still most significant generativity

the 445 pages are dedicated to an explicit discus-

theorist wove culture and generativity together.

sion of generativity. It is presented as the seventh

Yet, recent examinations of generativity make no

and longest of eight psychosocial stages of human

mention of this. We are therefore compelled here

development. The first five stages entail psychoso-

to carefully demonstrate how Erikson wrote about

cial tensions that each results in an ego strength

the interweaving of generativity and culture in a

( hope, willpower, purpose, competence, fidelity 1) that

number of ways.

654

e x plor At ions in gener At i v it y A nd Cu lt ur e

Part two of Childhood and Society (1950) addresses

lived by these men. Instead, Erikson tries to show

the Sioux and Yurok Native American tribes, on

how two generativity myths—Hitler’s 1941 auto-

whom Erikson conducted ethnographic studies biography Mein Kampf and a 1938 film by Mark with his anthropologist colleague Scudder Mekeel.

Donskoi about Gorky’s youth—could only have

Here, Erikson seamlessly connects geographic/

been spun within specific cultures (German and

geologic/bio-ecosystem differences between the

Russian, respectively) at particular points in his-

living conditions of the two tribes to cultural val-

tory. These are generativity myths in that each

ues and beliefs that, in turn, shape generative prac-

blends reality with fiction to create a meaningful,

tices such as child rearing and the intergenerational

and perhaps propagandist, narrative about how the

transmission of skills needed for survival (hunting,

generative forces in one’s childhood—parenting,

fishing). To supply an oversimplified and selective

family productivity within the macroeconomy,

example, the open plains and roaming buffalo herds

faith traditions, socialization strategies—influence

of South Dakota lead to a semi-nomadic Sioux

the developing man. For instance, the presenta-

culture that valued modes such as aggressiveness

tion of “the father” and his influence on the main

(needed to hunt buffalo and to fight off compet-

character (Hitler) in Mein Kampf is quintessen-

ing groups encountered), efficiency (repeated pack-

tial of the “German middle class father of the late

ing, moving, unpacking), small-group cooperation

nineteenth and early twentieth century” (p. 331).

(team hunting), nonownership (no permanent Erikson spends more than eight pages outlining home, few personal possessions), and generosity

the nuances and variations of “the German Father”

(all must benefit from resources garnered by few).

and how Hitler’s portrayal of his own father both

Erikson demonstrates how these cultural modes

resonates with a German audience and also pro-

shape the expression of generativity in a number of

motes the intended narrative regarding the early

ways, including the actual birthing process, feed-

years of a great leader (himself). Erikson’s point

ing/nursing practices, toilet training, disciplining

is that culture and modes/images of fathering are

children, and the socialization of sexuality.

inseparable. This generative path—fathering—

Furthermore, he writes about the impact of

must be culturally situated.

the “generativity schism” (our term, not his) that

Likewise, in his analyses of the film portrayal

occurred when the US government began to force-

of Gorky’s youth, Erikson carefully and elaborately

fully implement socialization practices (e.g., child

describes the cultural setting, tracing the histori-

care, hygiene training, faith rituals, discipline) cal movements that lead to this particular time based on the cultural values of white Christian

in Russia. He repeatedly warns his US readers

bureaucrats. Generations of Native American that their embeddedness within their own culture children were the objects of two separate and con-makes it difficult to authentically understand this

tradictory forms of generativity: the traditional

particular intersection of time and place:

Native American mode that had been practiced

for generations and the very different generativ-

The Western observer at this point decides that the

ity coming from well-meaning but misguided

picture has less than a moral, that it is amoral. It

government officials. Erikson observes and writes

may be however, that the picture merely poses moral

about the ramifications of this schism without ever

alternatives quite different from those to which our

using the word generativity, yet the entire discus-

Judaeo-Christian world is committed. (p. 382)

sion addresses how two different cultural sets of

Again, the point being that the generative forces

values regarding the treatment of children merged

depicted as acting on young Gorky are resulting in

to form internal tensions in the Native Americans

a moral worldview of the main character that has

he observed.

a coherence and logic that can only be understood

In another section of the book, Erikson presents

if we take the time to fully appreciate the complex

two case studies that once again fuse culture and gen-

and foreign dynamics that define the culture in

erativity: one regarding Adolf Hitler (1889–1945)

which his life is situated.

and the other Maxim Gorky (1868–1936), the

In these and many other parts of Childhood

Russian writer and political activist. These are and Society, Erikson thinks and writes like a not psychobiographies proper, like Erikson’s mid-century anthropologist. Generativity, the book-length treatments of Martin Luther (1958)

intergenerational transmission of values and skills,

and Mahatma Gandhi (1969) that were to come

is conducted via institutions, rituals, practices, and

later, for these do not attempt to analyze the lives

habits that are to be understood via the culture

AuBin, BACh

655

of a people. This is in stark contrast to that brief

his other book-length psychobiography, Young

chapter 7 on the development of the ego through

Man Luther (1958), focused on “identity crisis,” it,

eight stages. Here, the focus is the individual and

too, provides detailed sketches of the culture that

the sequential acquisition of psychosocial virtues

shaped the sociohistorical background of Martin

over the life cycle. The goal is not to choose which

Luther’s (1483–1546) life—a life that must be con-

“read” of Erikson is correct—is generativity some-

sidered generative because it began the Protestant

thing that resides within the individual developing

Reformation and has impacted billions. As one

adult, or is it a collective phenomenon existing at

final example, Erikson dedicates an entire book,

the level of culture?—but to design ways of under-

Life History and the Historical Moment (1975), to

standing how generativity is both an individual

demonstrating the importance of contextualizing

and a cultural phenomenon. To employ a paint-

the analysis of individuals (including himself and

ing metaphor, one may concentrate on an object

Freud) within the larger sociohistorical culture.

in the foreground (individual level: development

In sum, Erikson, the man who generated the

of the ego, psychobiography, the generativity of

concept of generativity more than 60 years ago,

an adult), but this is only fully appreciated when

consistently grappled with the complex relation-

also seen as contextualized within the background

ship that it has with culture. Culture determines

(culture). Most US generativity scholars and virtu-

what is passed on from generation to generation

ally all textbook authors fail to acknowledge the

and culture shapes how generativity is performed.

cultural dynamics Erikson so painstakingly articu-

Furthermore, generativity—the intergenerational

lated. Any one of the hundreds of US textbooks

transmission of values and skills—is one key to

that cover Erikson focuses on the individual level

understanding the stability and the change in cul-

and reifies his writings as simply outlining the eight

ture over time because it is the vehicle by which

concrete steps of the life cycle.

culture perpetuates itself via the linking of succes-

It should not surprise us that Erikson is so

sive life cycles. Erikson’s writings on generativity

deeply concerned with the manner in which cul-

were indeed generative because these influenced

ture shapes individual development and function-

many scholars and practitioners, yet most have not

ing. This intellectual proclivity is closely tied to

continued in his mode of seeing the many nuanced

personal experiences. He often straddled two sepa-

connections between generativity and culture.

rate cultures in his life. He grew up in Germany

Instead, most have examined generativity as a

yet spent his adulthood in the United States. As

midlife developmental aspect of the individual. We

a boy, he moved daily from the Jewish culture

now turn to the work of those who have attempted

that his adoptive father established to his mostly

to build on Erikson in expanding and deepening

non-Jewish school. Born of a Scandinavian bio-

our understanding of generativity and culture.

logical father (Friedman, 1999), he was tall, thin,

blue-eyed, and blond—not a look that helped him

Generativity and Culture Since Erikson

blend in with the Jewish community of his adop-

In this selective review, we focus on the scholar-

tive father. Erikson (1975) writes about being ship that has intentionally included culture when exposed as an outsider in both his Jewish culture

addressing generativity. Furthermore, we sought

(called “Goy”) and that of his school (the “Jew”).

writings that would provide us insights regarding

Finally, as a professor who had not attended col-

effective methods to study generativity at both the

lege proper, Erikson never quite felt he fit into the

individual and the cultural level—appreciating

academic culture either, despite many prestigious

the interconnecting dynamics between these units

appointments (Friedman, 1999).

of analysis. This is a rather small portion of the

The salience of culture pervades Erikson’s other

larger collective work on generativity. The reader is

writings on generativity as well. His most elaborate

advised to see McAdams and Logan (2004) or de

treatment of the subject is Gandhi’s Truth (1969),

St. Aubin (2013) for more comprehensive reviews

the Pulitzer Prize (general nonfiction)-winning of studies that focus on generativity at the level of account of Mahatma Gandhi’s (1869–1948) gener-the individual adult and to examine de St. Aubin,

ative efforts to shape an entire nation. Again, great

McAdams, and Kim (2004) for a set of investiga-

attention is paid to the cultural (and cross-cultural

tions into generativity within society, culture, and

dynamics of Great Britain and India) background

social institutions.

as he demonstrates how one man’s generativity

The first book-length examination of genera-

served as a catalyst for cultural change. Although

tivity to build on Erikson’s publications was John

656

e x plor At ions in gener At i v it y A nd Cu lt ur e

Kotre’s (1984) Outliving the Self. Kotre presents a

narrative psychology as the way to examine gen-

taxonomy of types of generativity and then spends

erativity within various cultural contexts. And yet

the bulk of the book telling and interpreting par-

there are no cultural contexts included here other

ticular life stories in order to demonstrate how the

than that of the contemporary United States.

levels in the typology are manifested and interwo-

To see how we might examine generativity in

ven. Each of the four types of generativity—biolog-

a culture other than the United States, we turn

ical, parental, technical, cultural—has a specified

to a study that compared generativity as it exists

mode, and each has a particular intended target.

within two separate cultures (de St. Aubin, 2004).

Given the order listed here, the mode becomes

It began with a search for an emic approach to cul-

increasingly less concrete—from the passing of flu-

tural psychology that would allow for an investiga-

ids in biological generativity to the perpetuation

tion of generativity as it is manifested in current

of abstract symbol systems at the cultural level.

US and Japanese cultures. Emic designs are those

Furthermore, the target of generativity moves from

that frame concepts and dynamics from the per-

narrow (my child) to diffuse (future generations).

spective of the group being examined (Lett, 1996).

By explicitly laying out these levels within the life

They begin from within a culture. These differ sig-

story examples, Kotre is able to show how generativ-

nificantly from the more typical etic studies that

ity and culture are symbiotic—each requiring the

apply the models and measures of the investiga-

other to exist. At the technical level, for instance,

tors to individuals and groups from other cultures

the skills that are passed on to an apprentice (target)

(Lett, 1996). Several false assumptions underlie

are those that are of value within a specific culture.

the logic of such an approach. Most notable is the

And by transmitting these skills from generation to

idea of universality—that the meaning of a con-

generation, technical generativity helps perpetuate

cept is identical across cultures as is its measure-

that culturally relevant skill.

ment. Unfortunately, such studies are the most

A second major contribution is Kotre’s insistence

common of cross-cultural and multicultural work

that narrative, as both a phenomenon of study and

within research psychology today (Matsumoto &

as a method of inquiry, is the key to understanding

Juang, 2013).

the relation between generativity and culture:

It was decided to employ a technique that

John and Beatrice Whiting, along with colleague

In the case of generativity, the narrative method

Irving Child (Whiting & Child, 1953), introduced

turned out to be well suited to the research content.

60 years ago in their comparison of parenting

I found that stories were a natural vehicle for

practices among several cultures: the custom com-

carrying the meaning of life from one generation

plex. Shweder (see Shweder et al., 1998) has more

to the next, and I found that both stories and

recently discussed the advantages of this method.

generativity could be understood only in relation to

The idea is to begin with an issue that must be

an abiding culture. (1984, p. 267)

addresses by all cultures. Shweder uses sleeping

Noting that the strong individualism of US

arrangements as an example, but one can think

adults results in a belief that the truly liberated self

of many others: food preparation, reproductive

exists outside of and independent from culture,

behaviors, labor and delivery of offspring, treat-

Kotre’s examination of generativity ends with a

ment of recently deceased, and the like. Once the

strong counterposition:

custom has been chosen, the scholar creates a cus-

tom practice—detailing the particular behaviors

If there is a single impression I might leave with the

(what is performed, who is involved, where the

reader of this book it is this: there is no such thing

practice takes place) as these exist within a certain

as a culture-free self, and there is no way to outlive

culture. Once this custom practice is completed,

the self without the vehicle of culture. Whether

one builds a custom complex—this articulates the

one looks at the stories we tell about ourselves or

web of cultural values, beliefs, rules, sanctions, and

whether one looks at the marks we leave when we

symbols that are associated with the practice. Like

die, culture inevitably appears. (1984, p. 269)

grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), this is

In sum, one way to elucidate the reciprocal sym-

an approach that begins with a thick (Geertz, 1973)

biosis between generativity and culture is to listen

description based on particular observations and

to narratives. The book outlines several ways in

allows for culture-level analysis to emerge from it.

which generativity and culture are connected (inter-

It is an emic process in that the starting point is

locking of the generative types), and it promotes

within the culture itself (custom practice), not the

AuBin, BACh

657

assumptions or proclivities of the researcher and

and values of a collective, and these translate to

her discipline.

culture-based ways of being generative. Amae,

The two generativity-centered custom practices

which “refers to the indulged child’s presumption

chosen for the US–Japan comparison were the and dependence on mother’s benevolence” (de St.

caring for young children and the mentoring of

Aubin, 2004; p. 68), is the quintessentially Japanese

artistic talent. After elaborate descriptions of these

blend of succorance, obedience, filial piety, manip-

generativity practices as performed in two separate

ulation, and dependence. It was first introduced to

cultures, de St. Aubin worked inductively to con-

Western readers as a “basking in another’s indul-

nect the dots from the particular (custom practice)

gence” (Doi, 1962, p. 8). It helps us understand a

to the general (custom complex: culture). Many

unique quality of Japanese generativity. Mothers

of these connecting lines require descriptions of

in Japan care for the next generation in a way that

how historical, geographic, geologic, political, and

discourages the child’s exploration, minimizes the

institutional realities of a particular culture shape

mother’s expression of negative emotions (anger,

its generative modes. This provided a structure

disappointment, frustration), and encourages con-

by which to discuss many of the meaningful ana-

tinued reliance (of child on mother). Mother–child

lytical points made by Erikson (1950) in his more

amae, the ideal in Japan, looks like insecure ambiv-

fluid presentation of generativity and culture. For

alent attachment to US psychologists (Rothbaum,

instance, just as Erikson traces the geographic/

Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weisz, 2000). Again,

geologic conditions of the two Native American

culture and generativity are inseparable and emic

tribes to cultural modes that impact generativity,

modes of inquiry elucidate this reality.

de St. Aubin (2004) demonstrates how the popula-

The methods lesson learned here is to begin from

tion stability and density of Japan (population of

within the culture. The move from the two genera-

128 million with 337 people per square kilometer)

tivity custom practices (parenting young children

results in a generativity quite different from that

and mentoring artistic talent) to custom complexes

of the open United States (315 million with 33 per

provided a comparative analysis of Japanese and

square kilometer), which also experienced major

US generativity. What it does not allow for is the

waves of population movement. The Japanese con-

quantification of generativity or an examination

text includes a communal form of rearing children

of generativity at the level of the individual (as a

(Kakinuma, 1993). Mothers are in close proxim-

psychosocial virtue) as this is contextualized by

ity to their own mothers. A mother in the United

culture. Two cross-cultural studies of generativity

States, with its history of migration (e.g., the East to

have employed measures of generativity to adults

West frontier settlement; the rural South to urban

from separate cultures.

North movement of many African Americans) and

Penezić and colleagues (2008) sampled more

immigration, was much less likely to be rearing

than 900 adults from Slovenia and Croatia as a

children near to her own mother.

cross-cultural test of a model of generativity pro-

de St. Aubin continues by providing evidence

posed in the early 1990s (McAdams & de St.

that the generativity custom of parenting was more

Aubin, 1992). The authors predicted that adults

communal in Japan and that US mothers, because

in the two cultures would present separate genera-

of their lack of proximity to other like-minded

tivity profiles because Slovenia has moved faster

mothers, were more likely to consult parenting

than Croatia since their inception (breakup of

experts via books and magazines. Culture and Yugoslavia, 1991–1992) toward the cultural ideals generativity are linked, as Erikson suggests, and

of freedom, growth, development, and progress of

the emic process of building custom complexes

the individual and society. The two variables exam-

from generative practices allows us to capture this

ined are generative action and generative concern,

dynamic in different cultures.

both of which are facets of the model being tested.

As another example, consider how Erikson Measures of these components of generativity have (1950) carefully anatomized the shared German

been developed (McAdams & de St. Aubin, 1992)

“image” of the father and its association with and widely used with US adults (de St. Aubin, generativity in that culture. Likewise, a powerful

2013): the 20-item Loyola Generativity Scale

Japanese cultural image— amae—was evoked in

(LGS) quantifies concern and the Generativity

the process of building a custom complex from the

Behavioral Checklist (GBC) captures action.

generativity practice of caring for young children.

Employing culturally appropriate measures is key

Such cultural images speak to the shared visions

to investigations such as this. For this cross-cultural

658

e x plor At ions in gener At i v it y A nd Cu lt ur e

study, Penezić and colleagues decided to remove

in parenting in Slovenia since the transition from

three items from the LGS (these mentioned vol-

Yugoslavia, where the focus has always been “love

untary work for charity, caring for the homeless,

and care of one’s children” (p. 246). But in Croatia,

and adopting children) based on factor analyses

the major increase in the salience of the church

of each group separately and combined. They alter

(39% of the population reported as “believers” in

the GBC more dramatically, changing the response

1989 increased to 75% in 1996) and its political

scale, removing all but 11 of the original items and

propaganda regarding parenting as functional—

adding nine additional items. Although the logic

“to increase the birthrate, to stimulate demo-

of this transformation makes sense—“Since the

graphic renewal, and to fulfill one’s national duty”

checklist originated from North-American culture,

(p. 246)—makes it such that parenting is no lon-

we added some new items that are more specific

ger associated with generative action. Again, cul-

for the cultures in question” (p. 241)—the reader is

tural forces, such as state-implemented propaganda

simply told that the researchers generated the nine

regarding the meaning and function of religion

items, without further explanation of the process

and parenting, influence the manner in which gen-

and without including the actual items.

erativity is enacted.

The results show that the groups do not score

That cross-cultural differences were found

significantly differently on generative action but

is all the more striking when one considers the

that, counter to the predictions stated, the Croatian

similarity between Slovenia and Croatia, which

group scored higher on generative concern than

share a border and were both part of the same

the Slovenians. The authors tell us that this “can be

country just one generation ago. To look at an

interpreted as a consequence of the ravages of war

individual-level-measures cross-cultural study of

as well as postwar criminal and corruptive actions.

generativity that includes quite distinct cultures, we

Due to these life circumstances many Croatian

turn to an examination of Cameroon, Costa Rica,

people are very anxious about their personal mate-

and Germany (Hofer, Busch, Chasiotis, Kartner, &

rial and cultural standing in contrast to Slovenian

Campos, 2008). Here, the authors apply structural

citizens, and more anxious about the future of

equation modeling to what they consider to be the

younger generations” (p. 243). In sum, differ-

three intrapersonal components of the model ( Inner

ences in generativity, as quantified at the level of

Desire [motivation] leads to a generative Concern

the individual but then aggregated into two groups

[disposition], which leads to Commitment [goals]),

representing separate cultures, have their source

and they include an additional path from concern

in dynamics regarding cultural-level phenomenon

to subjective well-being because this association has

such as war, crime, and corruption.

been consistently demonstrated in past research (de

Regression analyses show that significant pre-

St. Aubin, 2013). The logic is to test whether this

dictors of generative action for the Croatians path structure is replicated in all three very differ-include generative concern, communal goals, and

ent cultures—to see if there is a universality to the

the importance of free time. For the Slovenians,

“intrapsychic structure of generativity” (p. 6). Such

generative action is best predicted by generative

an investigation is unique and needed because it

concern and communal goals, as well as by agen-

examines how culture might influence the interre-

tic goals and the importance of being a parent.

latedness of various facets of generativity.

These results lead the authors to make a number

There are also predictions regarding culture-

of speculations regarding culture and generativ-

group-mean comparisons of the generativity motiva-

ity. For example, Slovenian generativity appears to

tions, dispositions, and goals. The rationale for these

be closer to US generativity because the model—

predictions are rather blunt, lacking any detailed

designed by and tested on US adults—suggests a

articulation of culture-specific dynamics that may

blend of agentic and communal inner desires that

result in differences in generativity when individual

compel one toward generative action (both agentic

scores are aggregated. They rely on the well-known

and communal goals predicted Slovenian genera-

dimension of individualism-collectivism and

tivity, whereas only communal goals were signifi-

state that Cameroonians should score highest on

cant for Croatian generativity).

measures of generativity, because this is the most

Another interpretation regards the finding collectivist culture, and that the German group, that the importance of parenting is meaning-with its Western individualism, should score low-

fully related to generative action in Slovenia but

est. Costa Rica is expected to fall somewhere in

not in Croatia. There has been no cultural shift

between those two. The actual findings here are

AuBin, BACh

659

that the Cameroonian adults, as a group, score

there is no reflection about how generative concern

significantly higher than the Germans on genera-

may be manifested in other cultures in a way that is

tive inner desire, concern, and commitment. The

not captured in the LGS items. The measure can be

Costa Ricans score higher than the Germans on

reduced but not expanded. A more emic approach

generative inner desire and concern. Thus, there

would start from within the cultures being stud-

was partial to strong support for the predictions

ied to see how generative concern exists in those

regarding culture-group differences in the means

realities.

of generativity measures. Such group comparisons

Although Kotre (1984) and de St. Aubin (2004)

in the magnitude of generativity are an important

have much to offer in their theoretical contribu-

first step to cross-cultural psychology.

tions, the inclusion of quantitative psychology

But this study goes beyond that to see whether

in these more recent studies greatly expands the

the internal mechanisms by which generative desires

potential to tease apart important elements within

lead to generative concern and then to generative

and between generativity and culture. Starting

goals and well-being are the same across cultures.

with the simple evaluation of differences between

Hofer and colleagues conclude that, with small to

cultures by comparing means, the use of measures

medium effect sizes, the three cultures produce

also allows for testing the dynamics that link gen-

models of such interconnectivity that can be con-

erativity facets to each other and to a wider array

sidered identical. In sum, levels of generativity,

of psychosocial correlates. This operates at both

when aggregated, vary by culture, but the internal

cross-cultural and intracultural levels.

dynamics may not.

The research reviewed in this section can be

Hofer’s research group takes great pains to make

abstracted and summed to four basic methods

sure the measures are appropriate for cultural com-

lessons for those designing studies of generativity

parison. To use the measure of generative concern

and culture. We start our next section with these

as an example, they begin with the English version

four lessons and then add three further criteria

of the LGS, same as those who studied the former

that should guide further scholarship that attempts

Yugoslavian countries. The LGS was translated to understand the manifestation of generativity and back-translated into Spanish and German for

within a cultural context.

the relevant groups. To then test for measurement

invariance so that the latent variables in the model

Guiding Principles for Generativity

are acceptable psychometrically, an exploratory Scholarship that Captures

factor analysis was first conducted. Five of the 20

the Salience of Culture

items were found to have inadequate factor load-

The first lesson learned from this literature

ings in one or more cultural group and so were

review is to be alert to the many interlocking

dropped. Multiple confirmatory factor analysis was

levels and different hues of generativity. As men-

then performed on the reduced LGS to test both

tioned, Kotre (1984, 2004) does this quite well,

the measurement model and the structural model

demonstrating the interrelatedness of the four

(Satisfaction with Life Scale was included for this

levels of generativity as these exist within specific

step). Nested model comparisons demonstrated sociohistorical contexts. Another good example that measurement equivalence can be assumed and

is the work of Italian scholar Elena Marta, who

that the LGS may be used to compare the three

has focused her attention on “family generativ-

groups on generative concern and as a facet within

ity” as it is co-created by the two generations in a

the models being tested.

home (parents and children). Noting the increas-

Although the authors are to be applauded for

ingly extended phase of offspring dependency

taking such efforts to establish what they (and

during emerging adulthood in Italy, Marta and

others: see Van de Vijver & Leung, 1997) con-

colleagues have demonstrated that the quality of

sider cross-cultural measurement equivalence, family generativity strongly predicts the success-this approach appears more etic than emic—and

ful resolution of separation-individuation (Marta,

rather ethnocentric. It assumes that a measure of

Lanz, & Tagliabue, 2012.) Unlike US emerging

individual differences in generative concern that

adulthood (Arnett, 2000), wherein those between

was constructed and validated on US adults (the

the ages of 19 and 28 are living separately from

LGS) is the ideal starting point for quantifying

parents yet are still dependent psychosocially and,

generative concern in any and all other cultures.

in part, financially, emerging adults of the same

The procedure allows for the removal of items, but

age in Italy are most likely to be living in the same

660

e x plor At ions in gener At i v it y A nd Cu lt ur e

home as their parents. This, according to Marta,

tell are culturally contextualized so that by listening

calls for a certain type of family generativity that

closely for generativity themes in stories—whether

strikes the balance between providing for one’s

they are the individual life stories an adult tells of

children and still allowing them to move toward

his or her reconstructed past, perceived present,

independence. Being mindful of the potential for

and anticipated future or the collective stories evi-

various levels of generativity and being aware of

denced in varied venues such as children’s books,

the Italian cultural context has allowed this group

treasured myths, or media tropes—we gain insight

of researchers to advance our understanding of

into generativity in a culturally sensitive manner.

generativity.

McAdams’s (1984; 2001; 2006) advancement of

A second lesson is to follow an emic design,

generativity scholarship focuses on the former—

which means to begin from within the culture of

individual life stories—and Erikson’s elucidates the

interest and to check one’s personal, disciplinary,

later— collective stories—in his analysis of genera-

and cultural assumptions. As our example at the

tivity via the narratives in the Mein Kampf book

beginning of this chapter demonstrates, deeply and The Childhood of Maxim Gorky film.

rooted assumptions about the nature of a develop-

Kotre (1984, 2004) has connected generativity,

mental phenomenon such as generativity, even for

culture, and narrative with both individual and

those who have vigorously studied the concept—

collective stories. He notes that highly generative

perhaps especially for those folks—are often mis-

cultures, such as the Puritans who landed and

leading or irrelevant for a specific cultural context.

settled in New England beginning in the 1630s,

Like repetitive behavioral habits, these unchecked

maintain five types of stories that are infused with

assumptions have the effect of limiting possibilities.

generative meaning: epic, origin myth, story of

By following an emic design, one remains open

real life, parable, and the cautionary tale. Kotre

to having these assumptions altered or shattered.

finds that less generative cultures, such as the

This, in turn, may lead to important insights that

Virginians who landed some 500 miles south at

advance scholarship.

roughly the same time, also sustain these types of

Further, emic designs empower both those narratives, but they are thin or void of generative being investigated and the culture within which

content.

they exist while they simultaneously de-emphasize

Narrative modes of inquiry are emic and have

the a priori models and speculations of the inves-

the potential to compel culturally significant

tigator. Just as Erikson (1950) made first-hand nuances to emerge. But this approach requires a observations of the Sioux and Yurok cultures, we

certain openness, as Andrews (2007) noted:

must start with the socially contextualized words

and behaviors of the people we wish to understand.

I wish to argue that cross-cultural narrative research

The custom complex discussed earlier is one tech-

is predicated on narrative imagination … if we wish

nique that achieves an emic mode. Another ideal

to access the frameworks of meaning for others, we

emic approach is the grounded theory method

must be willing and able to imagine a world other

initially championed by Glaser and Strauss (1967)

than the one we know. (p. 489)

because it allows meaning to emerge from that

To grasp the meaning and subtleties of genera-

which is located within the individual or culture

tivity in a culture other than one’s own, it is best

being examined. Description comes before analy-

to start with stories, and to do so with an open

sis. Theory is derived inductively from the bottom

mind. Although narrative helps capture the poten-

up. This will advance our understanding of gen-

tially distinctive meaning of generativity within a

erativity. Rather than assume that generativity is

particular culture, scholars must also continue to

a force existing in various magnitudes within each

find tools that allow for systematic ways to com-

adult, the researcher must remain open to radically

pare generativity across cultures. And so the fourth

different ideas, so that generativity may also be

lesson learned is to include measures of individual

perceived as a force flowing between generations,

differences in the various components of generativ-

one that embodies individual adults in qualitatively

ity. We do not advocate that this be done in iso-

different ways.

lation from the other techniques being discussed,

A third message is that narrative approaches are

but administering such measures to adults from

an ideal avenue by which to investigate this area of

separate cultures is one important path toward

study. The telling of stories is a universally human

examining cultural similarities and differences in

experience (Bruner, 1991). And the stories humans

generativity.

AuBin, BACh

661

To date, the most widely used assessment of

studied as a collective, was comprised of X% of

individual differences in generativity is the LGS,

Mexicans, X% of Puerto Ricans, X% of Cuban,

a 20-item self-report measure that was designed to

and so on. Refusing to replicate this disconnect

quantify the generative concern facet of McAdams

between culture theory and method, we choose to

and de St. Aubin’s (1992) model. As useful as

study only those individuals living in the United

this measure has been in generativity research, it

States who were either born in Mexico or have a

must never be forgotten that it was designed for

parent who was.

and developed with samples of US adults. Simply

The second trend was that most fell into the

back-translating it into another language is insuf-

“deficit-model” stack in that these focused on what

ficient because this fails to capture authentic was wrong with these populations: school drop-out cultural equivalency. The prevailing method of rates, alcoholism, poverty, and other ills. Ours is a achieving cultural equivalence in a measure (Van

strengths-based approach in that our core variable

de Vijver & Leung, 1997), followed by Hofer et.

of interest—generativity—is seen as the hallmark

al (2008) in their cross-cultural study of genera-

of a healthy midlife adult. It is a psychosocial vir-

tivity, begins with a measure from culture A, such

tue. Mexican Americans are one of the most stig-

as the LGS, and then eliminates particular items

matized and oppressed groups in the United States,

based on factor analytic work when the measure

yet many are thriving. It would behoove us to

is administered to participants in culture B. This

examine the strengths of this community to learn

privileges culture A in that this is the starting point

more about resiliency factors.

of the process. There is no inclusion of items that

This literature also revealed the values inher-

were originally constructed from within culture

ent in Mexican-American culture that are relevant

B. This void precludes an emic mode. To rectify

to explorations of generativity. Three of the most

that, items designed to assess generativity should

salient include family, faith, and personalism.

be generated from both culture A and B before

Mexican culture places great importance on main-

applying the factor analysis procedures commonly

taining a close connection and relationship within

used. Furthermore, the resulting factor analytic

la familia (Bean, Perry, & Bedell, 2001). Falicov

work should be conducted on a combined sample

(2005) refers to the extended family in particular

that includes adults from both cultures. We know

as “the basic social unit” (p. 231). The individual

of no study that has done this and yet such a pro-

relies on loyalty, reciprocity, and solidarity among

cess would assure a (bi)culturally relevant measure

members of the family and views the family as a

of individual differences in generativity—and this

source of support, strength, and inspiration (Marín

would do much to advance scholarship in this area.

& Marín, 1991). Marín and Marín (1991) and

Two of the remaining three principles are inter-

Comas-Diaz (2006) argued that Mexicans’ prefer-

twined: train your research team in intercultural

ence for a strong familial orientation is the basis for

competence, and immerse yourself in the culture of

the prevailing collectivism of the culture (Bean et

interest. These may seem obvious, but reference to

al., 2001; Garcia-Preto, 1996 [2005]), with its val-

a new study of ours exploring Mexican-American

ues of interdependence, cohesiveness, cooperation,

generativity may help to demonstrate how these

and obligation to provide material and emotional

have shaped our investigation into generativity support to others. Like the “family generativity”

and culture. As we began to read widely in the

mentioned earlier in the Italian study (Marta et al.,

psychological literature that addresses Mexican 2012), deep appreciation for a specific culture may Americans, two unfortunate tendencies became change even the level of analysis. The salience of obvious. First, the vast majority of studies were not

family in Mexican-American culture may neces-

of Mexican Americans per se, but of US Hispanics

sitate a shift in our conceptual framing of where

in general. Almost all authors make statements

generativity resides. Rather than existing in the

toward the beginnings of their manuscripts that

midlife adult, it may be better to look for it within

the several distinct ethnic groups that collectively

the family unit or as a psychosocial space between

comprise the Hispanic population are unique family members.

and do not necessarily share important cultural

The religious life of Mexican Americans may be

realities such as religion, region of origin, gender

shifting in terms of the reduced percentage of that

power dynamics, and the like, But then, as if the

population reporting to be Catholic (Hunt, 2012),

significance of this truth did not exist, we find in

but the faith-based notion of fatalismo remains

the methods section that the sample, which was

ubiquitous (Neff & Hoppe, 1993). This is the belief,

662

e x plor At ions in gener At i v it y A nd Cu lt ur e

a form of fatalism, that a divine providence governs

crucial if sampling is to be successful because there

the world and that an individual cannot control

are barriers to sampling within this population

or prevent adversity. Therefore, the expression, “si

(Haak, Gerdes, Cruz, & Schneider, 2012) that can

dios quiere” (“God willing”), is often expressed in

only be surmounted via intercultural competency

everyday conversation and punctuates the common

or interpersonal connections (the personalism

valediction “le veo mas tarde, si dios quiere” (“I’ll see

referred to earlier).

you later, if God wills it to be so”). Some see this as

The final point is the notion that generativity

an adaptive response to the uncontrollable life situ-

shapes culture just as much as culture shapes the

ations that many Mexicans experience within US

expression of generativity within the individual.

society (Neff & Hoppe, 1993). This belief suggests

One truism of cultures is that they change. And

that an individual may feel a sense of vulnerabil-

a key dynamic in the development of a culture is

ity and lack of personal control over what might

generativity because it includes both that which is

happen and perceives little responsibility for the

maintained from one generation to the next, but

occurrences in his or her life. It is a kind of blend

also that which is modified and/or created to be

of humility and passivity that would surely impact

passed on to future generations. Japanese scholar

the expression of generativity. These readings alert

Takatoshi Imada (2004) has written explicitly

us to be mindful of the possibility that the agentic,

about how generativity is implicated in the evolu-

self-determining, and self-promoting generativity

tion of culture. Combining Mannheim’s theory of

we see in Caucasian midlife US adults may be rare

generation with Erikson’s life cycle model, Imada

in Mexican Americans. It may also be that faith is

demonstrates that generativity processes are the

more likely to play an explicit role in generativity

foundation to how and why culture is both main-

within this culture.

tained and transformed over time.

Personalism ( personalismo), the third cultural

Examining generativity as a force in cul-

value likely to shape Mexican-American generativ-

tural change in our study of Mexican Americans

ity, is a preference for understanding and dealing

resulted in an appreciation for the importance of

with organizations and individuals through the

grasping the acculturation process (Espenshade &

formation of personal relationships based on a con-

Hempstead, 1996). A significant element of the

genial and personal manner, rather than adherence

Mexican-American experience is the varying

to an impersonal and businesslike system of rules

levels of acculturation experienced by individu-

and hierarchies (Marín & Marín, 1991). These

als and subgroups (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).

relationships are guided by the trust ( confianza)

Acculturation of immigrants is the ongoing process

and rapport that is established with others and are

by which an individual or group (1) incorporates

characterized by expressions of warmth, friend-

the life patterns of the host country and (2) modi-

liness, and the sharing of personal information

fies the existence of patterns inherent in one’s native

(Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper,

culture. This can be a stressful process (Organista,

2002). One might expect that generativity is rather

Organista, & Kurasaki, 2003), but the relation

interpersonal and intimate in this culture, more

between levels of acculturation and mental health

likely to be enacted person-to-person than, say, by

are unclear. Some report more acculturation to be

the donation of money to a charitable organization

related to higher well-being (Bean et al., 2001);

one has never seen.

others see a mixed relationship between accultura-

Research such as this, that captures the values

tion and mental health symptomatology (Cuellar,

and modes of a culture, must be read and discussed

Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995). It is important to

by the research team who will be conducting the

keep in mind which generational wave of immigra-

study. Readings on intercultural competency tion a research participant belongs to when assess-

(Byram, 2003) are also suggested because this will

ing the impact of acculturation because some have

prove instrumental in sample recruitment and in

reported a curvilinear relationship such that the

later interpretation of data. Although the principle

first (born in Mexico; residing in the United States)

investigator of our study does not speak Spanish

and third (grandparent born on Mexico; residing in

and has had little past engagement with the United States) generations have the highest mental Mexican-American community, all other members

illness rates. And some second-generation Mexican

of the team we have assembled are fluent in Spanish

Americans (parents born in Mexico) experience

and are either Hispanic themselves or have worked

dissonant acculturation. This occurs when a child

in the community for a number of years. This is

acquires cultural capital before the parent does,

AuBin, BACh

663

thereby upsetting parental roles and empowering

Bean, R., Perry, B., & Bedell, T. (2001). Developing cultur-

the child, giving him or her a more adult role at a

ally competent marriage and family therapists: Guidelines

young age (Cuellar et al., 1995).

for working with Hispanic families. Journal of Marital and

Family Therapy, 27(1), 43–54.

Acculturation, generativity, and cultural Bruner, J. (1991). The narrative construction of reality. Critical change are interrelated in this sample of Mexican

Inquiry, 18, 1–21.

Americans. The migration from Mexico to the

Byram, M. (2003). Intercultural competence. Strasbourg,

United States may be considered an act of gener-

France: Council of Europe Publishing.

ativity because the move is most often explained

Comas-Diaz, L. (2006). Latino healing: The integration of eth-

nic psychology into psychotherapy. Psychotherapy: Theory,

as an attempt to make life better for one’s chil-

Research, Practice, Training, 43(4), 436–453.

dren. Once here in the States, acculturation—

Cuellar, I., Arnold, B., & Maldonado, R. (1995). Acculturation

attempts to both assimilate and to maintain

scale for Mexican Americans II: A revision of the original

Mexican culture—shapes the generative process

ARMSA scale. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences,

from one generation to the next, and this, in

17(3), 275–304.

de St. Aubin, E. (2004). The propagation of genes and

turn, transforms the Mexican-American culture.

memes: Generativity through culture in Japan and the

United States. In E. de St. Aubin, D. McAdams, & T. C.

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Kim (Eds.), The generative society: Caring for future genera-

of Generativity and Culture

tions (pp. 63–82). Washington, DC: APA Press.

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an attribute of the individual adult. But it is also

in life: Classical perspectives, emerging themes, and controver-

a cultural phenomenon because the culture in

sies (pp. 241–255). New York: Springer.

which one is embedded determines what is valu-

de St. Aubin, E., McAdams, D. P., & Kim, T. C. (2004). The

able enough to pass on, and culture determines

generative society: Caring for future generations. Washington,

the manner in which generativity is enacted.

DC: American Psychological Association.

Doi, T. (1962). Amae: A key concept for understanding Japanese

Furthermore, culture itself is altered and/or perpet-

personality structure. In J. Smith & R. K. Beardsley

uated via generativity as one generation socializes

(Eds.), Publications in anthropology (pp. 132–139).

the next and responds to its needs. As this body

New York: Viking Fund Publications.

of research develops, we encourage scholars to seek

Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: Norton.

answers to a number of significant questions that

Erikson, E. H. (1958). Young man Luther. A study in psycho-

analysis and history. New York: Norton.

remain unanswered: what about those values that

Erikson, E. H. (1969). Gandhi’s truth: On the origin of militant

are passed on via generativity that are damaging

nonviolence. New York: Norton.

to a culture (racism, heterosexism, etc.)? To what

Erikson, E. H. (1975). Life history and the historical moment.

extent is globalization impacting the generativity–

New York: Norton.

culture connection? Does generativity shift in some

Espenshade, T., & Hempstead, K. (1996). Contemporary

American attitudes toward U.S. immigration. International

cultures to accommodate rapid changes in technol-

Migration Review, 30(2), 535–570.

ogy that render particular skills of an older genera-

Falicov, C. J. (2005). Mexican families. In M. McGoldrick, J.

tion obsolete? What of intracultural examinations

Giordano, & N. Garcia-Preto (Eds.), Ethnicity and family

of generativity? Do stigmatized groups (ethnic and/

therapy. (pp. 229–242). New York: Guilford.

or sexual minorities) feel as compelled to contribute

Friedman, L. J. (1999). Identity’s architect: A biography of Erik

H. Erikson (pp. 1–592). New York: Scribner.

to future generations as do mainstream members

Garcia-Preto, N. (1996), [2005]. Latino families. In M.

of culture?

McGoldrick, J. Giordano, & N. Garcia- Preto (Eds.),

Ethnicity and family therapy. New York: Guilford.

Note

Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures (pp. 5).

1 Erikson added a brief discussion of these psychosocial vir-

New York: Basic Books.

tues in the second (1963) edition of Childhood and Society.

Glaser, B. G., & Strauss, A. L. (1967). The discovery of grounded

They do not appear in the 1950 version.

theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine.

Haak, L. M., Gerdes, A. C., Cruz, B., & Schneider, B. W.

(2012). Culturally-modified recruitment strategies for

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C H A P T E R

Adult Development in Japan

41 and the United States: Comparing

Theories and Findings About Growth,

Maturity, and Well-Being

Carol Ryff, Jennifer Morozink Boylan, Christopher L. Coe, Mayumi Karasawa,

Norito Kawakami, Shinobu Kitayama, Chiemi Kan, Gayle D. Love, Cynthia Levine,

Hazel R. Markus, Yuri Miyamoto, Jun Nakahara, and Jiyoung Park

Abstract

This chapter examines early conceptual formulations of adult development in the U.S. and contrasts them with notably different conceptions of aging in Japan. Empirical research in both cultural contexts points to evidence of psychological change in personality traits, wel -being, and affect with aging in the U.S., whereas Japanese studies have linked the wel -being of older persons to life roles and activities as well as examined the concept of ikigai (what makes life worthy).Gender differences are an emerging part of the story, especial y in Japan. The authors delineate multiple avenues for future research to broaden the scope of scientific inquiries on adult development and aging in Japan as well as promote greater exchange between cultural psychologists and adult developmentalists. More work is also cal ed for to link adult developmental changes to health and to examine historical changes in experiences of aging.

Key Words: adult development, successful aging, roleless role, filial piety, ikigai, personality, wel -being, affect, health, history

During my first visit to New York as a young

also on how one is brought up and what are

foreign student, I went with my friend to a

the messages from the surrounding culture.

cozy restaurant on the Upper East Side. It

Independence or control may be the most

was a small, family-like place with good food.

prominent things in the American context,

In the corner of the restaurant I saw an old

but not for those in Japan.

lady seated by herself. She was nicely made

—Mayumi Karasawa

up with a fine suit, well-cared for grey hair,

and matching nails and lipstick. But, I felt

The aim of this chapter is to review formula-

sorry for her. I said to my friend, “Do you

tions of adult development in two different cultural

see that graceful lady eating dinner by her-

contexts, with a focus on how personal growth in

self? I feel very sorry that she does not have

the second half of life is theoretically conceptual-

family with whom to share her nice meal. It

ized and empirically investigated. We begin with a

seems so lonely …” Before we finished eat-

brief review of theories of adult development gen-

ing, my friend responded to me, “You are

erated over the past 50 years in US and European

unfair. I think she has a nice life; she is rich

contexts. These formulations describe psychologi-

and can go to nice restaurants and dress well.

cal and social changes thought to normally occur

She is healthy enough to come by herself. Do

across the decades of adult life. Such perspectives

not tell me that she is lonely and sad.” Her

are contrasted with how adult life in general and

voice sounded almost upset. I was beginning

aging in particular have been construed in philo-

to learn that the way a person becomes happy

sophical and religious traditions in Japan. This

not only depends on personal qualities but

juxtaposition highlights cultural differences in

666

the meanings attributed to old age and the soci-

overarching question in such inquiry is whether

etal responsibilities typically assigned to midlife.

there are cultural differences in those psychological

A background theme is whether adulthood and

aspects of adult development that are most condu-

old age are construed positively and honorifically

cive to healthy aging.

or negatively and as problematic for the individual

and for society.

Conceptual Formulations

We then provide a distilled summary of and Cultural Contexts

empirical evidence, first focused on findings from

Adult Development in the United States

U.S. studies and then contrasted with emerging

Early Western formulations of adult develop-

empirical work on adult development and aging in

ment can be traced to numerous sources (see Ryff,

Japan. The Western research documents a diverse

1985), including Erikson’s (1959) psychosocial

story, showing evidence of psychological growth

stage model, Bühler’s basic life tendencies that

and development in certain areas, while docu-

contribute to fulfillment in life (Bühler, 1935;

menting psychological decline and losses in others.

Bühler & Massarik, 1968), and Neugarten’s (1968;

Because the study of adulthood and later life is rela-

1973) description of the executive processes of

tively new in Japan, fewer studies are summarized,

personality in the middle years and the process of

although we do report new results from representa-

interiority in old age. Across these endeavors, the

tive samples of Japanese adults who are compared

objective was to formulate the challenges and pos-

to representative samples of U.S. adults. The psy-

sibilities for growth that occur in middle and later

chological constructs examined are derived largely

adulthood. For example, Erikson’s middle-aged

from Western developmental theories. Nonetheless,

stage of generativity versus stagnation involved

the findings document cultural similarities as well

moving beyond the self-directed concerns of estab-

as differences in age patterns. Japanese results fur-

lishing one’s identity in adolescence or the interper-

ther underscore variation by gender. Overall, the

sonal needs of finding intimacy in early adulthood

evidence, based on cross-sectional data, suggests

to a middle-aged phase in which one is concerned

psychological gains and losses with aging in both

with establishing and guiding the next generation.

cultural contexts.

In old age, these concerns are replaced by the need

Our final section addresses needed future direc-

to find meaning in one’s life, resolve past conflicts,

tions in the study of culture, adult development,

and gain a sense of acceptance about what occurred

and aging. Particularly important are longitu-

in earlier decades (i.e., Erikson’s stage of integrity

dinal studies, which are essential to resolve the

vs. despair). Similarly, Jung’s formulation of the

inherent confounding of cohort and age effects in

individuation process included a turning inward in

cross-sectional research. Another promising venue

the later years to illuminate the self (Jung, 1933;

for future inquiry is to bring a developmental per-

von Franz, 1964).

spective to many of the questions and constructs

Empirical indicators were largely missing from

of interest in cultural psychology. For example,

these formulations, which explains why they had

what are the life course trajectories associated with

little presence in early scientific investigations such

an independent model of personhood compared

as the Kansas City Studies of Adult Life (Williams

to an interdependent model of personhood? Do

& Wirths, 1965), initiated by a group of scholars

these models become more, or less, salient influ-

at the University of Chicago. Interestingly, these

ences on behavior and self-evaluation as individu-

researchers wanted to study personal and social

als grow older? We also call for greater research

adjustment in old age (Burgess, 1960), but they

on inequalities in adult development within each

recognized that their endeavor reflected aging in

cultural context—that is, whether opportunities

Western societies. This early awareness of possible

for personal growth and realization of potential

cultural differences in how adulthood and aging

disproportionately accrue to advantaged (by educa-

unfold was, however, lost in most subsequent stud-

tion and income) segments of society. We conclude

ies. With regard to empirical indicators of “suc-

with a call to link studies of adult development to

cessful aging,” the leading measure in the Kansas

research on adult health. Of interest is whether psy-

City Studies was life satisfaction (Neugarten,

chosocial profiles of growth and well-being trans-

Havighurst, & Tobin, 1961), although the con-

late to healthy regulation of diverse physiological

struct was not well formulated theoretically and

systems with aging and, thereby, to reduction in

lacked psychometric evaluation. Nonetheless,

risk for disease, disability, and dysfunction. A key

extensive research generated in the 1960s and

ry ff et A l.

667

1970s used assessments of life satisfaction (see way in which young children are reared encour-Cutler, 1979; Larson, 1978).

ages obedience, filial piety, and dependence on

During the same period, a notably negative the mother, as described in the chapter by de St.

portrayal of aging emerged in U.S. social geron-

Aubin and Bach (this volume). Their chapter fur-

tology, largely from the discipline of sociology. ther highlights that U.S. and Japanese formula-Rosow’s (1974) formulation of later life socializa-

tions of generativity meaningfully differ. Whereas

tion described old age as a “roleless role”—a time in

U.S. researchers have quantified individual differ-

which individuals are unclear about their functions

ences in levels of generativity, this venture was seen

and place in society. Kuypers and Bengtson (1973)

as foolish by the Japanese, who instead saw mean-

went further—they formulated the “social break-

ing among the qualitative differences in generativ-

down syndrome,” which involved pernicious pro-

ity across adults.

cesses whereby lack of meaningful roles, diminished

The meaning of maturity in Japan, especially

normative guidance, and limited reference groups

social maturity, has also been extensively exam-

precipitate negative self-attitudes among the elderly

ined (Menon, 2001; and chapter in this volume)

and, ultimately, an internalized sense of reduced

with emphasis given not only to old age, but also

competence. Two decades later, Riley, Kahn, and

to the middle years of adulthood (Lock, 1998;

Foner (1994) continued the negative portrayal via the

Plath, 1975). All phases of adult life tend to be

“structural lag” problem, which depicted American

construed as continuing opportunities for personal

institutions as failing to keep up with the added

improvement; that is, as a “time of becoming, not

years of life that many American were experiencing.

being” (Rohlen, 1978, p. 132). Aging across these

Like its sociological predecessors, this perspective

various periods is seen as a natural process that

underscored the dearth of meaningful opportunities

involves submitting oneself to nature and natural

for life engagement of older Americans in realms of

changes. All phenomena in the world must submit

work, family, and community.

to time, as exemplified by the change of seasons,

Taken together, these Western formulations with each appreciated for its distinctive qualities reveal marked discrepancies in how adulthood and

and special beauties. Similarly, every phase of life

later life was construed. On the one hand, numer-

represents distinct experiences and opportunities.

ous models described opportunities for growth Personal growth or maturity within this perspec-and continued development that occurred across

tive demands effort and application and a release

midlife and into old age. Such models were largely

from the self toward pure action, which involves

neglected in empirical inquiries due to the absence

blending seamlessly with the patterns and rhythms

of credible assessment procedures. The early empir-

of nature. There is no equivalent to these ideas in

ical work, initiated in the 1950s and 1960s, focused

the U.S. cultural context.

on the idea of successful aging measured in terms

A further concept of relevance is ikigai, for

of life satisfaction. By contrast, social gerontology

which there is no fully comparable English term.

explicated numerous problems encountered by The Japanese definition refers to having something those growing old in Western societies where few

to live for, to experiencing the joy of goals and a life

meaningful role opportunities were provided that

worth living (Mathews, 1996; Nakanishi, 1999).

allowed older adults to make use of their talents

As discussed in subsequent sections, this psycho-

and capacities. These tensions between aging as

logical concept about one’s purpose in life in adult-

development and growth versus aging as decline

hood and old age has been extensively studied in

and loss carried into the subsequent empirical stud-

Japan as an influence on promoting better health,

ies reviewed in our section on empirical findings.

defined in terms of how long one lives (mortal-

In the next section, we first examine how adult-

ity) and the degree to which one is free of later life

hood and aging has been characterized in Eastern

chronic conditions (morbidity).

cultural contexts.

The greatest emphasis, by far, in Japanese con-

struals of the second half of life pertains to the status

Adult Development and Aging in Japan

of the elderly in society. Traditionally, the elderly

Although Erikson’s stage of generativity is a

have been respected in East Asian cultures, partly

prominent feature of middle-aged adult develop-

due to the Confucian teachings of filial piety and

ment in Western contexts, the concern for estab-

ancestor worship (Chow, 1991; Palmore & Maeda,

lishing and guiding the next generation in Japan

1985; Sung, 1995). According to the Confucian

arguably begins earlier in the life course. The ideal

guidelines, one needs to respect one’s parents and

668

A du lt dev elopMent in JA pA n A nd t he u nited stAtes

care for them, which is reflected in the saying, “fil-

At the same time, the size of the elderly popula-

ial piety is the source of one hundred good deeds.”

tion is increasing in Japan more rapidly than in

The ancestor worship that requires reverence and

any other country in the world (Statistics Bureau,

devotion to dead ancestors further reinforces the

2011). Such drastic changes in population struc-

importance of respecting one’s parents or grand-

ture may impact the lives of the elderly. In fact, the

parents because they are closer to dead ancestors.

proportion of the elderly who live with their chil-

We note that Rosenblatt’s chapter in this volume

dren has been sharply declining in Japan, although

addresses cultural beliefs about the relationship

it is still much higher compared to Western coun-

between the deceased and the living.

tries (Ogawa & Retherford, 1993). Menon (this

Respect for the elderly is encoded in various

volume) points out that “contemporary Japan

practices and institutions in Japan. For example,

is experiencing an unusual and profound social

although Mother’s Day and Father’s Day exist change.” Among others, many young women now in both the United States and Japan, Respect for

choose not to marry and bear children. Thus, the

Elders Day exists only in Japan, and it is celebrated

traditional social structure that anchored the rela-

as a national holiday. Furthermore, the Japanese

tionship between young and old has already begun

National Law for the Welfare and the Elders estab-

to erode. Whether such changes in demography

lished in 1963 stated that “the elders shall be loved

will lead to decline in respect for the elderly is an

and respected as those who have for many years

open question (see also Rosenblatt’s chapter in this

contributed toward the development of society, volume). Even in a relatively recent study, Sung and a wholesome and peaceful life shall be guaran-

(2004) found that young adults in Korea, which

teed to them” (Palmore & Maeda, 1985, p. 87). In

shares the cultural norm for elder respect and

contrast in the United States, the Older Americans’

rapid demographic changes with Japan, reported

Act established in 1965 does not refer to love or

higher frequencies of diverse forms of elder respect

respect for the elderly. This contrast underscores

compared to young adults in the United States.

Menon’s observation (in this volume) that in Japan,

However, the Koreans also attached less impor-

unlike in the United States, aging is a continuous

tance to some categories of respect compared to

process of social maturation, and different phases

their U.S. counterparts.

of life offer different opportunities for personal

A final observation regarding conceptions of

growth and improvement.

adulthood and aging in Japan is that paths toward

Other cultural differences pertain to how the

personal growth have traditionally been gender

life course is construed. While illustrating the

differentiated. For women, opportunities for pure

amount of freedom and status allowed to individu-

action have involved being good wives and wise

als at different life stages, Ruth Benedict (1946)

mothers, whereas for men the proper sphere of

contrasted the Japanese “arc of life” with the activity is the public domain, where pure action American counterpart (see also Menon’s chapter in

involves sincere and diligent work. The rapid

this volume). In Japan, the greatest amount of free-

economic growth that followed World War II

dom and initiative is allowed for young children

has reshaped the lives of many in the modern

and older people, whereas people of middle-age

era, although differing conceptions of maturity

face more restrictions and little freedom. Thus, the

for men and women remain part of the culture

amount of freedom and status over the Japanese

(Plath, 1980). These observations, wherein gender

life course seems to forms a U-curve. In the constitutes a stronger influence on psychologi-United States, by contrast, the arc of life forms an

cal changes with aging in Japan compared to the

inverse U-curve. Young children receive a great

United States, carry over into ongoing empirical

amount of discipline, which gradually decreases

studies, as described next.

as they grow more independent. The amount of

freedom and status peaks in the middle-age and

Empirical Studies of Adulthood

gradually declines as individuals grow older and

and Aging

become dependent. These formulations suggest Findings from the United States

that there are cultural differences in the status of

Considerable empirical research has examined

the elderly. For example, holders of higher political

evidence for or against Erikson’s (1959) stage model

offices (e.g., prime ministers or presidents) tend to

of psychosocial development in adulthood and

be much older in Japan than in the United States

later life. Whitbourne and colleagues used both

(Menon, this volume).

longitudinal and sequential designs to document

ry ff et A l.

669

psychological changes consistent with the hypoth-

extraversion, but observed prominent individual

esized transitions from ego identity to ego intimacy

differences evident in rate of change over a 12-year

in early adulthood (Whitbourne & Waterman, period. Older men became slightly less extraverted 1979; Whitbourne, Zuschlag, Elliot, & Waterman,

over time, whereas younger men became slightly

1992). Others used cross-sectional designs to more extraverted. Younger men also showed more examine Erikson’s midlife stage of generativity marked decline in neuroticism compared to older (Keyes & Ryff, 1998; McAdams & de St. Aubin,

men. Life events (marriage, remarriage, death of

1998; Peterson & Klohnen, 1995), providing sup-

spouse) were found to account for the different

portive evidence of its ascendancy in the middle

rates of decline in neuroticism with age. Roberts

years of adulthood. With the Mills Longitudinal

et al. (2006) conducted meta-analyses from 92 lon-

Study of women, Helson and colleagues docu-

gitudinal samples and found significant mean-level

mented other aspects of psychological change from

change in four of six traits from midlife to old age

early adulthood to midlife and old age, linking

(Roberts et al., 2006). For example, increases in

many to changing role statuses and life transi-

social dominance (a facet of extraversion), consci-

tions. For example, Roberts, Helson, and Klohnen

entiousness, and emotional stability were observed,

(2002) showed that women increased from ages

especially in young adulthood (ages 20–40).

21 to 52 in norm orientation (being considerate

Alternatively, in old age, decreases were evident in

of others and less impulsive) and complexity (hav-

social vitality (another facet of extraversion) and

ing tolerance for human diversity and fallibility).

openness. The patterns were characterized as “nor-

They also found increases in dominance, as well

mative change” (i.e., change occurring in the same

as changes in femininity and masculinity (linked

direction for most people during a specific period in

with life circumstance such as divorce and partici-

the life course). Related efforts involve pursuing the

pation in the paid labor force). Helson and Soto

idea of personality trait development (Roberts &

(2005) documented further change in positive Wood, 2006), wherein commitments to adult and negative emotionality, psychological defenses,

roles in work, family, and community contexts are

and affect complexity, drawing guidance from the

thought to give rise to traits needed to accomplish

Labouvie-Vief and González (2004) formulation

such roles, such as being conscientious and emo-

of emotion regulation. Data from the Mills study

tionally stable. Caspi and colleagues (2005) have

were combined with two other longitudinal studies

equated maturity with the kinds of trait changes

(Oakland Growth Study, Berkeley Guidance Study)

that facilitate capacities to become productive and

to further substantiate increases with age in norm

involved contributors to society. Such thinking sig-

adherence, decreases with age in social vitality, and

nals a return to early work on adult development at

midlife peaks in dominance and independence the University of Chicago, specifically Havighurst’s over a 40-year period (Helson, Jones, & Kwan,

(1948) formulation of the “developmental tasks” of

2002). Taken together, these studies depicted mul-

adulthood (e.g., selecting a mate, starting a fam-

tiple forms of psychological change consistent with

ily, committing to an occupation, taking on civic

a developmental perspective on adult life (Helson,

responsibilities) through which individuals become

Soto, & Cate, 2006; Ryff, 2008).

worthy, responsible members of society.

Other lines of empirical inquiry in U.S. stud-

Still further lines of U.S. research on adulthood

ies have been built around trait psychology, where

and aging have involved the topic of psychologi-

initial claims about the stability of adult person-

cal well-being, which has been differentiated into

ality (Costa & McCrae, 1980; 1988) were framed

eudaimonic and hedonic components (Ryan &

as challenges to the earlier formulations from Deci, 2001). Ryff’s six-factor model of well-being Erikson and Neugarten. Using data from the illustrates a eudaimonic approach that was built Baltimore Longitudinal Study of Aging, Costa on many of the developmental theories described and McCrae examined mean-level changes and

earlier (Erikson, Bühler, Neugarten, Jung), as well

cross-time correlations and found little evidence

as on humanistic (Maslow, Rogers, Jahoda) and

of psychological change in major personality traits

existential (Frankl) perspectives and the writings

(neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, consci-

of Aristotle (see Ryff, 1985; 1989; Ryff & Singer,

entiousness, openness to experience) during adult-

2008). The empirical dimensions derived from the

hood. Alternatively, using the Normative Aging

model include autonomy, environmental mastery,

Study, Mroczek and Spiro (2003) found little personal growth, positive relations with others, pur-evidence for average change in neuroticism and

pose in life, and self-acceptance. Multiple studies,

670

A du lt dev elopMent in JA pA n A nd t he u nited stAtes

including those based on nationally representative

The recurrent evidence that life satisfaction,

samples, have shown sharply downward profiles

happiness, and positive affect do not show down-

from young adulthood through midlife to old age

ward trajectories with aging (which theories of

for self-rated purpose in life and personal growth

social gerontology might have predicted) has led

(Clarke, Marshall, Ryff, & Rosenthal, 2000; Ryff,

to efforts to account for this generally upbeat mes-

1989; 1991; Ryff & Keyes, 1995). Other dimen-

sage about hedonic well-being and aging. Some

sions, such as autonomy and environmental mastery

have suggested it may reflect intentional actions

have shown increments with age, whereas positive

older persons might take, such as flexibly adjust-

relations with others and self-acceptance showed

ing their goal pursuits (Brandtstädter, Wentura, &

little age variation. Those cross-sectional findings

Rothermund, 1999). Others have emphasized

have been augmented with longitudinal data from

“selectivity” processes, such as that older persons

two large surveys (Wisconsin Longitudinal Study,

better select their social interaction partners so as to

Midlife in the United States [MIDUS]), the lat-

optimize their emotional experiences (Carstensen,

ter involving a national sample of adults (Springer,

1995), or they selectively focus resources in certain

Pudrovska, & Hauser, 2011). Data from both sam-

domains so as to optimize functioning (Freund &

ples documented significant gains with age in envi-

Baltes, 2002). Later life affect regulation may also

ronmental mastery from early adulthood to midlife

involve affect optimization (constraining affect to

and into old age. Autonomy also showed signifi-

positive values) and affect complexity (amplifica-

cant gains across these age periods for the MIDUS

tion of affect in search of differentiation and objec-

national sample. Alternatively, personal growth tivity; see Labouvie-Vief, 2003; Labouvie-Vief & declined across these age periods in both samples,

Gonzales, 2004; Labouvie-Vief & Medler, 2002).

and purpose in life showed significant decline from

In summary, U.S. research on psychological

midlife to old age in both samples. Positive rela-

changes in adulthood and later life has covered

tions with others showed gains from early adult-

wide territory over the past 40 years. Some stud-

hood to midlife, whereas self-acceptance showed

ies have assembled empirical findings to support

mostly stability for the national sample.

Erikson’s psychosocial stages as well as ideas from

Hedonic well-being, in contrast, involves con-

other developmental formulations (Neugarten,

tentment, happiness, and enjoyment. Frequently

Bühler, Jung). Along the way, trait researchers

used empirical indicators have included assess-

challenged such claims, arguing that there was

ments of positive and negative affect, as well as life

little evidence of personality change in adult-

satisfaction. Multiple investigators have employed

hood. Recent meta-analyses have, in turn, chal-

these measures to investigate age differences (e.g.,

lenged the claims of trait stability with extensive

Diener, Sandvik, & Larsen, 1985: Diener & Suh,

evidence of age-related shifts in key traits or their

1997; Herzog & Rodgers, 1981; Liang, 1984; facets. Indeed, a new emphasis is “personality trait Malatesta & Kalnok, 1984; Shmotkin, 1990). Most

development,” which is believed to be anchored in

of these cross-sectional studies have shown either

the roles and responsibilities of adult life. Another

negligible age differences in well-being or age incre-

arena of empirical inquiry has focused on psycho-

ments in life satisfaction and positive affect, con-

logical well-being, which has been partitioned

comitant with age decrements in negative affect.

into two approaches. Eudaimonia emphasizes

The overall storyline on hedonic well-being and

such psychological constructs as purpose in life

aging has thus been quite positive. Mroczek and

and personal growth, which have shown sharply

Kolarz (1998), for example, used MIDUS data to

downward trajectories with age in multiple stud-

show curvilinear age increments in positive affect

ies; other dimensions, such as autonomy and envi-

with aging (ages 25–74) and linear decrements in

ronmental mastery, have shown gains with age.

negative affect (same age range). Using the same

Hedonic well-being emphasizes happiness, life

study, Prenda and Lachman (2001) documented

satisfaction, and positive affect, which have con-

a positive linear relationship between age and life

sistently shown either stability or gains with aging.

satisfaction. Cohort differences rather than aging

Numerous theoretical perspectives have been

(maturational) processes constitute a rival interpre-

advanced to account for this upbeat story, whereas

tation for these effects. Thus, the 23-year study of

social structural factors, such as the structural lag

Charles, Reynolds, and Gatz (2001) offered impor-

phenomenon, have been invoked to account for

tant longitudinal evidence that positive affect is

the downward trajectories in certain aspects of

stable with aging whereas negative affect declines.

eudaimonic well-being.

ry ff et A l.

671

Despite these many avenues of empirical inquiry

sociodemographic factors and health behaviors,

in the United States, the question of cultural differ-

both men and women showed reduced risk of mor-

ences in these findings has rarely, if ever, been asked.

tality from all causes among those with higher lev-

That is, whether stated explicitly or implied by the

els of ikigai. Thus, considerable evidence supports

nature of the conclusions drawn, this research has

the view that longevity among Japanese adults is

been largely oblivious to whether any of the guid-

linked with the perception that one’s life is worth

ing theories or related empirical results might be

living and is purposeful.

relevant only in a Western, advanced, technologi-

The life roles and activities of older persons in

cal society, such as the United States. This is why

Japan have been linked to their well-being. For

the contrast with Japanese findings, which are less

example, Nakahara (2011) showed that being a

extensive in scope, is centrally important to the

grandparent, particularly how it relates to one’s

objectives of this chapter.

identity, was linked with the frequency of con-

tact with one’s grandchildren, which in turn was

Findings from Japan

linked with grandparent satisfaction and subjective

Scientific research on adulthood and aging is rel-

well-being. Such findings underscore the central

atively recent in Japan. Apart from research linking

significance of interpersonal embeddedness as a

ikigai to health outcomes in later life, few empiri-

crucial feature of well-being in the Japanese context

cal studies have probed ideas related to Japanese

(see Menon, this volume; Kitayama et al., 2010;

conceptions of personal growth (e.g., toward pure

Park et al., 2013). Studies from China also under-

action and oneness with nature) or the cultural

score the active engagement of older adults in the

emphasis on filial piety and respect for elders. grandparent role, particularly in comparison to the Comparative work has, however, been conducted

United States (Edward, Ren, & Brown, this vol-

on age differences in psychological well-being ume). Volunteering among older persons in Japan in Japan versus the United States. We summa-has also been studied. Nakahara (2013) found that

rize findings from these investigations along with

unpaid volunteering has a greater effect on life sat-

recent work examining cultural differences in the

isfaction of the elderly living alone who have less

link between aging and wisdom.

family-roles or social support from family than on

A growing number of studies in Japan have

elderly persons living with family members. Such

examined the concept of ikigai and its links to

findings suggest that relationships with people out-

better health. The structure of ikigai has been

side the home through unpaid work might act as

examined relative to other similar concepts, such

a protective effect against decreased life satisfac-

as psychological well-being, subjective well-being,

tion. This investigation was based on a U.S. study

and quality of life (Kumano, 2006), with find-

(Greenfield & Marks, 2004) using MIDUS data,

ings indicating that the components of ikigai

which demonstrated that being a formal volunteer

(life-affirmation, goals/dreams, meaning of life,

can protect older adults with higher levels of role

meaning of existence, sense of fulfillment, com-

loss from decreased levels of purpose in life.

mitment) were largely distinct from other related

Drawing on Western distinctions between

constructs of well-being and life quality. Sone eudaimonic and hedonic well-being, our collabora-et al. (2008) investigated the association of “life

tive team compared a Japanese sample of midlife

worth living” ( ikigai) and all-cause as well as and older adults (Midlife in Japan, MIDJA) to a cause-specific mortality in a prospective cohort

national sample (MIDUS) of comparably aged

study involving more than 40,000 respondents.

adults in the United States (Karasawa et al., 2011).

Over a 7-year period, those who did not have a

Guided by the conceptual frameworks described

sense of life worth living had a higher risk of death

earlier, we were interested in whether aging in

as well as higher risk of cardiovascular disease.

Japan might be more positive, given Buddhist,

Another prospective cohort study (Koizumi et al.,

Confucian, and Taoist philosophical traditions

2008) over the course of 13 years showed that men

(Hwang, 1999), combined with the aforementioned

with a strong sense of purpose in life ( ikigai) had

negative portrayals of aging in the United States

reduced risk of death from cardiovascular dis-

(e.g., roleless role, social breakdown syndrome).

ease. Most recently, Tanno et al. (2009) followed

Partial support for the prediction was found. Older

more than 70,000 adults aged 40–79 from 1988

compared to midlife adults in Japan showed higher

to 1990 in which ikigai was assessed with a life-

levels of personal growth, whereas the opposite age

style questionnaire. After adjusting for numerous

pattern was evident in the United States—older

672

A du lt dev elopMent in JA pA n A nd t he u nited stAtes

adults showed lower levels of personal growth com-

among older Japanese men. These patterns may

pared to midlife adults.

relate to work by Ishida (2012) who pointed out that

In both cultural contexts, however, purpose older Japanese men have fewer relationships outside in life scores were lower among older compared

of their marital partner. The lack of a wider social

to midlife adults, suggesting this aspect of well-

network may mean that older Japanese men easily

being may constitute an area of vulnerability for

lose key social support once their relationship with

aging adults in advanced, technological societies

a spouse is gone.

like Japan and the United States. Interpersonal

In a separate line of inquiry, the link between

well-being, as hypothesized, was rated signifi-

aging and wisdom has been investigated with

cantly higher relative to overall well-being among

a focus on U.S./Japanese cultural differences

Japanese compared to US respondents, but only in

(Grossman et al., 2012). Although wisdom has

young adulthood. Thus, the prominence of social

been of interest throughout history and across

relational well-being was evident in the relatively

cultures and thus has many definitions, there is

more interdependent culture of Japan, but findings

some consensus that it involves certain kinds of

suggested possible decline in this emphasis with

pragmatic reasoning needed to navigate important

age. Finally, women in both cultures showed higher

challenges in life (Baltes & Smith, 2008). Cultures

interpersonal well-being than men, but women also

differ notably, however, in how life conflicts are to

reported higher negative affect compared to men in

be approached. Japanese culture stresses interper-

both Japan and the United States. It is possible that

sonal harmony and the importance of carefully

Japanese women may minimize the expression of

attending to relationships so as to avoid conflicts

negative emotions while caring for children in an

and maintain stability in close relationships. In

effort to promote mother–child amae, the ideal in

contrast, American culture places more emphasis

Japan, as described in the chapter by de St. Aubin

on fulfillment of personal preferences and indi-

and Bach (this volume). Perhaps the experience

viduation in social relationships, which may allow

and expression of negative affect among Japanese

interpersonal conflict to flare (Markus & Lin,

women may thus change as children age and life

1999). Grossman and colleagues examined how

roles shift.

culture influences reasoning about social conflicts

A more recent MIDJA study based on a large

over the life span. The prediction was that social-

probability sample of Japanese adults from Tokyo

ization toward an interdependent social orienta-

was compared to the longitudinal follow-up of the

tion in Japan may result in wiser reasoning skills

MIDUS sample (Karasawa, 2012). A key question

(e.g., recognition of multiple perspectives, limits of

was whether the positivity trend evident in later life

personal knowledge, importance of compromise)

well-being in the United States (i.e., age increments

earlier in the life course as a way of preempting

in positive affect, age decrements in negative affect)

social conflict. In contrast, Americans may con-

would be evident in representative sample from

tinue to learn about conflict resolution over the life

Tokyo. We reasoned that the positivity effect may

course thus leading to greater gains in wisdom with

be more pronounced in independent cultures that

aging. As predicted, wise responses were shown

encourage older persons to proactively select posi-

to increase with age among Americans, but not

tive social experiences. These, in turn, may contrib-

in Japan. In addition, as predicted, younger and

ute to adaptive mental health outcomes. The results,

middle-aged Japanese adults showed greater use

which included both eudaimonic and hedonic mea-

of wise-reasoning strategies than their same-aged

sures of well-being, showed that Americans, in fact,

counterparts in the United States.

reported more positive well-being with aging. For

In summary, ongoing empirical research in

example, with regard to life satisfaction and positive

Japan has placed more of an emphasis on aging

relationship with others, age increments were evi-

per se than a focus on adult development. The

dent in the United States, and they were contrasted

concept of ikigai has garnered considerable inter-

with age decrements in Japan. However, positive age

est as a potential influence on health and length of

trends were found in affect balance (positive minus

life. Linked to the emphasis on worthwhile living,

negative affect) as well as in autonomy and envi-

Japanese studies have examined actual life engage-

ronmental mastery in both Japan and the United

ments of aging adults, such as being a grandpar-

States. The findings also revealed a number of ent or volunteering, which have demonstrated gender-by-age interactions, which generally tended

positive links between these activities and subjec-

show more compromised profiles of well-being tive well-being. Direct comparisons of aging and ry ff et A l.

673

well-being have been conducted via the MIDJA

traditions. Future inquiries need to ascertain what

and MIDUS investigations. These have shown that

is culturally common versus distinct in these close

older compared to midlife adults show advantages

concepts, as well as probe why some older persons,

in some aspects of well-being in Japan (e.g., per-

but not others, possess these positive life outlooks.

sonal growth) and other aspects of well-being in

Using an emic approach, as described in the chap-

the U.S. (e.g., life satisfaction, positive relations

ter by de St. Aubin and Bach (this volume), may be

with others). In both cultures, positive age trends

especially fruitful in this venture because it calls

were evident in autonomy, environmental mastery,

for perspective taking and concept generation from

and affect balance (positive vs. negative affect).

the Japanese themselves. So doing may identify

Gender differences are increasingly evident in the

culturally distinctive concepts, in contrast to the

pattern of findings, underscoring vulnerabilities etic methodology, which may illuminate culturally among older men in Japan. Cultural differences

common phenomena.

in how adults reason in resolving social conflicts is

Our findings suggest the importance of attend-

another line of inquiry, wherein wise responses were

ing to gender differences in future studies of adult

shown to increase with age in the United States but

development and aging, noting that gender-role

not Japan, although among younger adults, wise

prescriptions have traditionally been of greater

responses were more strongly evident in Japan than

prominence in Japan than in the United States.

in the United States. Taken as a whole, the just

Other promising avenues of inquiry build on

described empirical summaries from these two cul-

U.S. studies investigating the influence of psycho-

tural contexts makes clear the striking paucity of

logical traits in how life course processes of matu-

research that involves direct comparisons of aging

rity unfold. For example, significant life events

and adult development in both settings.

(e.g., divorce, remarriage, becoming a parent) may

be linked with personality characteristics (e.g., con-

Future Directions

scientiousness, extraversion, neuroticism) both in

Building on the theoretical and empirical studies

predicting the likelihood of such events, as well as

described in preceding sections, we see many prom-

in constituting forms of personal change that fol-

ising lines of inquiry for future research. These pos-

low in the aftermath of such transitions. Finally,

sibilities are organized into five themes: (1) lacunae,

we underscore that our emphasis on theories and

or areas of missing research that follow from this

empirical evidence on cultural influences on adult

review; (2) the need for greater interplay between

development and aging in Japan and the United

cultural psychology and life course development;

States represent only two contexts. What has been

(3) within-cultural differences, particularly as they

generated here thus needs to be augmented with

relate to issues of social inequality in opportuni-

future work examining the generalizability of theo-

ties for adult development; (4) the need to link

ries and findings to other Western or Asian cultures

psychological changes across the adult life course

and societies.

to health outcomes, including biological risk fac-

On the interplay between cultural psychol-

tors; and (5) the fundamental importance of longi-

ogy and life course development, we note the

tudinal studies that track intraindividual processes

substantial body of research amassed to demon-

across time while also attending to possible histori-

strate cultural differences in various domains of

cal changes.

psychological processes (Heine, 2010; Kitayama,

With regard to lacunae, our review makes clear

Duffy, & Uchida, 2007; Miyamoto & Eggen,

that the field of adult development and aging has

2013). This work has, however, been conducted

a longer history and thereby, greater record of sci-

primarily with young adults. The upshot is that

entific productivity in the United States than in

little is known about how culturally characteristic

Japan. Thus, a key message is the need to build a

ways of thinking and feeling are patterned across

parallel field in Japan, which may unfold with its

the life course. What has been established is that

own theories, perhaps linked to traditions of fil-

the self tends to be viewed as an autonomous

ial piety deeply embedded within the culture and

being that is more independent from others in the

current demographic trends. We drew attention to

United States, whereas the self tends to be viewed

the Japanese concept of ikigai, which appears to be

as an interdependent being that is fundamentally

similar to purpose in life as studied in the United

embedded in relationships in Japan (Markus &

States, although we note the two constructs evolved

Kitayama, 1991; 2010). Whether these cultural

from different theoretical and philosophical differences in self-views are maintained over the 674

A du lt dev elopMent in JA pA n A nd t he u nited stAtes

adult life course or whether they change and show

question, posed years ago (Dowd, 1990), was

divergent paths into middle adulthood and later

whether opportunities for growth and development

life is unknown. Neugarten (1968; 1973) long ago

in adult life are equally distributed across society

described a process of turning inward in the later

or instead accrue disproportionately to advantaged

years, which she asserted involved the individual

segments of society. Structural barriers, such as

experiencing a sense of freedom from the norms

economic divisions of labor and opportunities for

governing everyday life. Is this a quintessentially

social action, often compromise chances for devel-

Western idea, or might older adults across cultural

opment among disadvantaged constituents. That

contexts see their thoughts, feelings, and behaviors

is, opportunities for self-realization are granted to

as less constrained by surrounding norms as they

those who are better educated and economically

age? Paradoxically, such change could mean that

privileged.

older U.S. adults might give themselves license

Research in the United States has documented

to be less independent as they age, whereas older

an educational gradient in eudaimonic well-being

adults in Japan might experience a shift toward a

(Ryff & Singer, 2002) such that those with college

less interdependent self, perhaps especially for older

degrees report higher levels on multiple dimen-

women. Whatever patterns of change (or stability)

sions of well-being compared to those with only

are evident, these speculations point to empirically

a high school education or some college. A rel-

tractable questions for future research.

evant question is whether such patterns are evi-

Prior cultural studies have also shown that dent in interdependent societies like Japan as well, emotional styles differ across cultural contexts. or might interdependent norms mitigate against For example, positive and negative emotions are

such inequality in experienced well-being? Further

more strongly inversely related to each other in the

inquiries are needed to illuminate how patterns

United States than in Japan (e.g., Miyamoto &

of growth and development across the life course

Ryff, 2011), suggesting that positive and negative

may vary depending on socioeconomic hierarchies

emotions are more differentiated in Japan. The

within Eastern and Western cultural contexts.

latter has been described as a dialectical emotion

The fourth future theme mentioned earlier

style in Japan but, again, whether these culturally

involves mapping connections between profiles of

different emotional styles persist or change across

age-related social and psychological change with

the life span is not well understood, although health broadly defined. Across culture, the aging Western studies have suggested that emotional process is inherently characterized by increased complexity increases with age (Carstensen, Mayr,

profiles of disease and disability due to normative

Pasupathi, & Nesselroade, 2000; Labouvie-Vief &

biological declines that accompany growing old.

Medler, 2002; Magai, Consedine, Krivoshekova,

However, there is considerable variability in the

Kudadjie-Gyamfi, & McPherson, 2006). It is thus

timing, severity, and cause of health declines as

important to investigate if emotional complexity

people age. A key question is whether positive psy-

also increases with age in Japan, or, alternatively,

chosocial aging and continued adult development

if Japanese older adults simply maintain their dia-

might attenuate age-associated declines in health.

lectical emotional styles. If the latter is the case,

Similarly, and building on the preceding theme, it

it could have a net effect of reducing cultural dif-

is known that social inequalities defined by one’s

ferences in emotional experience as individuals position in the socioeconomic hierarchy are also grow old in both Japan and the United States (i.e.,

significant influences on later life health (Alwin &

emotional complexity changes in the United States

Wray, 2005). Thus, there are both protective (i.e.,

begin to converge with dialectical emotional styles

good psychological resources) and vulnerability

in Japan).

factors (i.e., socioeconomic inequality) bearing on

Moving to variation within cultures, we note

individuals’ health as they age. Importantly, and

that although extensive work has probed varieties

not sufficiently understood, is that these influences

of cultural differences, relatively little attention has

may also be contoured by cultural context. That is,

been given to variation among individuals within

which psychosocial factors are salubrious or delete-

particular cultural contexts. Interestingly, some rious for health may differ depending on the cul-within-cultural differences may be similar across

tural setting.

cultures. In this regard, we see value in pursuing

For example, positive affect and life satisfac-

research at the intersection of adult development

tion predict lower morbidity and mortality (e.g.,

and aging with studies of social inequalities. A key

Pressman & Cohen, 2005), whereas negative

ry ff et A l.

675

affect predicts higher morbidity and mortality with lower educational standing, but that inverse (e.g., Kiecolt-Glaser, McGuire, Robles, & Glaser,

association is moderated by levels of psychologi-

2002), particularly in the United States. These psy-

cal well-being. Thus, less-educated adults with

chological qualities may, however, reflect largely

high levels of environmental mastery, purpose in

independent values of Western culture. In Easter

life, positive relations with others, positive affect,

cultural contexts, such qualities may play a smaller

and self-acceptance were protected from showing

role, whereas interdependent qualities, like having

elevated IL-6. Whether this pattern might hold in

flexible self-adjustment or experiencing dialecti-

Japan or whether other, more culturally attuned

cal emotions, may instead be especially important

factors (e.g., sympathy for others, dialectical emo-

for health. In fact, our recent research found that

tions) might be the relevant moderators is a worth-

negative emotions are linked with elevated bio-

while future question. Clarifying when in the life

logical risk in the United States but not in Japan

course these patterns emerge and how persistent

(Miyamoto et al., 2013). Other factors, such as

they are across time is also important.

social support, may transcend cultural boundaries

To be truly informative, future research must be

and be equally beneficial to health in both cultural

based on longitudinal data (capturing both individ-

contexts. However, even in this realm, our work has

ual and historical change) in Japan and the United

shown stronger links between perceived social sup-

States. The central limitation of cross-sectional age

port and health in Japan compared to the United

findings is that obtained age differences may not

States, albeit under particular conditions—namely,

be due to maturational processes, but instead may

that the support is needed (respondents report high

reflect cohort differences, which imply changing

stress), and they can easily accept it (respondents

life contexts (i.e., living through a “different slice

are low on neuroticism; see Park et al., 2013). We

of time”). Change in surrounding historical con-

have also shown that constructs of independence

texts also shapes lives in persistent and lasting ways.

and interdependence predict health and well-being

For example, contemporary older persons in both

differentially in Japan and the United States Japan and the United States experienced world (Kitayama et al., 2010). What is missing from these

wars and significant economic downturns as part of

studies is a life course perspective—that is, when

their adult journeys. They may also have had fewer

do these patterns become evident as individuals age

opportunities for advanced educational attain-

and mature, and further, how persistent are they

ment compared to younger-aged adults. These fac-

across the adult life course?

tors, which define the broader historical context of

With regard to inequalities and health, we have

people’s lives, are also essential for understanding

examined psychological factors (neuroticism, opti-

psychological changes that may be evident across

mism, self-efficacy, mastery) as mediators of the

the decades of adult life.

links between socioeconomic status and health,

Related to changing historical contexts,

with the findings showing both common and we close with observations about the dramatic culture- or gender-specific pathways (Kan et al.,

growth in the size of aging populations in

2014). For instance, sense of control and neuroti-

both countries, but especially in Japan. This

cism respectively mediated the association between

major demographic change raises many impor-

education and self-rated health in both the United

tant challenges, not only in terms of the health

States and Japan, whereas self-esteem functioned as

and well-being of the elderly, but for society as

a mediator only in the United States. Furthermore,

a whole. Of interest in future research will be

optimism was a mediator of the link between social

whether patterns of intergenerational relations

class and health among females in both countries,

change as older persons assume greater promi-

but similar relationships were not found in either

nence. Will the aged take on new roles, such as

American or Japanese males.

volunteering, that may potentially benefit other

Another study (Morozink et al., 2010), based

age groups? Alternatively, will previous U.S.

on US data, has showed that aspects of psycho-

views of the old as occupying a “roleless role”

logical well-being moderate the influence of low

become increasingly salient in Japan as it faces

educational attainment on a biological risk factor

growing demands of an aged population that is

known as interleukin-6 (IL-6). This inflammatory

not contributing extensively to the market econ-

marker is implicated in numerous disease outcomes

omy? What effect these realities will have on the

(cardiovascular disease, cancer, Alzheimer disease)

cultural tradition of filial piety is itself an impor-

and is known to be higher among individuals tant future question. Whether in the East or the 676

A du lt dev elopMent in JA pA n A nd t he u nited stAtes

West, what is certain is that advanced techno-

Cutler, N. E. (1979). Age variations in the dimensionality

logical societies, such as Japan and the United

of life satisfaction. Journal of Gerontology, 34, 573–578.

States, face notable challenges with regard to uti-

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Diener, E., Sandvik, E., & Larsen, R. J. (1985). Age and sex dif-

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Diener, E., & Suh, E. M. (1997). Measuring quality of

life: Economic, social, and subjective indicators. Social

Indicators Research, 40, 189–216.

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679

C H A P T E R

42 Community Leadership and

Non-attachment in Later

Adulthood

Rachana Bhangaokar

Abstract

Global demographic trends, like increasing life expectancy and human longevity along with other factors that affect “aging” contemporary societies, have restructured age-old beliefs about later adulthood. This chapter focuses on community leadership in the later adult years. Recent research on concepts like successful aging, wisdom, mentoring, and the role of older adults in community leadership has uncovered many positive aspects of development in later adulthood. The chapter also focuses on nonattachment and aims to unravel cultural variations in understandings of both community leadership and nonattachment in later adulthood. Taking India as a case study, the chapter delineates traditional ideas of detachment and spiritual advancement in the human life span through the ashramadharma template. The complex developmental pathway of nonattachment from worldly pleasures (materialistic, self-related) alongside involvement in community development (other-oriented, service-driven) is explored. The influence of gender, caste, and social class are highlighted to explain these experiences in contemporary Indian society.

Key Words: later adulthood, civic engagement, volunteering, nonattachment, community leadership, mentoring, positive development, Hindu life course

In 2011, while reviewing the results of three

Meeting one such mentor, Madhusudhan Agarwal,

preliminary studies on youth civic engagement in

founder of MAM Movies (http:/ mammovies.com/)

India, I and three of my graduate students found

at the Sabarmati (Gandhi) Ashram, Ahmedabad, in

one common factor that motivated youth to take

western India, was an insightful research experience.

up and continue civic engagement activities. That

Mr. Agarwal, trained in filmmaking in the United

common factor was finding the right mentor at the

States, left behind a lucrative career and the com-

right time from their everyday contexts! We found

forts it offered when he felt completely detached and

that most of the mentors mentioned by our youth

empty from within after making his first film. After

participants were older than 50 years of age, were

overcoming a deep internal struggle and opposition

engaged in taking up innovative social initiatives

from his family, he left the United States for India on

in their local communities, and were not extended

October 2 (Mahatma Gandhi’s birthday), 2004, in

family members. Many of the mentors had also

search of himself and his stories of change. Soon, he

given up lucrative, stereotypical career paths later

embarked on a journey to make a film about the life

in life in order to contribute to social development

of Dwarkoji Sundarani (aged 85 at that time), one of

causes. This finding triggered an interest to delve

the last active disciples of Mahatma Gandhi. To do

deeper into the lives of mentors, older adults who

this, he traveled to Bodh Gaya in Bihar, India, where

were in many ways “silent” leaders in their own local

Dwarkoji worked. (Gautam Buddha found enlight-

communities.

enment in Bodh Gaya.)

680

The Samanvayawas ashram (a hermitage or a

more so during later adulthood, when one actively

monastery) was set up on April 18, 1954, with an

engages in responsibilities on multiple fronts.

aim to harmonize science and spirituality (Varma,

These stories of transformation reiterate the

2006). Through the ashram, Dwarkoji contrib-

resilience of concepts like simplicity in thought and

uted significantly in educating and uplifting more

being, kindness and compassion, giving without

than 30 lakh musahaars (a Dalit or low-caste, expectation, cooperation, service, and truth — all mouse-catching community) in the region. Mr.

of which are essential contributors to the under-

Agarwal stayed with Dwarkoji at the ashram for an

standing of nonattachment, personal growth, and

extended period of time and learned “hands-on”

self-actualization. Contemporary Indian society is

some of the most intense lessons in truth, service,

moving at breakneck speed toward consumerism

and nonattachment. On the day he was to leave the

and economic affluence, resulting in a deep discon-

ashram, Dwarkoji asked Mr. Agarwal “where, will

nect between a simple (also older) lifestyle that val-

you go after this?” to which Mr. Agarwal replied

ues sustainability and goodness for all against a life

with the obvious: he would go back to his studio

that thrives on the principle of “my pleasure alone

and edit the film. Dwarkoji again poignantly asked

and now.”

him, “where, after all, will you go, after this?” In

Importantly, the Mr. Agarwal’s story reflects

response to his prolonged silence, Dwarkoji said

continuity in the transfer of Gandhi’s vision of

calmly, “Go, find your own truth… . and every-

social transformation to Dwarkoji’s social devel-

thing else will follow.” Reflecting on that experi-

opment initiatives in Bihar, then his vision of

ence and the turn of events in his own life, Mr.

nonattachment and service to Mr. Agarwal’s ini-

Agarwal said to me, “I learnt the biggest lesson of

tiatives in Ahmedabad. The chain of transforma-

my life at Gaya—the destroying of want [ moh] and

tive thought continues when it rubs off on young

the search for your own truth, in your own life… .

interns (most of whom were born in postglobaliza-

Dwarkoji taught me to live with non-attachment—

tion India, after 1990) who work with Mr. Agarwal

that according to him was Moksha [salvation]—to

and stay at the Gandhi Ashram to participate in

let go, while you continue living.”

the process of “being the change.” Over the period

Thereafter, Mr. Agarwal came to Ahmedabad

of a few decades, all three individuals—Gandhi,

and formed MAM movies, an enterprise in film-

Dwarkoji, and Agarwal—have come to exemplify

making that documented the lives of people who

self-development and community leadership dur-

lived out Gandhi’s mantra of being the change

ing the later adulthood years, and the impact of

they wanted to see in the world. Now, he is their work continues to inspire the next generation.

actively engaged in training youth who intern at

Later adulthood as a life stage signifies the

MAM movies and practice Gandhian philoso-

“beginning of the end,” as it were, of the human life

phy by participating in service activities at the

span. Increased human longevity and better health

Gandhi Ashram and across India. As part of the

indicators in most parts of the world have created a

“Yes, I am the Change” initiative, they undertake

need to re-examine the life stage of later adulthood

journeys to the remotest regions of India to docu-

in a new light. This chapter begins with a demo-

ment local stories of positive change and social

graphic overview of the later adulthood years (data

transformation.

available for age 60–65 and older) at the global

Why was this instance insightful? Stories of

level, followed by trends for the same in Asia and

intrinsic transformation like that of Mr. Agarwal

particularly in India. It then focuses on unraveling

and his work are few and far between. These are

cultural variations in later adulthood around two

stories of hope and optimism - — an alternative

main themes — community leadership and nonat-

perspective of social change and leadership, within

tachment. Focusing on middle-aged individuals

and outside, here and now, in small but effective

older than 50 years of age, the chapter explores the

ways. Indian spiritual-philosophical views on non-

complex developmental pathway of nonattachment

attachment are deep and complex. Their essence—

from worldly pleasures (materialistic, self-related)

of “letting go while you continue to live”—is easier

alongside involvement in community development

said than done in the real world for anyone, at any

(other-oriented, service-driven).

given time. But this philosophy of nonattachment

Taking India as a case in point, the chapter

subtly underlies the meaning of life in India, and

delineates religious-philosophical ideas of nonat-

an individual is expected to keep this ideal at the

tachment and spiritual advancement in the human

core of self-understanding across the life span and

life span through the ashramadharma template.

Bh A ng Aok A r

681

Later Adulthood: A Demographic

a drop in the US share in the global population of

Overview

elderly, which was 10.2% in 1950, 7.7% in 2010,

According to Haub (2011) from the Population

and will become 5.8% in 2050 (Kochhar & Oates,

Reference Bureau, it is estimated that, between

2014).

2015 and 2020, for the first time in human his-

Although the population of elderly in the devel-

tory, the population of people aged 65 and older

oped world in the past decade or so has been ris-

will surpass that of children younger than 5 years.

ing consistently, the same was not believed true

This trend will continue worldwide until 2050,

for the developing world. This trend, however, is

when the elderly will comprise 26% of the world’s

estimated to change around mid-century, the main

population, compared to 5% in the 1950s and 16%

reasons for which are low fertility and longer life

now. The demographic trends indicate a steady rise

expectancy at birth. Today, there are an estimated

in the percentage of elderly in total national popu-

33 million “oldest-old” people, those older than 80,

lations by the year 2050. An estimated projection

who reside in the developing world. The numbers

of the percentage of elderly in the population in

in this group of the oldest-old are expected to rise

2050 in different parts of the world is shown in the

and remain concentrated in the developing world,

Table 42.1.

particularly Asia (United Nations, Department of

According to United Nations, Department of

Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division

Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division

(2013)).

(2013) the world population of elderly in 2050

The Asia 2050 report by the Asian Development

will be 32%, double that of the child population

Bank (2011) states that, in 2050, Asia will be home

of the world at that time. Although most nations

to 53% of the world’s population, adding a bil-

of the world are aging rapidly, most of the current

lion more people to those residing in there today.

concentration of elderly populations is in the devel-

The South Asian contribution to this pool will be

oped world. By 2050 however, many developing

the largest, influencing important economic and

nations, especially the newly industrialized ones,

social considerations, such as available working

will also have a sizeable elderly population (Bloom,

age groups and dependency ratios in the region.

Boersch-Supan, Mcgee, & Seike, 2011). These Against this background, Asia will have more than global demographic trends create huge challenges

860 million elderly by 2050.

for health care systems, as well as for policy mak-

With reference to demographic transitions and

ers responsible for social and economic security

economic stability, the report states that Asian

provisions for the post-retirement aged population

countries are divided into three tiers. The first tier,

around the world.

Old Asia, includes countries of Northeast Asia

According to the World Population Data like Japan, South Korea, and China, which are Sheet 2013 (Population Reference Bureau, 2013),

economically more stable but have begun their

Japan leads in the world’s elderly population with

demographic descent. The second tier, Young Asia

a median age of 45 in 2010; this is expected to

includes South and Southeast Asian countries like

become 53 in 2050. It is closely followed by Italy

Indonesia, Thailand, India, and Vietnam. These

and Germany, and this trend will remain as it is

countries are becoming economically stable and

into 2050. However, by 2050, South Korea will

will have a tilt in the balance of young and old

catch up with Japan on median age, as well as expe-

around 2030 or later. The last tier, Very Young Asia,

rience an overall increase in its elderly population.

including countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan,

Israel, on the other hand, will be a “moderately

both with a huge number of young children, is far-

aging” nation with an increase in median age from

thest from economic development as well as demo-

30 years in 2010 to 36 years in 2050.

graphic shifts. A rising dependency ratio, especially

The United States has more than 40 million

in tier 2 countries (which are less developed than

people today older than 65, which is comparatively

tier 1 countries), creates challenges because a coun-

less than many developed European countries try may become older before it becomes richer and (Jacobsen, Kent, Lee, & Mather, 2011). The US

then face the added burden of taking care of the

population is expected to grow more quickly but

health and social security needs of the elderly.

age more slowly than its economic counterparts in

In Asia, the trend in the rise of the elderly popu-

Europe and Asia. Overall, in North America, only

lation is estimated to be steady for now, but, in the

4 years will be added to the median age, from 37 in

next 25 years, there will be a substantial increase in

2010 to 41 in 2050. This will be accompanied by

numbers of elderly older than 75. Interestingly, the

682

CoMMu nit y l e A der ship A nd non-At tAChMent in l Ater A du lt hood

Table 42.1. Current and projected population of the

population of women in Asia (and the world) will

elderly across the world.

outnumber the number of older men in the coming

Regions and

Percentage

Percentage

years. This trend is expected to remain stable for the

Countries

of Elderly

Projections

next 50 years or so. Along with the rise in the num-

Population

of Elderly

ber of Asian elderly, the number of adult children

(>65 years) 2013 Population

they will have will be fewer than ever before. This

(>65 years) 2050

trend will be particularly sharp in countries like

China (including Hong Kong), Japan, Singapore,

World

8

15.6

South Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan, which have

Developed

17

–

lower levels of child bearing, leaving most elderly

women in these countries with less than two chil-

Less developed

6

–

dren to look after them in their old age. With fewer

Least developed

3

–

children, the traditional Asian family network,

which encompasses the care of elderly in its folds,

Americas

10

–

is threatened, thus making adaption to a changing

United States

14

21.4

milieu a necessity (East West Center, 2002). Within

Brazil

7

22.5

the Asian region, India shows a dual demographic

trend. Alongside concerns about a burgeoning

Mexico

6

20.2

population, demographers now talk about reap-

West Asia

5

–

ing India’s “demographic dividend” and of making

timely investments in harnessing human resources

Turkey

8

21.2

in a rapidly expanding population of children and

Israel

10

17.9

youth (Roychowdhury, Chandrashekar, & Ghosh,

2006). India faces the dual challenge of nurturing

Europe

16

–

an enormous young generation and simultane-

Spain

18

34.5

ously caring for the well-being of its quietly grow-

ing elderly population. India is also home to more

Germany

21

32.7

than 1.2 billion people and will soon surpass China

Italy

21

33

as the world’s most populous country, by 2028.

Although China’s population decline will begin

France

17

25.5

by 2030, India’s population will keep growing for

Britain

16

24.7

several decades and begin declining only by 2100

(United Nations, Department of Economic and

Asia

7

–

Social Affairs, Population Division, 2013). China

Japan

25

36.5

has already secured a place in the tier 1 Asian coun-

tries, whereas India will remain in tier 2 for a long

S. Korea

11

34.9

time to come. A host of issues need to be addressed

China

9

23.9

in the light of these population trends: household

consumption versus production by the elderly,

Indonesia

5

15.8

health care status, income security, and living

India

6

12.7

arrangements to name a few.

The National Human Development Report

Africa

4

–

(Planning Commission of India, 2001) estimates

S. Africa

5

10.5

the elderly population in India (older than 60) to

reach 113 million, amounting to almost 9% of the

Kenya

3

6.3

total population in 2016. Currently, the southern

Nigeria

3

3.8

states have higher concentration of elderly as com-

pared to the eastern and northeastern states. The

Oceania

11

–

state of Kerala has the highest percentage of elderly

Australia

14

–

at 13%.

Overall, due to the higher life expectancy of

New Zealand

14

–

women, the proportion of elderly women older

Sources: Population Reference Bureau, 2013; Kochhar & Oates, 2014.

than 60 is more than men in India. By 2050, the

Bh A ng Aok A r

683

percentage of elderly men will be 20.2% whereas

& Chariar, 2008). Interventions for sensitiv-

that of women will be 22.4% of the total male

ity toward the aged should be multipronged and

and female population, respectively. This is par-

include all members, young and old, in the Indian

ticularly true of states like Kerala, Andhra Pradesh,

family environment. In response to the changing

Karnataka, Maharashtra, and Gujarat (Bose, trends in the life span, psychosocial preparation 2000).

for aging and empowerment in old age should

The northern states, known for a low female sex

also begin sooner and in such a way that planning

ratio, as well as for the low social status of women

for social and psychological well-being are just as

in many spheres, depict a more masculine elderly

important as economic security or health concerns

population than do others. Generally, the status of

in old age. One way of meeting this goal, in India

elderly men in Indian households is relatively bet-

and probably elsewhere too, is to provide opportu-

ter than that of elderly women due to a variety of

nities and contexts for positive development in the

sociocultural factors rooted in a patriarchal social

older population’s immediate settings.

system. There are more elderly women who now

Older adults can become assets to any society,

live alone than men. Thus, gender as a whole com-

provided the contexts and conditions for thriving

plicates the experience of aging in India. Elderly

and positive development are in place. An overview

widows form a marginalized and vulnerable group

of recent trends in positive development during the

among the elderly in India; barring policy excep-

later years will set the stage for understanding the

tions in a few Indian states, their contributions and

self–society interface in later adulthood. The next

welfare needs are hardly recognized. (Desai et al.,

section refers to global research trends in positive

2010; Gopal, 2006).

development in different domains during the later

With a rise in the number of nuclear fami-

adulthood years.

lies and an increasing elderly concentration in

the urban areas (Planning Commission of India,

Trends in Positive Development

National Human Development Report, 2001), in Later Adulthood

the risk of marginalization for the elderly is now

A large body of research on later adulthood

a reality. Anticipating this, a National Policy for

has focused on life transitions, stress, and conflict

Older Persons was announced by the government

rather than on positive aspects like thriving or

of India in 1999 with an aim to improve societal

flourishing. Contributions from positive psychol-

participation of the elderly and empower them for

ogy on developmental aspects of engagement, adult

better control over their own lives. Under the iden-

goals and purposes, and a life well lived are quite

tified areas of intervention, the 2011 version of the

recent and need to continue (Nakamura, 2011). On

policy published by the Ministry of Social Justice,

similar lines, Bundik, Yaeger, King, and Damon

Government of India (2011) refers only to exten-

(2010) mention that research focusing on positive

sions in retirement age under the theme of “pro-

development in the later years is a recent trend, seen

ductive aging” and promoting “multigenerational

only since the past two decades. They report stud-

bonding” by revisions in the value education school

ies conducted in the United States on thriving — a

curriculum. The policy thus remains essentially

process explaining thresholds of positive develop-

welfare-focused, indicative of the dependence of

ment across the life span. With specific reference

elderly well-being on bureaucratic state systems or

to later adulthood, they state that the term “suc-

society at large. Although this skewed focus on state

cessful aging” is often used to refer to later adults

welfare impairs promoting positive development in

who “thrive” when they demonstrate low risk for

the later years, it is indicative of the immense need

disease and disability, high cognitive and physical

for culturally sensitive and contextually appropri-

functioning, and active engagement with life.

ate programs of intervention that optimize human

In a longitudinal study on resilience, Kern and

development in the later years.

Friedman (2010) identified factors like tempera-

Both productive aging and multigenerational

mental disposition, internal coping mechanisms,

bonding, as proposed by the policy, can become

social support, and health behaviors that ensured

drivers of change for the situations of elderly in

thriving among Americans in later life in the face

Indian settings. Although the economic resources

of challenges. Women particularly scored higher

to meet this demographic change are limited, the

on social support and health-protective behaviors

Indian sociocultural ethos provides an optimistic

than men. From a clinical psychology perspec-

framework to help the elderly (Chatterjee, Patnaik,

tive, Mitchell (2009) identified the development of

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CoMMu nit y l e A der ship A nd non-At tAChMent in l Ater A du lt hood

three dimensions in later life for women—the ethic

depression. In a study with Australian elderly living

of care, acquisition of integrity, and a mature and

in aged-care homes, Fleming (2008) mentions the

individuated ego—contribute to depth, vitality, protective role of spirituality and helping behaviors fullness, and enjoyment in the later years. Studies

against depression. Residents who were spiritual

with mature adults in recent years have added new

and helped others were less likely to feel depressed

perspectives to the understanding of cognition, because their lives seemed to have purpose. Jain and emotion, and spiritual intelligence in the later adult

Purohit (2006) found no difference in the levels of

years.

spiritual intelligence between elderly living with

Recent evidence from the United States on families and in old-age homes in Rajasthan, India.

adult cognition (Salthouse, 2012), with its focus

Spiritual intelligence helped the elderly in families

on accumulated knowledge and its applicability and institutions alike to find purpose and overin real-world situations, defies the age-old stereo-

come monotonous routines and loneliness. Another

type that declining cognitive abilities have negative

study conducted with elderly living in institutions

effects on overall well being in later years. It is now

in Kolkata, India (Basu Mukherjee, 2013) found

well established that cognition alone does not deter-

that imposed exclusion caused social disabilities

mine successful functioning in life. Similarly, the

in the elderly and negatively influenced their qual-

relationship between wisdom and age is now better

ity of life. However, being spiritual contributed to

understood as recent research in the United States

their resilience to cope with an excluded existence

highlights the role of personal experience, includ-

in the company of agemates in the institutions.

ing openness, reflectivity, and willingness to apply

A longitudinal study by Dillon, Wink, and Fay

experience in life, in helping to develop wisdom

(2003) of 183 late adults born in the early and late

across the life span (Sternberg & Jordan, 2005).

1920s in California showed that early investment

Across cultures, although generativity is the in religiousness helped individuals to cultivate gen-hallmark of middle and late adulthood, wisdom

erativity, and this relationship remained stable for

and emotional maturity are said to be strong pre-

about 40 years. On the other hand, young adults

dictors of life satisfaction in late adulthood (Berry,

who had earlier self-expanding generative con-

Poortinga, Breugelmans, Chasiotis, & Sam, 2011).

cerns (need to outlive the self or attain immortal-

Although the ability to experience emotions ity, power and impact on others) tended to turn to remains more or less stable across the life span,

spirituality in their later years. Spirituality was thus

an individual’s ability to regulate emotions and

positively related to generativity in the second half

focus on the positive aspects of life increases dur-

of adult life for these individuals. The study also

ing late adulthood. Brummet, Babyek, Gronbaek,

demonstrated that spirituality in the later years did

and Barefoot (2011) emphasize that older adults

not demonstrate indifference to the condition of

who experience positive emotions are more likely

others in society.

to have a creative and flexible approach to problem

In a study with Christian and Buddhist Chinese

solving and aging. At the same time, their attempts

Singaporean elderly, Jianbin and Mehta (2003)

to maintain social and physical contacts are much

found that religion and spirituality play an inte-

more expansive, contributing to overall well-being

grative role and enable the elderly to age success-

in later years.

fully. In some instances, they found that elderly

Strongman and Overton (1999) stated that persons disengaged purposefully for introspection emotional control, social support, and resilience

or individual spiritual pursuits using meditative

contributed to successful aging in developed soci-

techniques. They argue that the understanding

eties like the United States. Except for spiritual-

of successful aging must include the domain of

ity, the emotional satisfaction and well-being of

religion and spirituality and that the disengage-

American and Maori (from New Zealand) later

ment endorsed by these elderly participants’ reli-

adults were found to be strikingly similar. On the

gious belief systems should not be categorized as

basis of this finding, the researchers speculated

unsuccessful or troubled aging. Thus, introspective

that, if empirically explored, spirituality may be an

inward journeys for self-development and leading

important factor contributing to successful aging

communally useful, purposeful lives are gradually

across many cultures. Some evidence on these lines

being recognized as important aspects of prepara-

is now available.

tion for aging.

Spirituality and religion provide the neces-

Levenson, Aldwin, and Cupertino (2001)

sary buffering against mental health risks like recommend a model of adult development that Bh A ng Aok A r

685

transcends the ontogenetic (Eriksonian and other

huge contribution of older persons in the United

stage theories) and sociogenic models (socializa-

Kingdom in the form of volunteering and other

tion and social role centric models) to focuses forms of civic engagement, caring for grandchil-on self-development through liberative models dren, donating, and voting. The report strongly (religious-philosophical) that, by the cultivation of

supports the claim that a greater number of elderly

egolessness, bring a person closer to wisdom in the

in the future may mean more civic action. The

contemporary world. The liberative model draws

majority of British older individuals from the study

from various Eastern philosophical traditions like

were motivated to volunteer because they wanted

Buddhism, Taoism, Sufism, Yoga, and contem-

to help others or improve things in their commu-

plative Christianity. A reference to some of these

nity. In addition to this, they volunteered to create

traditions is made in the subsequent sections on

connections with others, put their skills to good

nonattachment.

use, and respond to the needs of friends, family,

One of the elements of successful aging identi-

and communities. These were conscious efforts to

fied by Csikszentmilayi and Rathunde (1998) was

keep loneliness at bay in later life.

that of sustained community involvement, which

Cox’s (2011) report also cites ground-breaking

ensures purposeful engagement in societal activities

examples of a Big Society from around the world.

for the self and reinforces a sense of contribution

One of them is the system of Hureia Kippu—

for individuals. This dual benefit to self and soci-

translated as “caring relationship tickets” or “care

ety goes a long way toward ensuring optimal thriv-

credits” (p. 39)—initiated by the Sawayaka wel-

ing experiences. A qualitative study by Kleiber and

fare foundation in Japan. The care credits, accu-

Nimrod (2008) on a group of “learners in retire-

mulated by an individual through doing caring

ment” supports this claim. Participants who chose

tasks for the elderly, can be used by the person in

generative civic engagement activities that were the future when they themselves are elderly. The motivated by agentic (self-serving) as well as com-care credits can also be transferred to someone else

munal purposes reported long-lasting and more

or exchanged. This system gains impetus through

satisfying impact on the self (in terms of experienc-

the Atarashi kokyo or the “new public” concept that

ing pride and contribution) as compared to those

redefines the relationship between the people and

who chose activities only based on self-interest or

the state. Under this scheme, anyone who helps an

only for communal and service purposes.

elderly person in their locality earns credits that

Contexts within and outside the family that

can be transferred to the care of their own parents

provide for synergistic interactions between the

in another geographical location. Similarly, by

young and old seem to hold promise for optimizing

taking care of elderly in nursing homes or hospitals

the developmental potentials of both. For example,

now, individuals can accumulate points to be used

a study in Germany by Kessler and Staudinger

for their own insurance needs.

(2007) found that when adolescents and older

Thus, perceived interdependence of goals for

people cooperate, they create unique psychological

self and society may help late adults get more

contexts that lead to motivation and unfolding of

out of community involvement and civic engage-

intergenerational potential. Kelly (2008) refers to

ment activities. Later adulthood, beginning from

those contributions made by older persons across

“middle age” (or the early 50s), is thus explored as

the world that cannot be measured economically,

a catalyst in the process of honing the skills of the

such as household maintenance and volunteer work

young and attaining newer realms of community

in communities. She draws attention to the intro-

contribution for the old. Generativity (outside the

duction of “blended” retirement or phased-out family, in the larger society) through community retirement plans by European corporations that

leadership and mentoring are critical processes to

enable older persons to integrate into their com-

enhance positive development during later adult-

munities by reducing the number of working hours

hood. The next section focuses on community

and increasing spare time for leisure or volunteer-

leadership and mentoring in such contexts.

ing. This not only enables better adjustment to

life after retirement, but also contributes to the

Community Leadership and

long-term well-being of older persons.

Mentoring: Implications

Referring to the concept of a “Big Society,” in

on Self and Society

which individuals and communities rise to resolve

Leadership as a construct is understood primar-

their own problems, Cox (2011) highlights the

ily based on the personality traits of the leader.

686

CoMMu nit y l e A der ship A nd non-At tAChMent in l Ater A du lt hood

Research on leadership styles and practices has

Community leaders are influential individuals

dominated literature in fields like business admin-

and change makers from within or outside the com-

istration, political science, and organizational munity who take up causes that affect community psychology. However, leadership in social develop-members. They are actively involved in resolving

ment projects requires slightly different attributes

issues for the betterment of the community and

than those found for corporate executives, business

society by building support networks. Community

tycoons, or political leaders. Levit (2010) defines

leaders, more often than not, directly or indirectly

such leadership as consisting of action, context, and

are also mentors to many of their young (or junior)

vision and requiring a leader to be an advocate as

fol owers. These leaders become mentors not just

well as a change agent for the cause at hand. With

through explicit instruction, but also through their

specific reference to women leaders in the counsel-

own disposition and being. Their beliefs and ideolo-

or’s profession, she highlights the role of women as

gies of service, rights, or other human concerns for

mentors and mentees who must try to break exist-

community wel -being bring effortless clarity to their

ing leadership stereotypes if they are to engage in a

actions, inspiring or motivating others around them.

fuller exploration of their potentials.

A life course perspective indicates that early

Stewart (2008) mentions two popular and experiences of volunteering, especially during dominant leadership styles —charismatic leader-adolescence and the transition to adulthood, in

ship, which focuses on the heroic and persuasive

service learning programs have a life-long impact.

power of the leader, and transactional and trans-

Individuals who are part of service learning pro-

formative leadership, which provides support and

grams at these crucial junctures are most likely to

rewards to transform individual behaviour. Avolio,

continue volunteering even in later life (Oesterle,

Walumbwa, and Weber (2009), in their review of

Johnston, & Mortimer, 2004). Mentoring and

leadership trends, mention the rise of spiritual lead-

community participation, especially with early

ership in many organizations, where the focus is on

adolescents and youth, make older mentors feel

a balanced integration of mind, body, spirit, and

good about their roles in the community.

heart.

With reference to out-of-school and after-school

Using data from the GLOBE project conducted

community programs in the United States, Zeldin,

with middle-level managers across 62 different Larson, Camino, and O’Connor (2005) mention societies, Mittal and Dorfman (2012) highlight

the usefulness of intergenerational youth–adult

cross-cultural differences in service leadership,

relationships to building a strong sense of civil soci-

which was found to be effective across cultures,

ety and community. This process required a strong

especially with reference to emphasis on the moral

partnership between youth and adults, such that

integrity domain. European cultures scored higher

the developmental needs of both were met, and they

than other clusters on the egalitarian and empower-

could also meet the broader needs of the commu-

ing domains, whereas South Asian cultures scored

nity. In such contexts, the challenge was immense

higher than others in the domains of humility and

for the middle-aged and older adults, a group that

empathy.

included individuals older than 40, because they

Civic engagement and community service needed to balance community needs with youth are important contributors to self-development potentials and take on the multiple roles of teacher, and well-being in the later years. Hart, Atkins,

coach, or task master to negotiate and sustain close

and Donnelly (2006) define community service

bonds that would enable community participation

as any voluntary activity that benefits the com-

and subsequent social change. Although the ages of

munity. They identify five features of community

mentors in some cases may not correspond to later

service that may be closely linked to moral devel-

adulthood as such, the mentoring roles played by

opment: namely, motivation, duration, type of these individuals may not differ too greatly from activity, extent of voluntariness, and the need for

that of later adults.

reflection or critique. For leaders in community

Formal and organized contexts for youth–adult

development programs that work at the grassroots

mentoring are quite common in the United States

level and use a bottom-up approach, a mix of ser-

and other developed countries (e.g., mentoring and

vice and spiritual leadership may be desirable. For

service learning programs in schools and colleges).

effective community development programs and

The same, however, is not true for many other cul-

sustainable social change, inspirational leadership

tural contexts, where mentoring may occur natu-

may also be an alternative to spiritual leadership.

rally and in an informal manner.

Bh A ng Aok A r

687

In a study comparing mentoring in the United

up mentoring roles and were active in setting up

States and Japan, it was found that across both

their own organizations as community leaders.

cultures, adolescents were more likely to ascribe

Thus, in the Indian context, mentoring was more

mentoring functions to adults than peers, relatives

likely to occur naturally or by chance rather than

than nonrelatives, and those belonging to the same

in a formal or structured manner.

sex rather than the opposite sex. However, Japanese

Results of an ongoing project (Bhangaokar,

adolescents were more likely to mention their 2014) on mentoring relationships between civically peers also as mentors as compared to American

engaged youth and their mentors in organizations

adolescents. This was attributed to horizontal col-

in Gujarat, India, following a Gandhian philoso-

lectivism and the explicit recognition of peers as

phy showed that Gandhian mentors never imposed

mentors in Japanese society (Darling, Hamilton,

Gandhian principles over the mentees by way of

Toyokawa, & Matsuda, 2002).

propaganda. Instead, they stringently followed

A study on youth community involvement in

Gandhian principles of simplicity, nonviolence, and

postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina by Kasumagic

dignity of labor in their own lives. Observing these

(2008) reported the lack of structured opportuni-

traits in the mentors inspired the mentees to adopt

ties and role models for Bosnian youth from dif-

some of these practices in their own lives. Close

ferent ethnic backgrounds to be constructively interactions and training with Gandhian mentors, engaged in peace and rehabilitation activities in

as well as involvement in activities such as using

the sensitive, war-torn region. One of the recom-

a spinning wheel ( charkha) and wearing clothes

mendations from the study was the conscious need

made out of handspun cotton ( khadi), cleaning toi-

for adults working with these youth to allow them

lets, traveling to remote villages, doing small acts

freedom of expression and the time and space to

of kindness, and staying at the Sabarmati Ashram

build faith in adults and themselves as change

in Ahmedabad strongly contributed to imbibing

makers for rebuilding the country.

Gandhian philosophy and changing youth percep-

Mentoring in the Indian context is largely tions about materialism, truth, and nonviolence.

defined within the parameters of the traditional

Mentoring has positive effects on the mentor

guru–shishya parampara (traditional teacher–dis-

also. Taylor (2007) gives supportive evidence on

ciple relationship) template. The guru is considered

the psychological benefits of mentoring: for the

to be a sacred, authoritative, and wise person, usu-

mentors, mentoring was associated with fewer

ally older and more experienced, while the disci-

depressive symptoms, enhanced self-esteem, bet-

ple must be committed, disciplined, and devoted

ter health outcomes, and stronger social connec-

to the teacher (Ganapathy-Coleman, 2014). Very

tions with other mentors, as well as with their own

few empirical studies in India explain mentoring

families. Morrow-Howell, Hong, and Tang (2009)

outside the fields of business or management. In

reported that older adults, especially women and

a significant departure from the traditional guru–

those with lower education and from lower social

shishya (teacher–disciple) relationship, Rathore’s classes, perceived maximum benefits of volunteer-

(2011) study on mentoring of civically engaged

ing for self and family. The lives of mentors and/

youth in India found that most mentors reported

or community leaders thus represent a complex

giving freedom and choice to their mentees without

mix of generativity for societal causes beyond the

a strict imposition of hierarchy, either in their ideol-

self and immediate family. They adopt and prac-

ogies or in discipline involved in conducting activi-

tice clear moral ideologies to further the causes of

ties. Like the parent–child relationship, there was a

community leadership that they have taken up,

nurturing bond between mentors and mentees, but

for example, belief in environmental conservation,

mentors maintained clear-cut boundaries of friend-

nonviolence, gender equality, or human rights. In

liness and professional distance from the mentees,

some ways, they have managed to create a balance

subtly negotiating areas of noninterference.

between their own needs as mentors or community

A study by Mehta (2010) on civically engaged

leaders and have switched to being service-oriented

youth in Gujarat, India, identified the presence of

in their approach. These factors are indicative of

nonfamily mentors to be a significant factor for

movement along the continuum of self-related

youth to take up and continue with civic engage-

attachment to service-driven nonattachment.

ment activities. Some participants who were in

The next section explores prominent ideas of

their early 30s and involved in civic engagement

attachment and nonattachment and their impli-

activities for more than 6 years had recently taken

cations for later adults. Ideas of nonattachment

688

CoMMu nit y l e A der ship A nd non-At tAChMent in l Ater A du lt hood

essentially stem from spiritual-philosophical and

texts and religious laws play a very important role

religious schools of thought.

in the formation of these attachment patterns.

Although there is ample research on later adult-

Attachment and Nonattachment

hood and attachment, very few studies focus on the

in Later Years

idea of nonattachment at an advanced age. There

Nonattachment is an important spiritual-

seems to be a dearth of psychological research

philosophical theme in the developmental tran-

materials in the area from European, American,

sitions that occur during later adulthood. and other cultural contexts. Some anthropological Nonattachment is mostly explained for the later

and cultural psychological work on conceptions

years, alongside the markers of mature adulthood.

of personhood and old age provide insights into

Most explanations of nonattachment are inwardly

experiences of aging across cultures, but few of

directed through prescriptions for self-restraint them directly refer to nonattachment as a concept.

and moving away from worldly pleasures in many

For example, through her ethnographic studies on

cultures. Service or compassion toward others is at

the elderly in West Bengal, India, Lamb (1997)

times built into these prescriptions.

argues against a single model of personhood in

Most theoretical knowledge about later adulthood

either Western or Indian cultural systems. With

comes from postindustrialized Western countries.

specific reference to the later years, she mentions

Mainly along the dichotomy of attachment–

how the understanding of selfhood becomes more

detachment and focusing mostly on the individual,

concrete, unique, and partially separable from oth-

a sizable number of European and American stud-

ers even in cultures like Indiagenerally assumed to

ies explain the clinical and psychological dimen-

be “collectivistic.” In her study, elderly Bengali

sions of coping in the older years. Stemming from

women think about disengaging or freeing them-

attachment theory, most European and American

selves of maya (illusion, worldly ties) as they age

studies discuss bereavement in later years or cop-

and prepare for the last stage of life. Lamb’s work

ing with the loss of attachment figures from a clin-

reiterates two important ideas: one is the increased

ical perspective (Bradley & Cafferty, 2001). In a

significance of a personal psychological space,

comprehensive overview of clinical psychological

including ideas of autonomy and unboundedness

studies on attachment in old age in Western societ-

that an aging person engages with. The second

ies from 1983 to 2012, Assche, Luyten, Bruffaerts,

is the intertwining of the cultural and religious-

Persoons, van de Ven, and Vandenbulcke (2013)

philosophical concepts that support and facilitate

mention that older adults tend to have less a person’s movement in the sphere of introspection attachment relations than younger adults. Their

and self-analysis. Both processes will vary across

adult children feature prominently in meeting cultures and include many spiritual-religious ideas attachment needs while they develop symbolic in the background.

attachment with God, indicative mostly of a com-

Assuming that many broad understandings of

pensatory strategy for replacing attachment figures

nonattachment in old age may be prescribed in

lost to death. Attachment with God was influenced

religious-philosophical texts and principles, in the

by age, gender, socioeconomic status, hardships,

next section, an attempt is made to illuminate these

and stress, among other factors. God emerges as

understandings. Due to the lack of empirical stud-

an important attachment figure during later adult-

ies on nonattachment, prescribed ideal states of

hood, especially in circumstances where elderly

mature adulthood that incorporate ideas of nonat-

have lost attachment figures in their own lives.

tachment are cited.

African Americans and those from lower socio-

economic sectors were more likely to demonstrate

Nonattachment: A Religious-Philosophical

strong attachment with God (Cicirelli, 2004).

Understanding

Using attachment theory, Harris, Marshall, and

Most religions and their scriptures prescribe

Schvaneveldt (2008) provide an interesting analy-

ideal roles and behaviors for followers. In some

sis of marital rituals and laws in the Abrahamic

religions, these are explained for specific life stages

religions — Islam, Judaism, and Christianity. like childhood or mature adulthood, whereas in Highlighting similarities among the three reli-others there is only a blanket prescription of how

gions, they conclude that attachment relationships

a person should be, irrespective of age, social role,

with real-world figures like parents and spouses

or status. An attempt has been made to focus on

define the features of attachment with God. Sacred

these prescriptions of mature adulthood in Islam

Bh A ng Aok A r

689

and Judaism and discuss nonattachment against

daily prayers regularly were less likely to take part

this religious/cultural backdrop.

in other civic groups.

Islam believes in nonattachment (zuhd) and a

The wave of Islamic revivalism is represented by

life of simplicity over material possessions (www.

the growth and popularity of the Tablighi jamaat,

britannica.com). This process progresses in three which believes in going back to true Islam and, in

stages: a struggle to move away from worldly plea-

the process, embracing strict ritualistic practices

sures, nonattachment for exchange of rewards, and,

aligning with the Shariah law, especially for women.

last, effortless nonattachment, when a person does

Sacrificing spare time to learn about religion and

not think twice before giving up something. Sufism

providing service in spreading it is one of the aims

also advocates living in the world while nonat-

of the sect. At the outset, these beliefs may seem

tached to promote self-improvement, a lifestyle in

like resoundingly outdated patriarchal attempts

which death should not be mourned or feared but

to control women. However, studies by Amrullah

embraced (Sen & Shafi, 2008).

(2011) in Indonesia and Ali (2011) in Australia

According to Lapidus (1976), coordination represent the inner journeys of self-improvement between an active worldly life and an inner life

toward more piety experienced by adult Muslim

full of strengths and ethical psychological virtues

women following the Tablighi jamaat in response

determines maturity in Islam. Religious life and

to modernity. Most of these women were aged

practices are central to Islamic identity. Trust in

between 20 and 47 years; belonged to urban,

God and total surrender involves a deep under-

middle-, and upper-middle-class families; and

standing of one’s strengths and limitations, and

their seniority depended on the number of years of

this becomes the basis for spiritual progression

enrolment in the sect.

for a Muslim. Islam recognizes that every human

Judaism constructs the idea of advancing age

being is incomplete and flawed, but the one who is

without specific reference to nonattachment. The

aware of his or her limitations is constantly striv-

elderly are given a revered place in society, but,

ing to heal from inside while judiciously taking

instead of focusing on withdrawal from attachments,

up responsibility on the outside. Such people who

the emphasis is on continued participation and spe-

believe in truth (iman), patience (sabr), and divine

cialized contribution to communal living. According

knowledge (tasdiq) are considered wise (halim).

to Rabbi Sedley (2012), old age should not be equated

As against this, the jahil (unbeliever, ignorant) is

with a burden but must be accepted as a blessing. The

driven by passion, lacks self-control, and is imprac-

elderly should hence be held in respect and esteem

tical in real life. A good Muslim adult thus lives a

as they are spiritual y and intel ectual y on higher

life well synchronized with his or her context and

ground and closer to God. Older people are consid-

does not cling to worldly pleasures. One may safely

ered to be the eyes of society who will lead the next

assume that, by and large, this deep understanding

generation; hence, Jewish society places high pre-

of personhood and religion may appear only in late

mium on well integrated aging in society. The con-

and/or mature adulthood when one has adequate

cept of life-long learning for the sake of knowledge

insights about behavior from social and personal

and contributing to society to the greatest extent pos-

experiences.

sible exemplify Jewish characteristics of old age. The

A study by Sarkissian (2012) using data from

active engagement of elderly in volunteering activities

the World Values Survey from nine Muslim at schools to tutor younger children and care for their majority countries (Albania, Bangladesh, Burkina

grandchildren is strongly emphasized. The elderly

Faso, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, are encouraged to write their ethical will and discuss Mali, and Turkey) illuminated interesting con-details of their death with their family. The “letting

nections between religiosity and civic engage-

go” of life will become a reality only once the older

ment. Contrary to evidence from the Western person is tired of life, and, even then, he or she is countries, social trust and tolerance (contributors

encouraged to consciously prepare for death. Thus,

to social capital) were not significantly related to

in Judaism, the idea of nonattachment, physical as

civic engagement activities. Instead, gender, edu-

well as spiritual, is replaced with the concept of active

cation, and religious behavior (especially daily old age.

prayer) were stronger predictors of civic engage-

In Buddhism, the idea of detachment finds

ment. Men, more than women, and highly edu-

more mention than nonattachment. Wong (2006)

cated individuals were more likely to be engaged in

analyzes the concept of detachment in Buddhism,

civic activities. However, individuals who offered

Daoism, and Stoicism and states that Buddhism,

690

CoMMu nit y l e A der ship A nd non-At tAChMent in l Ater A du lt hood

like Stoicism, emphasizes that we should not be

is considered detrimental to self-development and

emotionally attached to anything or anyone from

spiritual progress. Nonattachment with the results

the outside world that can be taken away from us.

of one’s actions defines the concept of karma (action

Buddhism advocates the impermanence of every-

without attachment to the results of action), an idea

thing and cautions us against any desire for mate-

central to Hindu selfhood in India (Bhangaokar &

rial possessions, power, and status, as well as people,

Kapadia, 2009). These verses from the Bhagavad

because such desire only brings suffering. Even the

Gita (Chinmayananda, 2002) exemplify the con-

family should be treated as a group of travelers who

cepts of action, attachment, and nonattachment

come together, each one of whom departs from

in Hindu understanding. Mediated through non-

time to time, depending on various circumstances.

attachment is the interface between the atman

However, Zhuangzi’s concept of detachment in

(spiritual self) and the Brahman (divine universal

Daoism refers to “an inner withdrawal” (p. 213) in

power) — the cornerstone of self and personhood in

which one continues in life as normally as possible.

the Indian tradition:

The failure or success of our actions will not disturb

the individual who is adept at inner withdrawal.

Acts of sacrifice, charity and austerity should not

These ideas resonate well with Hindu Indian ideals

be abandoned, but should be performed; worship,

of being a sthithapraygya or a person who is engaged

charity and also austerity, are the purifiers of even

but nonattached because he treats failure and suc-

the “wise.”

cess with equanimity. A study by Wijesinghe and

But even these actions should be performed

Mendelson (2012) on the management of type 2

leaving aside attachment and the fruits, O Partha,

diabetes by Sri Lankan Buddhist nuns found that

this is my certain and best belief.

beliefs about detachment influenced their health

(Chapter XVIII, Verse 5, p. 1106; Verse 6, p. 1107)

behaviors, such that they refrained from thinking

Actions beneficial to self and society, such as

too much about life events and had accepted disease

sacrifice and charity (both necessary in commu-

as a natural and unavoidable part of life. Even the

nity service), are endorsed by the text and said

nun who understood the scientific and genetic links

to purify one’s being. However, all these actions

to her acquiring diabetes attributed it to her karma.

need to be performed without attachment. Thus,

With specific reference to community leader-

service to others is service in the real sense only

ship and civic engagement, studies that give direct

when done without attachment or the desire to

evidence on nonattachment are few. But those link-

get something in return. The next two verses

ing religious socialization with civic engagement

signify the interface of the human ego with the

can be easily found. For example, a study in the

divine, an interface that rests on the idea of free-

Netherlands found that lenient religious socializa-

dom from the notion of “mine” or ownership of

tion, especially during adolescence and in Catholic

any kind. Karma yogis or those who follow the

families, positively affected nonreligious volun-

path of karma in life (implying a possibility of

teering in later life. In addition to this, religious

including all human beings because freedom

volunteering almost always “spilled over” to nonre-

from karma is impossible) are expected to have

ligious volunteering (Vermeer & Scheepers, 2011).

this attitude toward all their actions. The verses

Similarly, Djupe and Neiheisel’s (2012) study on

endorse actions that must be performed by coor-

Latinos in the United States gives strong evidence

dinating all human faculties but solely for the

that playing congregational leadership roles in the

purpose of self-purification and transcendence,

church and participating in other small-group without desires:

church activities influences nonelectoral forms of

political participation.

Yogis, having abandoned attachment, perform

The next section describes the ideas of nonat-

actions merely by the body, the mind, intellect and

tachment from a Hindu Indian perspective.

senses, for the purification of the self (ego).

(Chapter V, Verse 11, p. 334)

Hindu Indian Perspectives

on Nonattachment

Having abandoned egoism, power, arrogance,

Nonattachment features strongly in many

desire, anger and aggrandisement, and freed from

Indian scriptures, most prominently in the

the notion of “mine,” and therefore peaceful—he is

Bhagavad Gita ( Song of God, sacred book of Hindus),

fit to become BRAHMAN.

where an attachment to the fruits of one’s actions

(Chapter XVIII, Verse 53)

Bh A ng Aok A r

691

Referring to the Bhagvad Gita, Bhawuk (2008)

first two stages is also expected during this stage.

refers to karma marga or the path of action (as

The stage is a stepping stone to the next stage of

against the path of devotion [ bhakti] or the path of

sanyasasrama, which emphasizes total renunciation

knowledge [ gyana]) as the most significant path to

and the spiritual pursuit of connecting with the

reach salvation or moksha because one can remain

divine.

engaged in everyday life by doing one’s duties in

Hindus believe in the self as a spiritual entity

a devoted but nonattached manner. The karma

(soul or Atman) and self-realization as the most

marga or the path of action that integrates the

significant goal throughout the life span. The

concept of nonattachment is really an attitude to

focus on transfer of expertise, self-discipline for

being. This attitude is adopted by many later adults

spiritual pursuits during late adulthood, and

in their community service and mentoring work.

transmigration of the soul also represent con-

Nonattachment or anasakti is considered a tinuity that is not affected by old age or death health-promoting attitude necessary to know one-

(Kakar & Kakar, 2007; Chatterjee et al., 2008).

self. When combined with yoga, it leads to better

In a study comparing disengagement theory and

neuropsychological balance and aids in the over-

the asramadharma scheme for older adults resid-

coming of materialistic desires and ahamkara (ego;

ing in old-age homes in Orissa, Mishra (2012)

Salagame, 2011).

found variations in belief and practice in which,

In India, the asramadharma theory of life span

although elderly were disengaging from routines

development includes four major life transitions: the

tasks in everyday family life, they were replacing

first two stages of brahmacharya (stage of celibacy

these tasks with some duties within the old-age

and studentship) and grishastyashrama (stage of a

homes where they now resided.

married householder and family life) that both focus

The merging of philosophical underpinnings of

on fulfilling responsibilities through engagement in

community leadership and nonattachment can be

the familial and social roles, and the last two stages

explained through the exemplary grassroots-level

of vanaprastha (stage of a forest dweller) and san-

initiatives of community leaders like Vinoba

yasaasrama (stage of renunciation), which represent

Bhave, Sunderlal Bahuguna, and others in con-

withdrawal from worldly pleasures and renunciation

temporary India. The social movements they

(Saraswathi & Ganapathy, 2002). The goal of for-

undertook motivated many others to adopt their

ward movement in this scheme is for an individual to

methods and ideologies such as fasting, holding

move closer to moksha (spiritual release) and spiritual

nonviolent protests, and practicing compassion to

refinement through self-actualization (Kakar, 1981).

combat social problems like corruption, rampant

Nonattachment, an important attitude, remains the

deforestation, illegal mining, and the building of

crux of all the four stages, in which the performance

huge dams and power projects. Individuals leading

of righteous, role-related duties takes precedence to

such countermovements are often fighting for the

propel the transitions forward.

cause of sustainable development, ecological con-

The stage of vanaprasthasrama (leaving for the

servation, organic farming, and the rights of tribal

forest) is of relevance to middle and later adult-

minorities and their rehabilitation. A few illustra-

hood. Retirement and handing over of the family

tive cases explain this interface between commu-

responsibilities to the next generation is the hall-

nity leadership and an attitude of nonattachment

mark of this stage, which de-emphasizes author-

and simplicity.

ity and marks the beginning of a spiritual journey

Acharya Vinoba Bhave, a little-known social

for the individual. Saraswathi, Mistry, and Dutta

reformer, was considered an heir to Gandhi’s leg-

(2011) explain that the main task during vanapr-

acy. He initiated the Bhoodan movement (Gifting

astha is beginning to give up or dissolve individual

of Land) in April 1951, in which he would walk

relationships, with a simultaneous emphasis on from one village to another, covering many states of lowering and controlling egoistical strivings.

India every year, asking landlords to donate land to

The focus of this stage is on being generative

landless cultivators (S. K., 1958). His ability to con-

through selfless service to larger goals of com-

vince people to give up their excess land was based

mon, public good. Nonattachment hence features

entirely on principles of simplicity and compassion.

prominently in this stage, without which spiri-

Drawing on Hindu religious ideas and folklore,

tual progress to the next is meaningless. However,

by 1958, Vinoba accumulated close to 5 million

engagement and transfer to the next generation of

acres of land that would be distributed to land-

the expertise that one has accumulated through the

less farmers for agriculture and rural development

692

CoMMu nit y l e A der ship A nd non-At tAChMent in l Ater A du lt hood

(Srivastava, 1967). The Bhoodan movement was sig-

poor with great compassion. For uplifting those

nificant because it highlighted the need for rural

in poverty, Jayeshbhai urges community workers

social reform that was divorced from the govern-

to be “ladders” not “leaders” (http://mammov-

ment policies and considered people to be partners

ies.com/jayesh-bhai-on-laddership/). He strongly in the process of social change.

believes that the values of truth, compassion,

Sunderlal Bahuguna, another Gandhian, and kindness should effortlessly be a part of any spearheaded the nonviolent Chipko (translated as

interaction with people in any work and, he reit-

“embrace” or “gluing” oneself to trees) movement

erates the Gandhian principle of samdrasti (equal

in Garhwal and Uttar Pradesh regions to protest

vision, seeing everyone as equal). Jayeshbhai is

against the green-felling of trees. The movement

optimistic that future leaders will not lead from

was fueled by rural women who would embrace

the front, but will emerge from among the people

trees, which were their main source of livelihood,

and become one with them through their work.

in order to save them from being felled by govern-

He recommends decentralization of power and

ment machinery. The movement rapidly spread to

resources and concludes that human connections

other parts of the country where local self-help

of empathy and kindness are what will eventually

groups protested against deforestation. Bahuguna

remain to define the future.

was also involved in the Save the Himalayas move-

Vinoba Bhave, Sunderlal Bahuguna, Anna

ment against the building of the Tehri Dam and

Hazare, and Jayeshbhai are older adults. Their

in protecting the Ganges ( Ganga Raksha Yatra),

beliefs and philosophies have taken shape because

which he successfully negotiated with the gov-

of their struggles and immense sacrifices for social

ernment after prolonged fasting (Sharma, 2009).

causes. Each one and his work embodies a nonat-

In 2009, he was awarded the Padma Vibhushan,

tachment with results. They have been tirelessly

India’s second highest civilian award for his working in different settings to create local impact efforts.

by taking people together with them, as a collective

Anna Hazare, a social worker from Ralegaon

force.

Siddhi, Maharashtra, India, led the recent anticor-

ruption movement in New Delhi and was instru-

Conclusion

mental in making the Right to Information Act

The later adulthood years signify the impor-

a reality (www.annahazare.com). But before this, tance of amalgamating the skills and strengths

Anna was responsible for transforming Ralegaon

acquired over previous life stages and putting them

Siddhi, a village on the verge of drought and prone

to use for self and society. However, in the contem-

to a host of social problems due to poverty into a

porary world, alongside the promise of contribut-

model, self-sufficient village. He uses techniques

ing to society and positive self-development lies the

like shramdaan (donation of labor) to clean streets

challenge of overcoming loneliness and isolation.

in the village and employs other Gandhian forms

This is because, in most developed and develop-

of resistance, such as nonviolent protests, to com-

ing societies, older people are being marginalized

bat social problems. A true Gandhian, Anna, to

and pushed away to the peripheries of active social

this day, lives in simplicity at the village temple and

functioning. Given the demographic trends, most

works actively to create community leaders in the

societies realize the importance of taking care of

village. He has undertaken many fasts unto death

their rising elderly populations and engaging them

for public demands related to transparency in gov-

in meaningful activities that are useful to them as

ernance (Dalal, 2010).

well as to society. Policies and civil society initia-

Jayeshbhai Patel is the founder of Manav tives in many parts of the world are actively inno-Sadhana, a social development organization asso-

vating in the social welfare sector to create safety

ciated with the Sabarmati Ashram, Ahmedabad,

nets for the elderly.

Gujarat, India. His father Ishwarbhai had worked

If the theoretical and research focus on later

closely with Mahatma Gandhi and alone after

adulthood years shifts to positive development,

Gandhi’s death to improve rural sanitation using

many creative solutions may emerge. With them

sustainable resources. Through the Safai Vidyalaya

will also emerge the need to create contexts and

(cleanliness school), Ishwarbhai built innumer-

opportunities that support positive growth through

able toilets and innovative sanitation projects the last decade of life. However, preparation for old in rural areas of India. In his father’s footsteps,

age must begin in the late 40s or early 50s to buffer

Jayeshbhai continues to work for the poorest of

the effects of sudden shifts due to retirement and

Bh A ng Aok A r

693

other changes in family life. Mentoring, volunteer-

Acknowledgments

ing, and civic engagement are possible avenues that

The author would like to acknowledge the

act as catalysts in the process of successful aging

inputs of Ms. Krishna Zaveri, Mr. Vijay Vasava,

and positive development. However, the trends for

and Ms. Niyati Pandya in reviewing literature for

these forms of civic engagement in the later years

this chapter.

across the world are uneven.

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696

CoMMu nit y l e A der ship A nd non-At tAChMent in l Ater A du lt hood

C H A P T E R

Death and Bereavement in Later

43 Adulthood: Cultural Beliefs,

Behaviors, and Emotions

Paul C. Rosenblatt

Abstract

Writing at the intersection of developmental perspectives, ethnographic research, and bereavement studies, the author explores cultural beliefs, behaviors, and emotions connected to the end of life, dying, and death of elders. The chapter discusses the substantial differences across cultures in who the elders are, their experiences with loss, their treatment and standing, and what are considered good and bad deaths for them. The author speculates about what it means when elders in many cultures think that their culture and its treatment of them have declined and examines cross-cultural differences in grief and death rituals when an elder dies. And for the many cultures in which spirits of the dead remain actively present in the world of the living, the author speculates about the implications of this belief for survivors and researchers.

Key Words: aging, culture, death, dying, elders, grief, mourning, spirits

In this chapter, I explore cultural beliefs and

diversity of world cultures. Paying attention to

practices surrounding old age and the deaths of

variations across cultures gives us a wider range of

elders. Cross-culturally, who are the elders, and

phenomena to make sense of than is convention-

what is their place in society? What do elders make

ally addressed in the academic literature on death

of how they are treated by those around them?

and bereavement, and the emic views that come

What is the impact on elders of the many deaths

from these cultures can be taken as conceptual

they have mourned and of widowhood? For an elder

challenges to many conventional social science

who is close to the end of life, what is a good death,

conceptualizations. At another level, anyone who

and what kind of care and support might she receive

lives in a community like mine, where a hospital

from others in her culture? What does a death of

physician or other worker might in one hour treat,

someone in later adulthood mean to family and

say, a Hmong from Laos, a Nuer from Sudan, a

community members? How might family and com-

Somali, an Ethiopian, a Mam speaking Mayan, a

munity grieve the death of an elder and deal with it

Tibetan, and a Bhutanese, can benefit from being

ritually? And in cultures in which the spirits of the

knowledgeable about and respectful of cultural

dead affect or even interact with the living, what

differences in beliefs and practices related to death

goes on following an elder’s death in the relation-

and bereavement in old age.

ship of survivors with the deceased elder?

Focusing on death and bereavement as they

Who Is an Elder?

are linked to the lives of elders, this chapter, like

When I was carrying out ethnographic research

others in this book, challenges simple, totaliz-

on the island of Bali, Indonesia, in the 1970s, one

ing conceptualizations of human development of my informants was described to me by two other that are made without sufficient attention to the

Balinese as the most evil man in south Bali. In

697

contrast to their usual Balinese smoothness, these

that there are few community members who are

two men were visibly uncomfortable and almost

older than they, and they often find themselves in

seemed physically ill when they talked about him.

demanding leadership roles. To illustrate, a few

And he did seem to be about as peripheral in the

years ago, I worked with a graduate student from

community as a man could be. Part of it was that

a country that ranks near the bottom of World

he had never married, which meant that nobody

Health Organization (2013) life expectancy data.

wanted their daughter, niece, or granddaughter

She was in her early 40s, but she was one of a small

to marry him. And no woman wanted to risk the

group of living elders in a large kinship group. So,

shame, and perhaps danger, of being partnered with

in addition to all her work as a graduate student,

him. He had for years operated a brothel, which

she frequently was in communication back home

in Bali was considered extremely evil and a dread-

doing the work of an elder, for example, trying to

ful spiritual pollution of the community. He had

resolve disputes, authorizing certain rituals, and

served a long jail term, off the island, for black mar-

making judgments about how many cattle should

ket currency manipulation, which also made him

be given as part of a marriage contract or to right

inappropriate as a husband. Because nobody would

a wrong.

marry him, he was the senior unmarried member

But then elderhood in some cultures with a

of the warrior caste (most Balinese are Hindus) in

short life expectancy is defined in terms that would

south Bali. And as the senior unmarried member

make a person who is in his or her 40s unlikely to

of the warrior caste, when the Indonesian govern-

be fully an elder. For example, among the Gusii of

ment called for citizens to resist an alleged com-

Kenya, high standing as an elder male would be

munist coup, he was in charge of organizing the

measured by the size of his cattle herd, the number

killings. Thousands of Balinese who were leftist,

of people in his kingroup, and the establishment

of Chinese ethnic orientation, or who were singled

by married sons of appropriate start-up households

out for some other reason by the Indonesian mili-

(Okemwa, 2002). Few Gusii men in their 30s or

tary were killed (Robinson, 1995). If people had

40s would have done well by those standards. But

looked at this man with repulsion before the time

then, being in one’s 30s or 40s may make one not

of great violence, his responsibility for so many

quite up to the job of elder in other ways. For exam-

deaths made it even more certain that he would

ple, there are now quite a few cultures in which

never marry. When I knew him, he was in his 40s,

the position of “elder” may be occupied by someone

but because he had never married he had the sta-

who lacks the life experience, learning, knowledge,

tus of a child when it came to certain community

and demeanor to do the job well. To illustrate,

religious and political situations. Married teenag-

when Busisiwe Nkosi sought permission from local

ers could participate in important religious services

elders in KwaZulu Natal, South Africa, to inter-

and community discussions. He could not. So, he

view widows in their communities for our study

had the prospect of entering chronological old age

of Zulu widows (Rosenblatt & Nkosi, 2007), she

with the ritual and community governance status

encountered some “elders” who were in their 20s

of a boy in his community. And that, for me, was

and clueless about the relevant cultural issues and

a lesson about possible disconnects cross-culturally

etiquette. They had legitimate elder status because

between chronological age and what might seem to

of hereditary succession, but having the status did

be age-related statuses and roles.

not mean that they had the knowledge and experi-

In general, who is an elder varies from culture

ence to do the job well.

to culture (Frazier & Glascock, 2001). Life expec-

Across cultures, there are wide differences in

tancy varies widely, reflecting such factors as the

the culturally meaningful life events that mark

frequency of deaths from warfare, HIV/AIDS the transition to elderhood. The event marking the and other diseases, starvation, ecological disas-transition is often a life cycle event, such as having

ters, local public health and medical resources,

a child reach marriageable age (Rasmussen, 1997,

and changes in the economy and land use that

writing about the Tuareg of Niger) or the birth of

undermine life chances. Even within countries

a first grandchild. But there are cultures in which

like the United States, with an average life expec-

someone becomes what might be translated into

tancy that is quite high, there are cultures with

English as “elder” when the person is somehow

a very low life expectancy. With life expectancy

failing, for example, when the person becomes

varying widely, there will be people in their 50s,

dependent on younger family members (e.g., Shore,

40s, and even younger who are elder in the sense

1998, writing about Samoa).

698

de At h A nd Ber e Av eMent in l Ater A du lt hood

To complicate the discussion, I think cul-

willingness to care for young grandchildren may be

tures have nothing like a constant form, so that

very much appreciated (e.g., Sangree, 1997, writing

what went on, say, 50 years ago still goes on.

about the Tiriki of Kenya).

Consequently, the elders of today have almost

In many cultures, the elders people honor and

certainly grown up in and may still be oriented

treat well are their parents and grandparents,

toward a different cultural world than are the

people who have been important in their lives

younger people around them. Hence, elders may

since birth. Thus, a central role in nurturing and

have traversed and be traversing a different devel-

socialization seems often to be a powerful force in

opmental course than younger people because the

maintaining respect and caring by younger family

culturally available developmental experiences and community members. However, there are cul-and the cultural resources and standards have

tures where the comparatively high status of elders

changed. The current elders may have grown up

seems to come primarily from the ways elders are

in a different economy, kinship, and technologi-

collectively calculating in using the comparative

cal world; may have been educated differently;

advantages they have. As one illustration, Bruun

and may be more likely to live in rural and/or

(2009) wrote about the elders in a Tswana village

regionally traditional locations. They may have

in Botswana using their crucial roles as sources of

statuses, roles, and religious beliefs and practices

knowledge and wisdom at funerals in ways that

that are not particularly meaningful to those who

enhanced and legitimated their power and status

are younger than they. They may be treated differ-

in the community.

ently by younger people as they approach death,

Although elders in many societies seem to be

not only because they are older but also because

respected, valued, and treated well, there are societ-

they are in a sense from a different world than

ies in which elders are treated less well. They may,

those who are younger.

for example, be respected by some but also mocked

Still, in many cultures, there is the concept and

(e.g., Shore, 1998, writing about Samoa; Freeman,

role of “elder,” and the “elders” may be respected as

2007, writing about the Bamana of Mali; and this

they were in the past or even respected more than

was my own observation doing field work in south

in the past (Kulchyski, McCaskill, & Newhouse,

Bali, Indonesia, in the 1970s, with most disrespect

1999, pp. xvi–xvii). What elders have to offer in

coming from teenage males). Also, where economy,

cultures where they are valued might include what

politics, technology, and much else have changed

is considered wisdom in the culture, a knowledge

markedly, for example in South Africa, much of

of cultural and community history, expert knowl-

the traditional basis of elder respect has been lost

edge of the local language(s), knowledge of who is

(Moeller & Sotshongaye, 2002, writing about the

related in what ways to whom, knowledge of prec-

Zulu), and this means, among many things, that

edents in decision situations, religious knowledge

the young do not want to hear much that the elders

and authority, and knowledge about important might reminisce about concerning ill-treatment by practical matters such as agriculture and healing.

whites in the Apartheid era (Van Dongen, 2005).

The elders may have control over property, and

So, elders in various South African cultures com-

that control may enable them to have considerable

plain about not receiving respect from young peo-

influence. Their children may, as in South Korea,

ple and family members (e.g., Sagner, 2002, writing

have the moral and legal duty to care for them

about urban Xhosa; Moeller & Sotshongaye, 2002,

(Prendergast, 2005, p. 45). And if younger people

writing about urban Zulu).

in some cultures struggle to find help and cultural

In fact, there are powerful forces in some cul-

and psychological anchors, even elders who may

tures pushing toward ambivalence or even negativ-

seem quite overmatched by circumstances may be

ity with regard to elders. Elders can be recognized

turned to for help and deferred to. Elders are often

as a draw on scarce resources (e.g., Sagner, 2002,

a source of needed labor (including, in cultures

writing about urban Xhosa of South Africa). Their

devastated by HIV/AIDS and other scourges, care

knowledge and wisdom can seem irrelevant in a

of their dying adult children and their orphaned

rapidly changing political, economic, residential,

grandchildren; see Moeller & Sotshongaye, 2002).

and technological environment. And elders may

In parts of the world where population growth

make enemies by using their power and influence

has outstripped the capacity of the land and the

to exploit others, to take resources from others, and

economy to support the current population, an

to make decisions and choices that somehow limit

elderly family member with agricultural land and a

or restrict the lives of others.

rosenBl At t

699

Elders Who Think the Past Was

may be marginalized, isolated, and neglected by

Much Better than the Present

family (e.g., Kwan, 1995, writing about Hong

Elders in some societies are described as saying

Kong Chinese). They may be victims of violence

that, in important ways, the present is not as good

(Ferreira & Makoni, 2002, writing about urban

as the past. I assume that, from their perspectives,

South Africa; Nkosi & Daniels, 2014, writing

they are right. Despite the improvement of living

about South Africa) and neglect by family mem-

standards and life expectancy for billions of people

bers who traditionally would have been responsible

in the world, in many communities there is much

for their care and help (Bruun, 2009, writing about

that has declined. There may be declines resulting

a Tswana village in Botswana; Sagner, 2002, writ-

from climate change, warfare, disease, water short-

ing about urban Xhosa of South Africa). Neglect

age, neoliberal trade policies, government land by family members is a serious problem in societies use policies that force farmers off their land, and

where family support is the only support for the

structural adjustment programs that undermine

elderly (Cattell, 1997 b); their social security, their

public services, including those supporting health

assisted living, and their nursing home care come

and education. There also may be declines due to

from family. However, because people in a com-

the cumulative effect of past and/or current colo-

munity are aware of that, in cultures where the

nialism; the destruction of soil, forest, fishing, and

expectation is that there will be family support for

other resources; population growth; forced migra-

the needy elderly, there may be gossip about fami-

tion; widespread possession and use of deadly lies that neglect their elders (e.g., Rasmussen, 1997, weapons; the breakdown of traditional social con-p. 137, writing about the Tuareg of Niger). And

trols; and much more.

that gossip may have the power to reduce or stop

Also, elders may be concerned that, by the moral-

the neglect.

ity and standards they learned growing up, things

But then, in some cultures where elders com-

are bad (e.g., Bruun, 2009, writing about a village

plain that things are not as good now as in the past,

in Botswana; Sagner, 2002, writing about urban

the evidence in support of their claims is not clear.

Xhosa of South Africa). Compared to the past, for

For example, among the Na/’hoansi of Botswana

example, people may dress in ways the elders con-

(Rosenberg, 1997), elders complain about not

sider immoral, may have lost values of community

receiving family care and support when they actu-

sharing, may observe a sexual morality that allows

ally do receive such care and support. And Bruun

what elders consider an immoral amount of contact

(2009), who is cited earlier as saying that in vil-

between the genders in public, and young men and

lage Botswana the elders think things have become

women may violate the sexual morality that elders

much worse than in the past found in a report from

hold to by having sexual relationships without mar-

research done in the 1930s of a neighboring Tswana

riage. One could take any of these changes as merely

group that the elders even back then were saying

matters of generational differences in morality. But

that many young adults no longer treat their elders

there are practical concerns for the elders who are

with much respect (Schapera, 1940, pp. 269–270).

entangled in those differences. If couples have That could be taken to mean that, at least some sexual relationships and conceive children without

of the time, things may not have declined objec-

being married, that may mean that an elder’s son

tively but that there is something in being an elder

does not have a wife and children to help to care for

that makes it seem that things have declined. Then

the elder. If community cooperation is not valued as

there is the question of what to make of complaints

much as in the past, that means there is a narrower

that things have become worse when perhaps they

range of people who might provide help to a needy

have not. Rosenberg (1997) suggested that among

elder. Also, in cultures where morality violations are

the possibilities is that, although elders now receive

understood to lead to supernatural forces causing

support like elders did in the past, the range of peo-

harm to families and communities, what is seen

ple providing support is less than in the past, and

as immoral may have real and unpleasant conse-

the elders see that narrower range of supporters as a

quences. For example, for the Tswana of Botswana

sign that many people are stingy rather than help-

(Bruun, 2009, p. 14), the moral failings of younger

ful with regard to needy or deserving elders. Also,

adults are seen by elders as responsible for drought

the elders might complain as a counter to whatever

and cattle deaths.

resource-hoarding inclinations those who care for

But then, too, in some societies, elders are them have. But in reality, the past was not neces-occasionally or even often badly treated. They sarily good for the Na/’hoansi. Rosenberg pointed 700

de At h A nd Ber e Av eMent in l Ater A du lt hood

out, for example, that in the past there were times

accumulation of losses (Hansson & Stroebe, 2007,

when a family group could not provide the needed

pp. 155–158).

care and support of a frail elder and so the life of

Consider elders who are widowed. Around the

the elder was cut short.

world, there are more widows than widowers for

many reasons, including a common pattern of older

Elder Grief over People Who

men marrying younger women (Cattell, 1997 a).

Have Died Before Them

One might assume that becoming a widow would

By later adulthood, elders will have experienced

be emotionally difficult and that a widow would

the deaths of many people who were important

grieve long and intensely for her dead husband.

in their lives (Hansson & Stroebe, 2007, p. 157;

And that is certainly so for some widows. But,

Moss, Moss, & Hansson, 2001), and however

not uncommonly, practical concerns are mixed

much they may seem to an observer to be living

with grief for the lost spouse or are dominant (e.g.,

an ordinary life, eating, working if they can, con-

Rosenblatt & Nkosi, 2007, writing about Zulu

versing with others, seeming to enjoy themselves

widows in South Africa). Thus, a widow may be

at least some of the time, they may also feel grief

grieving as much or more for the material losses

at times or perhaps even more or less all the time,

that accompany her husband’s death. That is, wid-

for one, many, or all of their losses. This line of

owhood not infrequently involves a loss of material

thought is consistent with continuing bonds the-

support, and so widowhood may usher in a time

ory in the bereavement field, the theoretical posi-

of greater neediness. In fact, in some cultures, a

tion that people do not “get over” grief, that even

widow may lose access to her home, farm, gardens,

though it may transform, it also continues (Klass,

and other property as they revert to ownership

Silverman, & Nickman, 1996). Thus, bereave-

by the family of her deceased husband (Cattell,

ment is arguably an important element in the lives

1997 a). Thus, widowhood can be a time of hunger,

of elders.

poverty, and social marginality (Cattell, 1997 a).

In societies with comparatively long lifespans, it

Conversely, for some widows, the husband’s loss

may be more difficult for an observer to recognize

can be in some ways a positive thing. The husband

that an elder is carrying a grief load because some of

may have been an economic burden, may have been

the signs of grieving and some of the signs of hav-

violent toward her, may have been a threat to infect

ing a body that is in old age are similar (Hansson &

her with sexually transmitted diseases, may have

Stroebe, 2007, pp. 165–168); for example, disrupted

been disloyal, and may have burdened her with care

social engagement, disrupted sleep, increased remi-

for and subsistence support of him. So, the hus-

niscences about the past, and decreased atten-

band’s death may be a release from difficulties. And,

tion to daily chores. Plus, an elderly person who

for some women, widowhood is a time of greater

seems depressed may be mistakenly assumed to be

autonomy, greater control of household resources,

depressed by health issues and incapacities rather

and greater control of the fruits of personal labor.

than losses (Hansson & Stroebe 2007, p. 82). Then,

Thus, elderly widows among the Abaluyia of west-

too, elder grief may differ from the grief of some-

ern Kenya may be glad to have control of their own

one younger (Hansson & Stroebe, 2007, p. 156;

home and to be free of the obligation to feed a man

Moss, Moss, & Hansson, 2001; Rosenblatt, 1983,

(Cattell, 1997 a). Plus, either because she is a widow

pp. 118–119). Elders may benefit from having or because she is postmenopausal, an older widow learned through experiences with previous losses

may be free of onerous restrictions that younger

to deal with thoughts about personal mortality, to

women must deal with—for example, the need

know what is culturally expected in bereavement,

to have permission from a male relative to travel

and to have beliefs, ego defenses, emotional con-

(Cattell, 1997 a).

trol techniques, ways of recruiting support, and

From another perspective, elders can be

narrative constructing practices in place in dealing

expected because of their history of losses to

with a loss. Conversely, having experienced mul-

have a private world of reverie inhabited largely

tiple losses can lead to problems for an elder who

by people who have died and to feel continuing

may have lost people who were not only of primary

bonds (Klass et al., 1996) with many of the peo-

emotional significance, but who were also provid-

ple whose deaths they have experienced. Possibly,

ers of necessary assistance. That means they may

those bonds can be at times reassuring, ground-

have less resilience and fewer social and economic

ing, and a source of good feelings, but they can

resources in dealing with any particular loss or the

also be burdensome. There are cultures in which

rosenBl At t

701

people are painfully aware that their environ-

would feel quite uncomfortable with relegating

ment is filled with reminders (places, things, elders to the care of strangers or with themselves songs, events, people, etc.) that evoke memories,

being relegated to such care. However, a study

thoughts and feelings about, and longing for the

of Chinese immigrants to California showed

dead—for example, the Rauto of New Britain

that there can be cultural routes to legitimating

(Maschio, 1992). Rauto take their remember-

care of elder family members by outsiders (Lan,

ing, longing, and sadness as positive reminders

2002), for example, by incorporating the outsid-

of what they lost emotionally and materially, as

ers into the family as fictive kin.

links between the generations, and as acknowl-

edgment of aspects of the self that have been lost

Meanings of Death for the Elderly

as a result of deaths. That may seem familiar to

For elders near the end of life, there may be

someone from the United States or Britain, but

some meanings of death that cross-culturally

there is much about Rauto grieving that would

are not so variable—perhaps death as the end-

not be familiar. For example, there are expres-

ing of physical pain. But there are also meanings

sions of rage, forms of bereavement chanting, and

of death for the elderly that are present in some

cultural logics concerning death and the dead

cultures and not others. For example, in Korea,

that would seem alien.

the meaning of death for elderly women includes

elevating their status so that they can enter the

End-of-Life Care for Elders

world of men (Shin, Cho, & Kim, 2005), which

In some cultures, typical elders near the end of

means that only after dying can they join the men

life reside in the midst of an extended family that

of the group into which they married and become

includes their children, children-in-law, grandchil-

ancestors (provided they have borne a son, lived a

dren, and grandchildren-in-law. One or a small

good life, and met other standards of excellence).

number of kin may have primary care responsi-

Also, in Korea, a good death is seen for men and

bilities for them, but most people who are around

women as one occurring in old age (after having

them may nurture them in some way. There are

been married and had a son), surrounded by fam-

also elders in some cultures who have nobody to

ily and friends, and in comfortable surroundings,

care for them and, in fact, are neglected and even

rather than dying suddenly (Prendergast, 2005,

tormented (Counts & Counts, 1991, writing about

pp. 100–104). And, to take another example,

the Kaliai of New Britain).

for the Lusi-Kaliai of New Britain (Counts &

Care for elders is in many cultures more a

Counts, 1991), there are not many good deaths

task of women than men. In modern Japan, for

because most deaths are seen to be untimely and

example, there are strong societal pressures for a

caused by sorcery, but a few elderly people expe-

middle-aged woman to care for her elderly par-

rience a good death, which is seen as quiet and

ents or parents-in-law even if she has a full-time

acquiesced to by the person dying. In addition,

job and other demanding family responsibili-

another part of a good death for the Lusi-Kaliai

ties (Lock, 1998). But, in the United States, is the settling, prior to death, of personal social even though people in some ethnic groups—for

and economic affairs, the balancing of debts and

example, African Americans—are more likely obligations, and the severing of certain relation-than people in others to take care of infirm elders

ships. A Lusi-Kaliai who has done this is seen as

in a home situation (e.g., Rosenblatt & Wallace,

socially dead months or even years before physi-

2005; Turner, Wallace, Anderson, & Bird, 2004),

cal death, and the family and community may

there is quite an elaboration of institutional set-

even hold the mortuary ceremony for the person

tings in which people other than family care for

while the person is alive and very aware. So, there

elderly who need such care. One might assume

are cultures in which a good death can happen

that financially well-off and busy people from

before one is biologically dead.

countries where there are economic resources to

develop institutional care for infirm elders would

Grief Following the Death of an Elder

want such care for their elders and for themselves

As I implied earlier in this chapter, people may

when they are elders. But my own anecdotal con-

have many reasons to grieve an elder’s death. The

tact with academics from Thailand, South Korea,

survivors may feel the loss, for example, of the

and other economies that in principle could wisdom of the elders, their curing powers, knowl-afford to develop such institutions is that they

edge of kinship relationships, and knowledge of

702

de At h A nd Ber e Av eMent in l Ater A du lt hood

the physical ecology (e.g., Rosenberg, 1997, writ-

they feel and that they display, how long their pub-

ing about the Ju/’hoansi of Botswana). There are

lic and private grieving seem to last or are expected

cultures in which elders are intermediaries in deal-

to last, and how much their grieving makes them

ing with the ancestors (e.g., Bruun, 2009, writing

(or mourning rituals require them to be) less than

about a village in Botswana), and the ancestors are

functional at their relationship and subsistence

important because they are part of the hierarchi-

tasks. There are quite probably differences across

cal organization of social life and because they can

cultures in the emotion schemes people use in

bring benefits and possibly harm. And a death can

deciding what is going on when they feel depressed,

also be upsetting because of its material conse-

cry, or otherwise react to a loss in ways that in the

quences, for example, that one has to pay expensive

United States might be framed as grief (Shweder,

funeral costs (Wellenkamp, 1991, writing about

1994). There are also substantial cross-cultural

the Toraja of Indonesia). So, the deaths of elders

differences in what a death means to people, how

may entail losses of many sorts, including losses of

they explain a death, how much (if at all) they feel

valued leadership, help, knowledge, practical con-

responsible for a death, and the emotions they talk

nections with the ancestors, and economic losses.

about (Charmaz & Milligan, 2006; Currer, 2001;

Those who have been closest to the deceased

Rosenblatt, 2001; 2012; Wierzbicka, 2003). People

emotionally and who may have had the greatest role

in different cultures grieve differently (Rosenblatt,

in providing care at the end of life may have com-

2008; 2012). That does not mean that any particu-

plex feelings about their loss. They may grieve, but

lar person in a culture grieves in full accord with

they also may be quite angry and upset at a spouse

the cultural pattern (Hollan, 1995). Instead, people

or parent who, by dying, abandoned them. They

grieve in ways that may make selective use of the

may be angry and frustrated about the demands the

various cultural elements that are available to them

deceased put on them at the end of life. They may

and that are related to grieving.

struggle to come to terms with unfinished relation-

Following the dominant standards of the field of

ship or emotional business with the deceased. Their

psychology, we may write as though grief is more or

grieving may include elements of guilt over not

less the same for every human. But it is a mistake to

having had the appropriate feelings near the end

use the standards that develop out of research and

of the elder’s life, over having continuing resent-

writing derived from studies in a particular culture

ments and anger, over having accounts that need

to evaluate the grieving of people from diverse cul-

to be settled, over relief that the elder has died, and

tures. We risk misunderstanding people, and, of

much more. Among other things, these emotional

course, applying our cultural standards to people

complexities mean that it is problematic to call the

from other cultures means we are not understand-

survivors or the deceased “loved ones” or to assume

ing them in their own terms, not being respectful

that what they feel is simply sadness.

of their culture-based realities and experiences, and

Grieving is inevitably entangled in culture. The

not advancing research and theory as well as we

emotions that people experience and express when

might if we treated their ways of explaining things

someone has died are diverse across cultures and,

as the basis for alternative theoretical schemes.

even within a culture, often seem to be complex,

Even the vocabulary we use in writing and speak-

changing, and not necessarily easy for people to

ing about grief represents one particular culture’s

put to words in their own language, let alone for

set of categories and ways of organizing knowledge

anyone to translate those words into English. One

concerning grief.

might say that following a death people commonly

feel grief—in which sadness may be a dominant or

Death Rituals and Grieving

common feeling, but sadness may be blended with

In some cultures, death rituals are more elabo-

other feelings, for example, those that could be

rate for elderly people who have occupied impor-

glossed in English as anger, fear, anxiety, shame,

tant roles in their kin group and community than

guilt, or loneliness. And sadness may be blended

for other people (Rosenblatt, Walsh, & Jackson,

with feelings that have no translation into English

1976, p. 8). One could take the elaboration of ritu-

(Rosenblatt, 2001; 2008).

als for certain elderly in some cultures as a mark of

In fact, there seem to be differences across cul-

their status and importance, of how many people

tures in what is considered a normal emotional

they were connected to, and perhaps of how much

reaction following a loss, how strongly people they were loved and/or feared. But the elabora-express emotions in public, the emotions they say

tion also may stem from the need for transfers of

rosenBl At t

703

important roles and property. That is, during the

in some ways recruiting support for the bereaved,

course of funeral ceremonies, there may be a formal

there are many bereaved cross-culturally who,

transfer of ritual, political, or other authority from

because of migration, warfare, economic chaos,

the deceased to one or more others, and there may

or other disruptions, cannot engage in the proper

also be formal transfer of control of property—per-

mourning practices. For example, Cambodians

haps land and livestock, perhaps ritual objects, per-

who were refugees from the slaughter of a very

haps a dwelling, and even, in some cultures, wives.

substantial proportion of their country’s popula-

A central part of formal funeral ceremonies in

tion often were in no position to carry out proper

some cultures is the definition of the cause of death.

mourning rituals or even to know what happened

In contrast to or in parallel with medical under-

to family members who there was every reason to

standings of the cause of a death may be the estab-

believe had died (Boehnlein, 1987). Bodies were

lishment of a cause that centers on the malevolence

often in unknown locations, Buddhist priests who

of a human or spirit-world agent. For example the

were central to funeral practices were among those

Kwanga of Papua New Guinea carry out elaborate

most likely to be killed, and the violent deaths of

rituals to determine who caused a death (Brison,

many relatives were a challenge in carrying out

1992), with the idea that even for an accident or

proper religious rituals because death by violence is

something that medical science takes as a medical

believed to block a good reincarnation. So, added to

cause of death there may be a malevolent someone

the grieving of many Cambodians over the deaths

who caused the accident or the fatal illness.

of people in their lives and over terrible things they

In the majority of cultures, funeral ceremo-

experienced directly might be sadness, guilt, and

nies and mourning practices are spread out over a

other discomforts over not carrying out the proper

substantial amount of time, often a year or more

or desired rituals.

(Rosenblatt et al., 1976). Typically, there is a final

funeral ceremony that ends the formal mourn-

Relationships with Deceased Elders

ing. Some bereaved people may resist ending their

Perhaps any death of someone important in

mourning after the final ceremony (e.g., Maschio,

one’s life is a loss of aspects of one’s self. One may

1992, writing about the Rauto of New Britain),

feel that one has lost the sharing of memories with

perhaps because of a combination of still feeling

the other, the shared interaction patterns, the future

grief, feeling loyalty to the deceased, not wanting

one anticipated having with the other, the roles and

to appear too eager to end their mourning, and

selves one had uniquely in relationship to the other,

not wanting to go on to what would be next in

the help the other provided, and perhaps the possi-

their lives after ending their mourning. But then

bility of making amends, apologizing, and settling

there are social and internal psychological pres-

scores. But for many people in the world, the death

sures to end mourning. Some people are simply

of another does not end relationship, interaction,

relieved to end their onerous mourning practices

or the active presence and influence of that other.

(e.g., Rosenblatt & Nkosi, 2007, writing about

Consistent with continuing bonds theory (Klass

Zulu widows who typically observe a number of

et al., 1996), there are rich ethnographic accounts

severely limiting and difficult practices for a year

of the experience of continuing relationship from

following the death of a husband). And some peo-

around the world, but even from the United States,

ple would feel shame if they continued to mourn

Great Britain, and other economically developed

for an inappropriately long time (Maschio, 1992,

countries there is considerable evidence that many

writing about the Rauto of New Britain). Shame

bereaved people continue to maintain a relation-

is, in fact, entangled in grief and mourning issues

ship with the deceased (e.g., Hallam, Hockey, &

in a number of cultures (Rosenblatt, 2010). People

Howarth, 1999; Klass & Walter, 2001).

may feel shame over continuing to mourn when

Some research descriptions of relationships

they are expected by others to end their mourning,

between the living and the dead could be taken

but they might also feel shame over such matters

as accounts of one-sided engagements, in which a

as not continuing their mourning, the fact of the

bereaved person acts as though the deceased could

death itself, what they perceive to be their neglect

receive communications but nothing comes back.

or lack of appreciation of the person who died, or

Similarly, a bereaved person may continue routines

their incapacity to keep the deceased alive.

(e.g., cooking for two) that were part of life while the

From another perspective, if we think of other was alive. She or he may celebrate the birthday mourning practices as shaping the grief process and

of the deceased and other days that had meaning

704

de At h A nd Ber e Av eMent in l Ater A du lt hood

because of the deceased. She or he may continue to

people in the United States, it has not been uncom-

hold on to, take care of, and even cherish the posses-

mon for a bereaved spouse, parent, offspring, or

sions of the deceased. She or he may delay, perhaps

grandchild to report seeing, hearing, or otherwise

forever, notifying corporations and other entities

sensing the presence of the deceased; to report

that send mail addressed to the deceased that the

receiving communication from the deceased; and

other is no longer alive. She or he may continue to

to report other manifestations of the actual pres-

be guided by the moral standards and values the

ence of the deceased. Sometimes those contacts,

deceased espoused (e.g., Rosenblatt & Yang, 2004,

when occurring soon after death, seem to have been

writing about how Korean adult offspring can feel

in the form of something like negotiation between

strong obligations, as part of their grieving, to honor

the living person and the dead—for example, about

the values of their deceased mother). All of that

what the new widow wants from her deceased hus-

might go on without any signs that the deceased is

band and how she will respect what he worked for

functional and aware of what is going on. But then,

while alive. And that echoes what is reported from

many bereaved people in the United States, Great

some cultures (e.g., the Sora of India, Vitebsky,

Britain, and other economically developed societ-

1992) where initial funeral ceremonies include

ies may also experience sensory impressions of the

some sort of negotiation between living and dead

deceased. That is, they may, for example, see and

about, say, the meaning of the death and the future

hear the deceased spouse.

relationship between the person who has died and

Although rationalist versions of Western culture

those who are still alive.

would not grant the dead independent standing, in

The deceased (elders or not) who are experienced

most cultures, the deceased are understood to con-

by the living as acting in the world of the living

tinue to exist as spirits or in some other form and

may be thought of as loving or protective pres-

to have agency in the world of the living (Hallam

ences, but they also may be considered frighten-

et al., 1999; Rosenblatt et al., 1976, pp. 51–53).

ing and dangerous (Klass, 1999; Rosenblatt et al.,

Typically, the spirits that the living report hav-

1976, pp. 58–62; Vitebsky, 1992, writing about

ing contact with are people who, when alive, they

the Sora of India). They may be seen as dangerous,

knew well (Rosenblatt et al., 1976, pp. 55–56). Of

for example, because they want the living to die

course, grieving people may maintain psychologi-

and join them, because they have a score to settle

cal and emotional links with their memories of a

with the living, or because as spirits they will pun-

deceased loved one and with the identities they had

ish those who violate certain cultural standards.

in relationship to the deceased. But what I am say-

To illustrate, for a Taiwanese Chinese widow, the

ing is that, for most people in the world, the dead

spirit of a husband who in life was benevolent may

are experienced as still functioning in some plane

make great trouble, for example, if there is some

of existence and as acting in the world of the living.

unfinished business to settle (Hsu, Kahn, & Hsu,

So, a case can be made for what Shweder (1986)

2002); but then widows are not helpless in dealing

called “divergent rationalities,” with people who

with possibly troublesome spirits of dead husbands.

live in a world in which spirits are real functioning

They may, for example, burn special spirit money

with different rationalities from those who deny the

or may consult with spirit mediums who specialize

reality of spirits. As Shweder argued, no rationality

in relations between the living and the dead. But a

can step outside of its own terms and assumptions

deceased husband in Taiwan may also be a protec-

in order to evaluate itself and alternative rationali-

tive and caring presence.

ties with something like neutral objectivity. So,

The dead also may need the living, or at least

I would say that no matter what one’s rationality, it

certain of the living, in order to be treated prop-

would be best not to reject, on the basis of “scien-

erly in death, to become properly honored by fam-

tific” arguments, the rationalities of people who are

ily and community members who are still alive, to

sure spirits exist and act in the world of the living.

become fully and properly dead, or to move onto

I think it far more sensible to accept, appreciate,

the path in the spirit world that the dead should

and try to understand the rationalities of those who

travel. For example, in Korea, a dead person cannot

believe in spirits. Also, for anyone who believes that

become an ancestor unless she or he has a living son

the rationalities in which the spirit world is a given

to provide food offerings, a proper grave site, and

come from cultures very different from what one

the proper ceremonies (Prendergast, 2005, p. 97).

finds in the United States, I must say that, in my

Among the Tana Toraja of Indonesia (Adams,

experience in interviewing hundreds of bereaved

1993), a dead person’s spirit is doomed never to

rosenBl At t

705

make it to the land of the souls if the person’s fam-

cooperatively and in harmony, the surviving fam-

ily does not carry out proper funeral ceremonies.

ily members may continue to respect what the

For similar reasons, among the Sora of India, elders

deceased wanted because the wants of the deceased

whose children have converted to Christianity fear

elder are still meaningful to them. It would feel dis-

that, in death, their spirits will be “forgotten” and

loyal to turn their backs on those wants.

neglected by those children who will refuse to talk

Communication from and with dead elders is,

with them or feed them (Vitebsky, 2008).

in many cultures, typically direct. But in some cul-

Related to the view of the dead needing cer-

tures, the communication is mediated by shamans,

tain things from the living, in Chuuk state in

spiritualists, dream interpreters, and other third

Micronesia (Dernbach, 2005), just as the living

parties (e.g., the Sora of India, Vitebsky, 1992).

have to learn to accept the fact of a death, the dead

A rationalist observer might think that there is no

have to learn to be dead, and the learning is accom-

reality at all to such mediated communication, that

plished by some spirits through episodes of possess-

the communication comes out of the mind of the

ing living relatives (to give comfort and guidance

mediator and the scripts available in the culture

and to deliver important messages) or perhaps for such communication. But for the living who through communication with the living via dreams

communicate with deceased elders via some sort of

or Ouija boards. The possession or communication

mediation, the communication may seem totally

satisfies the longings of the newly dead spirits to

authentic and be taken very seriously.

comfort, be close to, make peace among, and oth-

To complicate matters, in some cultures, there

erwise help kin, while at the same time establishing

are elders who are still alive but who are considered

for them that they are spirits and no longer alive.

to be transitioning out of the world of the living

Sometimes the possession or multiple possessions

and into the world of spirits and ancestors, and

around the same time show that the spirits may be

they may be treated in ways that, from an outside

in strong disagreement about certain matters, so,

view, seem neglectful. For example, Barker (1997)

for Chuuk, the spirit world is not a place without

described the situation of the decrepit elderly on

disagreements and conflict. At any rate, as the spir-

the island of Niue in Polynesia. Elderly Niueans

its of recent dead learn to be spirits and find their

who seemed close to death, particularly if they were

place in the spirit world, they become progressively

seen as having substantial power, were neglected by

less in contact with the living.

others. In part, they were seen as being drawn into

In the thinking and experience of people in

the world of the dead by spirits already there, and

many cultures, the dead, with the passage of time,

that made them in a sense obsolete in the world of

typically become less interested in the world of the

the living. Plus, there was too much risk for others

living, less likely to act in the world of the living,

in dealing with someone who had the potential to

and more likely to be physically and spiritually

draw on spiritual forces to contaminate the living.

distant from the living (Rosenblatt et al., 1976,

Niueans respect and admire their elders and grieve

pp. 63–65). Thus, as time passes, the dead may

when an elder dies, but they also try to avoid con-

communicate less, be less feared, have a narrower

tamination from the spiritual world that a decrepit

range of roles in relationship to the living, and per-

elder is in and in contact with.

haps may become more benign.

There is also the potential for survivors to con-

Where Might Scholarship Go from Here?

tinue to be loyal to the desires, wishes, and values of

A cultural perspective is welcomed in uneasy

a deceased elder. One can see this line of thinking

ways by developmentalists (Modell, 1996), and the

in theories about debts to the deceased (Barner &

reverse is also true—a developmental perspective

Rosenblatt, 2008), which can be traced at least back

does not necessarily fit neatly in a situation where

to theorizing by Marcel Mauss (1990). Whether or

scholars think in terms of culture. Developmental

not survivors have any sense of the deceased being

thinking encourages us to generalize across the spe-

a presence in their lives or having the potential to

cies; a cultural perspective encourages us to attend

someday call them to account, people may still

to the particularities of cultural meanings, under-

have a sense that some actions benefit the dead and

standings, and contexts. So, one place where schol-

some harm them. Fisher (2001) argued that people

arship might go from here is to advance the uneasy

who die may be seen by survivors as still having

dialogue between the two ways of thinking. In a

a stake in the world. For example, if a deceased

sense, each perspective challenges the other to ask

elder wanted family members to work together

questions and attend to matters that do not make

706

de At h A nd Ber e Av eMent in l Ater A du lt hood

sense, but, in that attending, there may be new and

ethnically and culturally different from the practi-

interesting things discovered.

tioner. The general ideas in readings like this are,

I also vote for developing conceptions of devel-

I think, something like possibilities or hunches.

opment (in general as well as for the end of life)

Cultures and people are complex, so simple gener-

based on the cultural understandings, vocabulary,

alizations are risky to apply in practice. It is much

belief systems, and the like of peoples from cultures

better to find ways to engage in genuine communi-

where thinking about development is very differ-

cation with someone who is ethnically or culturally

ent from what is standard in psychological and

different, to learn what they are willing and able to

social science studies of development. Suggesting

communicate about their beliefs, experiences, ways

this comes from a sense that, to a substantial of thinking, and understandings. So, eventually, extent, psychology and social science conceptions

I would hope, the day will come when we can offer

of human development and the research data that

frameworks, and our facts will be supplemented by

provide most of the support for these conceptions

a chapter on how to interact sensitively and respect-

come from a relatively narrow range of cultures.

fully with diverse others about issues related to

It could be very informative to challenge conven-

aging, the elderly, the end of life, and bereavement.

tional views of development and the language for

Perhaps what is needed most of all is a language

expressing those views with views and languages

and a system for thinking that captures the com-

from specific other cultures. For example, let’s see

plexity, diversity, subtlety, fluidity of thoughts and

where we can get to with a Hindu Indian concep-

reactions, and other aspects of life and death that

tual framework for development based on Hindu

we miss while working toward simple generaliza-

Indian beliefs, language, and understanding of tions, an organized written presentation of material development (see Chakkarath, 2005, for prelimi-that satisfies the canons of writing scholarly mate-

nary ideas of where such work might lead). Or,

rial, and all with a specific language and a specific

let’s explore how to study and make sense of the

culture’s framing of things.

development of the dead from the perspectives of

cultures in which the dead continue to grow and

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rosenBl At t

709

I N D E X

A

effect of values on self- and worldview,

implications of Internet use, 30–31

Abaluyia people of Kenya, widowhood

381–383, 389

informed consent in research, 17

among, 701

effects of religious purpose on self- and

instrumental parentification, 461

Abelsson, J., 512

worldview, 385–387, 390

Internet and practice of

acculturation

and global concerns in adolescent

self-mutilation, 30

“acculturation gap,” 415

health, 357–358

language and positioning of

adolescents in immigrant families,

narratives and the politics of identity,

identity, 402

414–416

400–404

literacy rates among, 439, 440, 440

among transnational families, 52–53

relationship among values, morals, and

marriage in transnational families, 55

complications of, 53–56

religious orientation, 387–389, 390

and moral reasoning, 240–242

dissonant acculturation, 663–664

self-views of adolescents, 379–380

moral renewal at adolescence,

and family disruption, 346

universal vs. culture-specific processes,

230–231, 234

acculturative stress, 52–53

378, 390, 391

narratives of homelessness, 402–403

activity theory, 203

worldviews of adolescents, 380–381

narratives of sexual identity, 403–404

Adamopoulos, J., 344

adolescent health

rising population worldwide, 356, 357,

adher-awastha, Hindu Indian concept

examples in India, 365–366

358, 359

of midlife, 641

interventions and preventative mea-

self- and worldviews of, 378, 379–381

Adjaye, D., 62

sures, 371–372, 373

self-regulation among, 383, 389, 420

Adler, P. A. & P., 434

mental health, 369–371, 373

social contexts of moral reasoning,

adolescence

and models of adolescent development,

244, 245

attachment and well-being, 416

357–358

“third-culture kids,” 34, 35, 36, 55

autonomous-related self in, 416–417

sexual and reproductive health,

transition rituals around the world,

autonomy and relatedness, 419

366–368, 371, 373

327–328

changes in dress and appearance, 329,

sociocultural context, 358–365

use of inner dialogue, 35–36

335, 337

adolescents

See also adolescent transition rituals

definition of, 358

acculturative stress, 52–53

adolescents, civic development of

“emerging adolescence,” 338

autonomy and relatedness, values

dynamic civic identities, 472, 473, 482

global perspective on, 420–421

of, 389

global communities, 480–482

memories of among U. S. and Dutch

autonomy and relatedness in immi-

groupways cultural lens, 478–480

adults, 627

grant families, 414–416

mediating institutions in civil society,

need for cultural perspective,

biracial and bicultural, 55

474–476, 477–478

411–412

child labor practices in Brazil, 458–459

within nation-states, 474

need for developmental

child marriages among, 360–361,

nation-states and the social contract,

perspective, 412

361, 366

476–477, 480

relationships with siblings and roman-

children, having one's own, 383

transactional ecological model of,

tic partners, 418

citizen children, 48, 50

473, 475

social vs. biological, 328

civic identity among, 472

adolescents, resilience among

terminology and key referents,

commercial sexual exploitation of,

children and armed conflict, 348–350

441–443

462–464

culture and, 344–345, 351

time with family vs. others, 417–418

early sexual activity among, 366

impoverished Brazilian youth, 347–348

transition into emerging adulthood,

educational status worldwide, 364

integrated approaches to studying, 350

488–489

effects of immigration, 49

narratives of homeless adolescents,

See also adolescent transition

effects of large-scale social change, 342

402–403

rituals, 330

engaged parenting of, 344–345

sexual socialization in immigrant

See also “youth phase”

global and local identity, 33–34

families, 345–347

Adolescent Apprentice contract

global concerns faced by, 360, 362

theory and constructs, 342–344

and protection against child labor

globalization, repercussions of, 30, 36

adolescent transition rituals

practices, 458, 459

global urban youth culture, 56

and break with the past, 334–335, 337

adolescent development

group identity, 388–389

and cultural complexity, 331–332

culture as organizing factor, 379, 389

identity formation, 237–238, 397

effects on individuals, 333–334

effect of moral purpose on self- and

immigrant youth, outcomes of, 46,

initiation into adolescent youth

worldview, 383–385, 390

414, 415

groups, 336–337

711

adolescent transition rituals ( Cont.)

social contexts of moral reasoning, 244

indigenous beliefs in Africa, 37,

locales and locations of, 330–333

substance abuse and antisocial behav-

61, 69, 70

in modern industrialized societies, 338

ior among, 509–512, 513, 514

relationships with deceased elders,

pain and fear in, 335–337, 337

Twitter use among, 530

704–706

purpose and effects of, 329–330, 333

affect

Agarwal, Madhusudhan, 680, 681

symbolic approaches and underlying

affective stance in language, 117–118

aging

themes, 334

negative vs. positive among infants, 131

Chinese vs. U. S. views of, 628

transition out of childhood, 330

positive affectivity, 142, 143

“cult of youth” in Anglo-America, 645,

Adult Attachment Interview

Afghanistan, 348, 478

647, 648

(AAI), 22–23

Africa

demographics of, 682–684

adult development

adolescent transition rituals in, 330, 335

effect of psychosocial profiles on

conceptual formulations and cultural

Baganda group, East Africa, 84

disease risk and disability, 667,

contexts, 667–669

development among children, 64

675–676, 684, 688

cross-cultural views of aging, 666–667

diverse cultures within, 69

eudamonia vs. hedonic well-being,

empirical studies of, 669–674

early socialization of children, 62

670, 671, 672

trends in future research, 674–677

ecocultures and human

and globalization, 39

adulthood, emerging

development, 61, 62

and inner dialogue, 35–36

in Asia, 491–492

families and gender socialization, 312

interleukin-6 (IL-6) levels and

becoming self-sufficient, 495–496

fathering diversity within, 606, 607,

health, 676

in developing countries, 493, 499

612–614

Japan, system of “care credits” in, 686

distinguishing features of,

holistic worldview in, 63, 68–69

Japanese views, 641–642

488–489, 498

human development research in,

medicalization of aging process, 647

in Eastern Europe, 491

63–66, 68

populations of elderly worldwide, 683

and identity-based work, 497–498

importance of social intelligence, 67

and power differentials, 4

love and marriage, 496–497

indigenous views of human develop-

protective effects of spirituality and

in OECD countries, 489–490

ment, 398–399

religion, 685

origins as cultural theory, 488, 489

open and distance outreach learning

protective factors, 684–685, 693–694

premarital sex and cohabitation, 492

in, 444, 445

respect for elderly in East Asian societ-

self-focused life and enjoyment, 498

rates of child labor, 561

ies, 668, 669

and social class, 492–493

rates of primary education in, 363

respect for elderly in Judaism, 690

and social networking sites, 521

research within indigenous knowledge

“roleless roles,” 668, 676

in Western Europe, 490–491, 498

systems, 66–68

wisdom and aging, 673

worldwide variation in, 493–494, 499

social capital of children, 70–71

aging, cognitive

See also adults, emerging

sub-Saharan agricultural societies,

cognitive performance among Chinese

adulthood, late

281–283

and U.S. older adults, 624, 626

community leadership and mentoring

women and aftermath of civil war, 482

cultural differences in, 623–630

in, 686–689

youth literacy rates in, 439

making cross-cultural comparisons,

demographic overview of, 682–684

See also African Americans

621–623

implications of nonattachment in,

See also Africans

methodological challenges to study,

689–691

See also individual countries

630–631

neglect and mistreatment of

African Americans

agriculturists

elderly, 700

at-home care for infirm elderly, 702

and adolescent transition rituals, 331

Odia Hindu conceptualization of, 639

attachment with God in later

children's chores, 188

positive trends in, 684–686, 693

adulthood, 689

parenting, 168, 275–276, 613

See also midlife narratives

authoritative parenting, 24

Aina, O. E., 315

adults, emerging

children and concealment of

Ainsworth, M., 151, 152, 160

acculturative stress, 52–53

emotions, 135

Aka pygmy fathers, Central Africa, 167,

autonomous-relatedness among, 417

cultural variations and research, 17

594, 613

citizen children, 48, 50

families and gender socialization, 315

Akhtar, Nameera, 115

effects of immigration, 49

toddlers and emotional

Alaska Natives

global and local identity, 33–34

socialization, 316

cultural variations and research, 17

globalization, repercussions of, 30, 36

Africans

perceived competence in village

global urban youth culture, 56

“African infant precocity,” discarded

children, 217

health practices among, 504

theory of, 81

Alberts, C., 37

marriage in transnational families, 55

developmental goals among, 6–7

Aldwin, C. M., 685–686

origin of term “emerging adults,” 328

developmental trajectories in indig-

Alex, L., 308–309

premarital sex and cohabitation,

enous social science, 69–70

Algier, L., 512

502–503, 513

personality development and

Ali, J. A., 690

prostitution and health among, 512–513

individuation, 71–72

Allwood, C. M., 67

psychopathology among, 505–506

supernatural order and traditional

A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy

risk behaviors, 504–505, 513

beliefs, 37, 61, 69, 70

Soldier (Beah), 349

sexuality and health among,

Africentric scholarship, 66

ALSPAC Study Team, 312

507–509, 513

afterlife

Altoè, G., 286

712 Inde x

Amabile, T. M., 257

Arran, S., 389

developmental timetables of

amae, Japanese cultural image of, 658, 673 Art of Courtly Love, The (Capellanus), 576

Anglo-Australian mothers, 273

Ambitious Generation (Schneider &

Asai, M., 427

exclusivity in adolescent

Stevenson), 555

Asante, K., 36–37

friendships, 430

the “American Dream,” 543–544, 546,

Asia

intimacy in friendships, 428

549, 550

adolescent sexual activity in, 366

marriage customs in, 578

American Psychological

demographic transitions in, 682–683

parenting of adolescents, 344–345

Association (APA)

open and distance outreach learning

sources of fathering diversity in, 606

Ethical Principles of Psychologists and

in, 444, 445

youth apprenticeship programs, 558

Code of Conduct, 16

parental ethnotheories in, 279–281

Austria, vocational education programs

Amrullah, E. A., 690

youth literacy rates in, 439

in, 558

ancestor worship, and filial piety in East

Asian Americans

authoritarian personality theory, 411

Asian societies, 668, 669

at-home care for infirm elderly, 702

autobiographical memory, among older

Anderson, K. G., 616

authoritative parenting, 24

adults, 626–628

Andrews, D. W., 430

bicultural identity integration, 263

autonomy and relatedness

Andrews, M., 661

emerging adulthood among, 496

autonomous functioning and attach-

anemia

parenting practices of, 39

ment theory, 154

among adolescent girls in India, 365

Asia 2050 report, 682

autonomous-related self, 416–417, 421

among adolescents worldwide, 362, 363

Asmus, C. I. R. F., et al., 459

changing domains of relatedness,

antisocial behavior, among emerging and asramadharma, Hindu concept of life 417–419

young adults, 509–512

span development, 692

cultural variations on, 418–419

anxiety

Assche, L. V., 689

and ensuing self-regulation, 420

among infants, 86–87

“astronaut” children, 48

equal importance of, 419

contamination anxiety, 32–33, 37

Atkins, R., 687

ethics of, 238–239, 495

gender and emotion, 316

Atkinson, Q. D., 330, 336

in immigrant families, 414–416

Aoro, C., 71

atsukmashisa, Japanese concept of bold-

and individualism vs. collectivism,

Apache Sunrise ceremony, 333

ness, 644–645, 649

21–22, 24

apprenticeship programs, for emerging

attachment in infants

and moral psychology, 8

and young adults, 558–559

breastfeeding, 156

and moral reasoning, 240–242

Arab-American adolescents

dual or communal parenting, 597–598

Avolio, B. J., 687

civic identity among, 472, 479–480

“secure base” behavior, 86–87

Axia, G., 121, 282, 286

contextual influences upon, 475

social harmony vs. individual

Aydt, H., 318

schools as mediating institutions in

autonomy, 150

Azerbaijan

civic life, 478

attachment in later adulthood, 689

families and gender socialization, 311

Arab farmers, Israel, 519–520

attachment theory

youth literacy in, 439

Arabic-speaking countries

cultural patterning of relational

Azmitia, M., 299

learning environments in, 223, 224

values, 154

Azuma, H., 66, 381

Quranic schooling in, 220, 224

and exploration, 158

trends in science education, 216

and feeding of children, 156

B

Arab societies, sources of fathering diver-

history and background, 150–151

Babu, B., 84

sity in, 606

and human evolution, 152–153

Babyek, M. A., 685

Arab Spring, 474, 475

initial research, 151–152

Baby Facial Action Coding System

Arai, S., 83

role of culture and context, 153–154

(BabyFACS), 129

Araujo de Morais, Normanda, 456–470

and “secure base” function, 86–87, 157

Bach, Mara, 653–665, 668

Arends-Toth, J., 415

secure vs. insecure patterns of attach-

Bacon, Margaret, 275, 276, 278, 287

Arendt, H., 474

ment, 151, 152, 158–159

Baganda group, East Africa, 84

Argentina

standards of care for children, 154–155,

Bahuguna, Sunderlal, 692, 693

emotion socialization of infants, 138

156, 160

Bakhtin, Mikhail, 29, 398

public opinion on creativity, 259

attentional patterns

Bala Bbala Project, 214

Aristotle

learning through third-party atten-

Bali

on friendship, 427, 429

tion, 297–298

conceptions of creativity, 259

and perspectives on adult

significance in early learning, 296–297

developmental timetables in, 273

development, 670

attentional processes, in infant

Balinese adolescents

arithmetic

development, 85–86

interpretations of peer behavior,

abilities across cultures, 100–101

Aukrust, V. G., 427

377–378

among older adults, 625

Australia

and parental authority, 382

armed conflicts

adolescent perceptions of

worldviews of, 381

and children

housework, 461

Baltimore Longitudinal Study of

348–350

adolescent transition rituals in aborigi-

Aging, 670

death and bereavement in

nal communities, 330

Bamana people of Mali, definition and

wartime, 704

behavioral inhibition among

status of elders, 699

Arnett, Jeffrey Jensen, 30, 33, 328, 357,

children, 133

Bame, Joseph, 61

487–501

Bang, H. J., 49

Inde x

713

Bangladesh, sources of fathering diversity Best, D. L., 308

Brahman Nepalese children

in, 606

Betancourt, T. S., et al., 465

emotion socialization of, 140

Bangladeshi-British families, role of

Beyers, W., 416

rules for emotional display, 135

grandparents, 281

Bhagavad Gita, sacred text of Hinduism,

brain

Banse, R., et al., 319

691, 692

prenatal and childhood growth of, 103

Baoulé people, Ivory Coast, 85

Bhangaokar, Rachana, 241, 242, 680–696

role of amygdala in activation of fear

bar and bat mitzvah, 328

Bhatia, S., 31–32, 400

and anxiety, 127

Barber, B. K., 348–349, 481

Bhattacharjee, N., 313

Brain, R., 428

Barbot, Baptiste, 255–270

Bhave, Vinoba, 692–693

Bram, C., 62

Barefoot, J. C., 685

Bhawuk, D. B., 692

Branco, A. U. & A. L., 34

Bariba people, parenting practices

Bhogle, S., 312

Brazil

among, 592

Bhola, P., 370

Center of Psychological Studies, 456

Barker, J. C., 706

Bhoodan movement, India, 692–693

Childhood Brazil, 462

Baroni, M. R., 121

Bhowmik, D. K., 38

child labor in a domestic context,

Barry, Herbert, 275–276, 278, 287,

Bhubaneswar, India, 638–640

460–462

324–340, 493–494

Bianchi, S., 312

commercial sexual exploitation of chil-

Barry, O., 87

bias, avoiding in research, 22–23, 24, 57

dren and adolescents, 462–464

Barton, A., 313

biculturality

communication among toddlers, 300

Basotho people, of Lesotho, 119

bicultural identity integration,

ethics of community, divinity, and

Bastug, S. S., 311

263, 264

autonomy, 241

Basu, S., 320

biculturalism and creativity, 263–265

marriage customs in, 578

Bates, E. A., 115

and hybridity, 33–34

public opinion on creativity, 259

Baudhayana, ancient Hindu

using bicultural researchers, 56

risk and protective factors in child

philosopher, 641

Bigler, R. S., 314

labor, 458–459, 459–460

Baumrind, D., 279, 416

Big Society, concept of, 686

sources of fathering diversity in, 606

Bayley Scales of Infant Development

bilingualism

street kids in, 341–342, 347–348

and mental scales, 84

benefits for creativity, 35

Value of Children Study, 414

overview of, 80, 81

and coexisting ways of learning, 303

youth activists in, 476

and physical postures of daily

and divergent thinking, 264

breastfeeding, and socialization of

life, 82, 83

using bilingual researchers, 56

children, 596

Beah, Ishmael, 349

Black, Kaitlin, 174, 292–306

Breininger, Eric, 388–389

beauty-enhancing practices across cul-

Blasi, A., 237

Brewer, M. B., 381, 391

tures, 572, 573

Blood, R. O., 579

briddha avastha, Hindu Indian concept

Bedford, O., 382

Bloom, P., 246

of old age, 639

Bedouin Arab children, intimacy in

Blurton-Jones, N. G., 188

Brim, O. G., 646

friendships, 428

Bodibe, R. C., 71

Brinkman, B. G., 314

Beer, J. S., 232

Boduroglu, Aysecan, 621–636, 628, 631

Britain

Beghetto, R. A., 257

Bofi forager fathers, Africa, 613

British-diaspora, expectations of, 273

behavioral domains, and infant develop-

Bolivia

civic contributions by older adults, 686

ment milestones, 84

child labor practices and

language and identity in

behavioral inhibition, 133–134

education, 462

adolescence, 402

Behavioral Style Questionnaire, 286

children and cognitive achievement,

public opinion on creativity, 259

Belarus, youth literacy in, 439

219–220

broadband subscriptions, worldwide,

Belgium

Bologna Process, 563

522, 522

gender and emotional socialization, 317 Bond, M. H., 386, 431

Broda, Michael, 554–569

Jewish adolescents and

Bontempo, R., 378, 427

Bronfenbrenner, U.

self-identity, 387

Bornstein, M. H., 138, 317

bioecological model of fathering diver-

vocational education programs, 558

Bororo people, parenting practices

sity within societies, 605, 605

Bell, S., 427

among, 592

bioecological model of human devel-

Belmont Report, 16

Bosnia

opment, 217, 357, 378

Belsky, J., 591, 612

children and armed conflict, 348–349

ecological model of culture, 344

Benedict, Ruth, 287, 669

postwar youth community

immigrant families and youth, 415

Benga, Oana, 127–148

involvement, 688

modern-day childcare, 174

Beng people of Ivory Coast, parenting

Botswana

Broude, G. J., 576

practices among, 594

civic identity among youth, 481

Brown, J. D., 521

Bengtson, V. L., 668

definition and status of elders, 699

Brown, J. K., 332

Berk, L. E., 190

observational learning among

Brown, Jill, 165–181, 173

Bermuda, online social networks among

children, 205

Bruffaerts, R., 689

adolescents, 526

reminiscences of elders, 700–701

Brummet, B. H., 685

Bernas, R., 280

Bower, B., 30

Brunell, A. B., 315

Bernheimer, L. P., 649

Bowlby, J., 151, 152, 153, 160

Bruner, J., 400

Berry, J. W., 54, 67, 218, 263, 414–415, 417 Boylan, Jennifer Morozink, 666–679

Bruun, F. J., 700

Berscheid, E., 427

Bradley, C., 66

Bryant, D., 118

714 Inde x

Buddhism

Caspi, A., 670

Childhood Brazil, 462

philosophy of detachment, 690–691

Castellani, V., 386

child labor practices

and views of aging in Japan, 642, 672

caste system, and friendships among

child soldiers, 464–465

Bühler, C., 667

children, 427

domestic work within family home,

Buhrmester, D., 428

categorization and memory, among older

460–461

Bundik, M. J., 684

adults, 625–626, 626

domestic work within third-party

Burdelski, M., 120

Caudill, W., 279

homes, 461–462

Burke, M., 526

Celenk, O., 417

in India, 365, 371

Burma, beauty-enhancing practices

Celik, K., 509

risk and protective factors, 457–459,

in, 572

Center of Psychological Studies,

459–460, 467

Burnard, P.

Brazil, 456

sexual exploitation, 467

Burton, R. V., 333

Central African Republic, child soldiers

trends worldwide, 457

Buss, David, 571, 575

in, 464

See also street kids

Cerqueira-Santos, E., et al., 463, 464

Child Protection Program, India, 372

C

Cervantes, C. A., 316

children

California First-Year Mental Scale, 84

Cervera, M. D., 285

acculturative stress, 52–53

Callaghan, L., 63

Chad, Republic of, 464

acquisition of cultural

Cambodia, death and bereavement in

Chan, A. S., 626

knowledge, 96–102

wartime, 704

Chan, T., 84

attachment vs. exploration, 151

Cameron, P. A., 315

Chang, Leslie, 496

attentional patterns among, 296–297

Cameroon

Chao, R. K., 279, 280

authoritative parenting, 23–24

child fosterage in, 172

Chaplin, T. M., 316

avoiding cultural bias in assessment, 23

Nso infants and children, 130, 130, 136

Charalambous, C., 402

biracial and bicultural, 55

patterns of infant care, 586

charismatic leadership style, 687

child fosterage, 172–173, 178

role of grandparents in parenting, 593

Charles, S. T., 671

child marriages, 360–361, 366

social contract between state and

chastity, cultural views on, 571–572

child welfare institutions, 176–177

citizens, 477

Chaudhary, Nandita, 281, 611, 612, 616

citizen children, 48, 50

studies of generativity in, 659–660

Cheah, C. S. L., 310, 382

commercial sexual exploitation of,

Camino, L., 687

Chee, M. W. L., 623

462–464

Campbell, C., 71

Chen, C. S., et al., 258

the “competent” child, 155–156

Camras, L. A., 129

Chen, E. E., 136

creativity, 256, 260, 261

Canada

Chen, G. P., 624

cross-gendered children, 314

adolescent friendships and enhance-

Chen, H., 431

cultural distance with playmates, 38

ment of self-esteem, 430

Chen, S. X., et al., 264

cultural influence and child develop-

behavioral inhibition among children, Chen, W., 625

ment, 192–195

133, 134

Chen, X., 134, 383, 387, 430

cultural patterns of collaboration,

beliefs regarding aging and memory,

Chen, Y. -R., 381, 391

298–299

628–629

Cheng, C., 264

developmental trajectories, 8–9

gender and cognitive development in

Cheng, W. J. Y., 281

development of social cognition,

children, 319

Cherlin, A. J., 285

104–105

Internet use and parental closeness, 524 Chess, S., 285

domain approach to moral reasoning,

Inuit family model of psychological

Chessa, A. G., 627

235, 236

interdependence, 414

Chiao, J. Y., et al., 623

early childhood care and education,

managing conflict in childhood

Chiapas, Mexico, 205

174–177

friendships, 431, 432

Child, Irvin, 275, 276, 278, 287, 657

effects of biculturalism, 264

work migration in, 564

Child Behavioral Questionnaire, 132

gender and social identity, 317–318

youth apprenticeship programs,

childbirth, in Chinese hospitals,

historical vs. universal child, 38–39, 40

558–559

608–609

immigration, effects of, 6, 49

Capellanus, Andreas, 576

childcare, adult and sibling, 166–174

initiative in activity, 295–296

Caprara, G. V., 386

grandparents as caregivers, 171–172

instrumental parentification, 461

caregiving

increased competence in child

interaction of culture and tempera-

distal vs. proximal, 277, 279

caregiving, 173

ment, 285–286

and schooling of young children,

nonfamily caregivers, 167

learned self-care, 293

294–295

parents as caregivers, 167–169

and marriage in transnational

Caribbean

siblings as caregivers, 169–171, 186

families, 55

adolescent sexual activity in, 366

variations of, 179

out-of-home care and daycare, 592, 593

education and work migration, 565

child-centered vs. family-centered activi-

and power differentials, 4

fathering diversity within, 606,

ties, 189, 191

public services for children in

614–615

child domestic workers, definition of, 461

Italy, 166

youth literacy rates in, 439

Child Fund/Sierra Leone, 350

research with, 17, 19, 20, 21

Carlo, G., 238, 243

childhood, early memories of, 627–628

socialization for chores, 87

Casey, J., 316

Childhood and Society (Erikson), 654,

socialization in schools and child care

Cashmore, J., 273

655, 664n1

centers, 174

Inde x

715

children ( Cont.)

children in adversity

autonomy and relatedness among,

social networks and attachment

amid armed conflict, 348–350

416–417

theory, 152, 153

strength-based research on, 70, 71

civic development among, 472–473

standard of good care, 154, 156, 160

Children of Different Worlds Study

friendships and enhancement of

“third-culture kids,” 34, 35, 36, 55

(Whiting and Edwards), 168, 169

self-esteem, 430

universal needs for primary care, 167

Children of Six Cultures (Whiting &

religiosity of, 387

violence against worldwide, 360

Whiting), 65

schools as mediating institutions in

work and play as culturally organized

children's books

civic life, 478

activities, 187–189

learning cultural emotion norms, 136,

views of filial piety, 382, 383

See also early childhood

137, 137

Chinese children

See also education

Child Report of Parenting Behavior

behavioral inhibition among, 133

See also housework and chores

Inventory, 24

child and adolescent friendships,

See also infants

Childs, C.P., 296

426–427

See also middle childhood

child soldiers

and concealment of emotions, 135

See also play

in armed conflicts in Colombia,

and concepts of moral reasoning, 234

children, and emotion

465–466

emotional reactivity among infants, 131

concealment of emotions, 135

and exploitation of children, 464

emotion socialization of toddlers, 139

cultural differences in functioning,

health effects of recruitment, 465

facial expressions among infants,

129–130

illegal armies groups (IAG), 457

129–130

effortful control and regulation of,

roles assumed by, 349–350

gender and emotional socialization, 317

132–133

“child study movement,” 80

gender and social identity, 318

norms and socialization practices,

Chile

institutional care for infants and tod-

135–141

entrepreneurship and self-employment

dlers, 176–177

parental talk, 140–141

in, 559

motor skills of 4-month-old

rules for display, 134–135

gender and emotional socialization, 317

infants, 134

socialization and outcomes, 141

Chilisa, B., 63, 67

parental emotion talk, 140

socialization of toddlers, 138–139

China

parent-child conversations, 206

theoretical frameworks to study devel-

cognitive development in ancient

temperamental reactivity among

opment, 128–129

China, 622

infants, 133

children, cognitive development in, 198–213

creativity and social context, 259

Chinese drawings, and assessment of

cognitive-developmental approach to

demographic transitions in, 683

creativity, 258

moral reasoning, 234

education and work migration, 565

Chinese families

in a cultural context, 204–209

emerging adulthood in, 487, 496

care, beneficence, and prosocial

and daily activities, 208–209

“floating populations” and “skipped

morality, 243

and ecological contexts, 217–218

generations,” 609

cultural emotion norms, 136

evolutionary basis of, 203

historical attitudes toward love, sex,

role of grandparents, 171, 172, 281, 672

and gender, 318–319

and marriage, 580–581

social contexts of moral reasoning, 244

narratives, shared, 206

integrating creativity into

storytelling traditions, 280

observational learning, 205, 209

classrooms, 261

Chinese older adults

sharing and learning, 205–207

Internet use and parental closeness,

arithmetic ability among, 625

sharing knowledge, 206–207

524–525

beliefs regarding aging and memory,

social learning processes, 200–202, 201

managing conflict in friendships,

628–629

sociocultural context of, 200, 202–203,

431, 432

cognitive ability and memory among,

203–204

marital happiness in, 579

625–628, 626

transmitting cultural knowledge, 207

marriage customs in, 576, 578

cognitive aging among, 623, 624

See also intelligence, cultural

public opinion on creativity, 259

and grandparenting, 171, 172, 281, 672

manifestation of

significance of instrumental aid in

protective effects of spirituality, 685

children, in Africa

friendships, 429

Chinese research participants

caregiving roles, 70, 71

social contract between state and

developmental goals among, 6–7

early socialization of, 62, 63, 64

citizens, 476

Chipko movement, protecting trees in

physical development of toddlers, 64

Value of Children Study in, 413

India, 693

social capital of, 70–71

work migration in, 564

Chirkov, V., 310

stages of development, 69

China, fathering diversity within,

Chisholm, Lynne A., 438–455

children, language development in

608–611

Chiu, C., 263, 265

attunement to phonology, 113

ethnicity and urban/rural

Chiu, C. -Y., 32–33, 35, 37

emotional affect in language, 117–118

migration, 609

Chiu, L.-H., 625

expressive vs. referential style, 115–116

generational differences, 610–611

Cho, G. E., 281

linguistic markers of speaker certainty,

geography and ethnicity, 610

Choi, S. Y. P., 317

118–119

one child policy and family structure,

Chouinard, M. M., 199

linguistic politeness, 119–121

609–610

Christianson, M., 308–309

and socialization, 114–115, 123

socioeconomic diversity and social

Chu, C. Y., 610

universal grammar vs. sociocultural

mobility, 610

Chua, H. F. C., 625, 626

perspective, 112, 122

Chinese adolescents

Chung, C., 629

716 Inde x

Chung, J., 431

cultural context of, 200–202, 201,

and nonattachment in late

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day

204–209

adulthood, 692

Saints, 241

dynamic systems and transactional

and successful aging in late

chuunen, Japanese concept of

approaches, 204

adulthood, 686

midlife, 644

evolutionary basis of, 203

Community Wide Drug Demand

Cicchetti, D., 514

and gender, 318–319

Reduction Program, 371–372

Cicirelli, V. G., 277

and globalization, 216–217

compulsory care, and youth in

circumcision, 327, 334, 338

phylogeny of, 102–104

Sweden, 510

citizen children, 48, 50

sociocultural context of, 199, 200,

confirmation, Christian, 328, 338

citizenship, dynamic models of, 472, 473

202–203, 203–204, 209–210

conflict management in friendships,

Citlak, B., 414

uniquely human behaviors, 104–105

431–432

civic development

See also children, cognitive

conflict zones

defined, 471

development in

and adolescent narratives of identity,

dynamic civic identities, 472, 473, 482

See also intelligence, cultural

401–402

dynamic models of, 472

manifestation of

child soldiers in, 464–465

global communities, 480–482

cognitive function

minimizing harm for research

groupways cultural lens, 478–480

absence of variation across cultures,

subjects, 21

mediating institutions in civil society,

100–101, 101–102, 105–106

women's solidarity in aftermath, 482

474–476, 477–478

presence of variation across cul-

conformity, normative, 104

within nation-states, 474

tures, 95–96, 96–102, 98–100,

Confucianism

nation-states and the social contract,

105–106

and filial piety, 382, 383, 387, 668–669

476–477, 480

and referential gestures, 101

on friendship, 427

transactional ecological model of,

spatial cognition, 100

gender and social identity, 318

473, 475

cognitive neuroscience, cross-cultural

and managing conflict in

civic engagement

observations, 623, 632

friendships, 431

in Catholic countries, 691

cognitive reorganization, and adolescent

midlife narratives in Japan, 637–638,

in late adulthood, 694

transition rituals, 335

648, 649

in Muslim countries, 690

cognitive skills vs. motor skills, 81

and model citizenship, 473

civic identity, 472

Cohen, A. B., 386–387

traditions of parenting, 280

civil society, definition of, 474

Cohen, D., 434

and views of aging in Japan, 642, 672

cladistics, 96–97

Cohler, B. J., 400

Congo, Republic of

Clancy, P. M., 119

Colburne, K. A., 319

child soldiers in, 464

Clendinen, D., 645

Colby, A., 237

Efe foragers and children, 149–150

Cochran, M., 175

Cole, M., 64–65

Connolly, J. A., 418

codes of conduct, professional

Cole, P. M., 135

Consedine, N. S., et al., 142

organizations, 16

Coleman, J. M., 315

Consensual Assessment Technique, 258

Coe, Christopher L., 666–679

Coleman, S., 427

conventional rules vs. moral

cognitive ability

collectivist cultures

reasoning, 235

and creativity, 257, 259

common patterns of change in, 421

Convention on the Rights of the Child,

inborn capacity for, 214

collectivity

464, 466

in later adulthood, 685

and cognitive-developmental approach convergent evolution, 97

cognitive aging, 621–636

to moral reasoning, 234

convergent thinking and

arithmetic ability, 625

Collins, W. A., 427

multiculturalism, 265

autobiographical memory, 626–628

Colombia, child soldiers in, 465–466

Cook, H. M., 120

and basic cognitive processes,

colonialism

Coon, H. M., 379

623–625, 624

and arrival of scientific psychology in

Corapci, Feyza, 127–148

beliefs about aging and memory,

Africa, 63, 64

Correa-Chávez, Maricela, 174, 292–306

628–629

colonial French schools in northern

Corsaro, W. A., 318

and brain anatomy, 623

Cameroon, 301–302

Costa, P. T., 670

and emotion, 629–630

Colonna, E., 461

Costa Rica

and interpersonal social

Comas-Diaz, L., 662

significance of instrumental aid in

situations, 630

communication and information tech-

friendships, 429

making cross-cultural comparisons,

nologies, 522, 523–524

studies of generativity in, 659–660

621–623

community

work migration in, 564

and memory, 625–626, 626

and cognitive-developmental approach Cotton, Janice, 177

memory errors across cultures, 631–632

to moral reasoning, 234

Cotton, S., 273

methodological challenges for

ethics of, 238–239

Cox, A., 686

research, 630–631

and moral psychology, 8

Craft, A., et al., 261

cognitive development

and moral reasoning, 240–242

crawling, and infant motor skill

among U.S. and Singaporean

community leadership

development, 82

youth, 623

in Hindu India, 692–693

creativity

cognitive-developmental approach to

and mentoring in late adulthood,

and biculturalism, 263–265

moral reasoning, 233–235

686–689

and cultural and linguistic diversity, 35

Inde x

717

creativity ( Cont.)

and developmental psychology, 233

Darnton, R., 581

cultural variations in the conception

narratives and politics of adolescent

Darwin, Charles, 80, 571

of, 258–259

identity, 400–404

Dasen, P. R., 65, 85

“derived etic approach” to assessing,

and perspectives on adolescence,

Davies, D., et al., 260

258, 266

411–412

Dawes, A., 66

development across cultures, 260–263

and perspectives on gender, 310

death and bereavement

expatriate creativity hypothesis, 263

cultural socialization, effects of

directions for future scholarship,

and hybrid identities, 34–35

immigration, 6

706–707

multicultural context of, 265, 266

cultural stereotyping, avoiding in

end-of-life care, 702

nature and assessment of, 256–258, 266

research assessment, 22

expressions of grief and longing among

value of, 255, 256

cultural variation

elderly, 701–702

Croatia

on autonomy and relatedness, 418–419

grief following death of elders,

and adolescent narratives of

in friendship, 426–427, 433–435

702–703

identity, 402

phylogeny of, 102

relationships with deceased elders,

studies of generativity in, 658, 659

culture and adolescent development

704–706

Cronbach, L. J., 433

culture as organizing factor, 379, 389

rituals and grieving, 703–704

cross-gendered children, 314

effect of moral purpose on self- and

Deaux, K., 472

Crowley, K., 299

worldview, 383–385, 390

debutante celebrations, 338

Csikszentmihalyi, M., 257, 686

effect of values on self- and worldview, DeCaro, J. A., 285

Cuba

381–383, 389

DeFoe, Daniel, 581

public opinion on creativity, 259

effects of religious purpose on self- and De Geer, B., 417

significance of instrumental aid in

worldview, 385–387, 390

de Haan, M., 299

friendships, 429

relationship among values, morals, and Dekovic, M., 415

cultural adequacy of research

religious orientation, 387–389, 390

Delpierre, V., 387

findings, 21–24

resilience of culture among adoles-

D'Emilio, J., 581

avoiding bias in assessment, 22–23

cents, 344–345, 351

Demuth, C., 592

culturally broadening

self-views of adolescents, 379–380

Denmark

constructs, 23–24

universal vs. culture-specific processes,

age distribution of foreign

sampling and generalization, 21–22

378, 390, 391

migrants, 565

cultural assimilation, 53

worldviews of adolescents, 380–381

emerging adulthood in, 487

. See also acculturation

culture and cultural practices

linguistic politeness among

cultural-developmental approach to

cultural emotion norms, 136–137

children, 120

moral reasoning, 238–242, 239

evoked vs. transmitted, 573

religious discourse in, 231

cultural-developmental scholarship

and generativity, 664

work/study programs, 558

aim and scope, 4–5

and temperament in family relation-

youth apprenticeship programs, 558

approach to, 5–9

ships, 285–286

Denoma, J., 431

broadening and deepening

vs. nationality, 54

Dent, C. H., 120

concepts, 6–7

culture and globalization

deportation of undocumented family

theoretical frameworks, 7–9

and alternative educational

members, 48

units of analysis, 5–6

programs, 220

depression, and shyness, 134

cultural dissonance, 54–55

and cognitive development, 216–217

Dernelle, R., 387

cultural distances

and formal learning environments, 219

Descent of Man and Selection in Relation

and creativity, 264

and informal learning environments,

to Sex, The (Darwin), 571

homophily vs. heterophily, 37–38

219–220

de St. Aubin, Edward, 653–665, 668

and identity confusion, 36–38

“culture shock,” 263

“destination states,” 46

cultural diversity

Cunningham, M. R., et al., 575

De'tang-Dessendre, C., 565

benefits for creativity, 35

Cupertino, A. P., 685–686

“deterritorialization,” 36

and developmental psychology, 40–41

custom complex study design, 657

developing countries

cultural emotion norms, 136–137

cyberbullying, 526

dualistic economies and social

cultural milieus

Cyprus

systems, 273

and creativity, 258, 259

school books and gender

entrepreneurship and self-employment

and developmental goals, 6–7

socialization, 314

in, 559–560

and familiarity with research

youth literacy in, 439

“youth phase” in, 447

practices, 22

Czech Republic

developmental anthropology

and friendships, 428–429, 431

adolescent perceptions of

cognitive function, variations in,

and informed consent, 17–18

housework, 461

94–95, 95–96

and moral development, 8, 235

vocational education programs, 558

cultural influence and developmental

multifaceted nature of, 5

outcomes, 192–195, 632–633

and parenting practices, 19, 20, 21

D

ontogeny of cultural variation in cog-

and privacy concerns, 18–19

Daiute, C., 402

nitive function, 96–102

cultural psychology

Daly, M., 575

developmental change, and effect on

of adolescence, 397–400, 404, 405

Damon, W., 237, 238, 684

childhood friendships, 428

developmental perspective on, 667, 674 Daoism, and concept of detachment, 691 developmental expectations 718 Inde x

across cultures, 273, 274

to moral reasoning, 235–237

rule-oriented behavior, 380

Developmental Expectations

domain approach to moral reasoning, 236 East Asians, developmental goals

Questionnaire, 272, 273

Donald, D., 66

among, 6–7

setting the agenda for parenting,

Donnelly, T., 687

East Asian societies

272–275

Donskoi, Mark, 655

autonomy vs. relatedness, 381–382

developmental goals

Dorfman, P. W., 687

filial piety in, 668–669

action phase of engagement and disen-

Dost, A., 414

East Indian islands, adolescent transition

gagement with, 539–540, 550

Douglass, Carrie, 490–491, 498

rituals, 328–329

cultural variation, 6–7

Draper, P., 188, 591

Ebbinghaus illusion, 98–100, 99

Developmental Niche framework

Drapier, C., 565

Eberhard, P., 280

and adolescent development, 378

Drijat, in Negev Desert, Israel, 519–520

Eccles, J. S., et al., 417, 418

analysis beyond motor skills, 84

Drucker-Brown, S., 171

Eckhoff, A., 261

described, 82

Dube, L., 320

ecoculture

researching, 88

Dubois, D. P., 319

defined, 62

western Kenya, 272

Du Bois, W. E. B., 479

and early childhood socialization,

developmental psychology

Durgel, E., 415

165–166

adolescence, perspectives on, 397,

Dutch adolescents, attachment and

and human development, 61, 62

399, 412

well-being, 417

ecological contexts, and children's intel-

and cultural psychology, 233

Dutch adults, memories of

lectual development, 217–218

culture-informed studies on, 378

adolescence, 627

ecological systems theory and cognitive

developmental psychopathology,

Dutch children

development, 204

505–506

independence of, 285

economic subsistence patterns

developmental systems theories,

managing conflict in friendships, 431

and adolescent transition rituals, 331

419–420

Dutch families

and parenting, 276–277

Erikson's eight psychosocial stages of

family model of independence, 415

education

development, 654

time allocated for meals, 284

alternative educational programs for

and lifespan trajectories, 539

Dutra-Thomé, Luciana, 456–470

working children, 220

shift from universal to historical

case studies of adolescent sexual

apprenticeship programs, 558–559

child, 40

exploitation, 463, 464

creativity, and teachers, 260–261, 262

developmental research, four phases

Dutta, R., 238, 623, 692

creativity in multicultural groups, 265

of, 88–89

Dyson, J., 426, 427

developmental readiness for

developmental science

school, 275

globalization of, 356

E

educational status of adolescents

sociogenic vs. ontogenetic paradigm

early childhood

worldwide, 364

of, 404

economic subsistence patterns and,

formal schooling and cognitive devel-

developmental trajectories, 8–9, 69–70

275–276

opment, 202, 207

deVries, M. W., 286

family cultural variability,

formal schooling vs. housework and

Dewey, John, 449

278–279, 287

chores, 190

dharma, Indian concept of, 243

individualism vs. collectivism in,

formal vs. informal learning, 218–220,

Dharmashastras, oldest known descrip-

283–285, 287

222–223, 225, 443, 444

tion of life course, 238

interplay of temperament and culture,

gender disparities in, 365, 439, 451

dialogical self theory, 29, 35–36, 40–41

285–286

and gender socialization, 313–314

DiBianca Fasoli, A., 241, 245

parental expectations of development,

general and vocational secondary edu-

Diers, J., 356, 366

272–275, 287

cation worldwide, 449, 450, 451

Dillon, M., 685

parent-child relationships across cul-

leaving school too early, 561–562

Diouf, M., 477–478

tures, 279–285, 287

limits of formal education, 440–441

disciplinary measures in transnational

parenting styles across cultures,

measuring relevancy and outcome, 446

families, 52

277–278, 287

media resources for, 443–444, 445

Dishion, T. J., 430

relationships and early childhood

open and distance outreach learning,

divergent thinking

development, 165

444, 445

biculturalism and verbal divergent

in sub-Saharan agricultural societies,

and participation in social

responses, 264

281–283

movements, 452

and bilingualism, 264

time allocated to activities, 283–284

patterns of organized learning,

and creativity, 257, 262

women's workloads and parenting

293–300

vs. convergent thinking, 265

practices, 276–277

promoting careers in STEM, 563–564

diversity within communities, impact of

Early Childhood Behavior Questionnaire

Quranic schooling, 220, 224, 301–302

transnational migration, 44–45

(ECBQ), 143

rates of postsecondary education in

divinity

East Asian families

United States, 550

ethics of, 238–239

emphasis on early academic

role of cultural traditions in, 445

and moral psychology, 8

achievement, 280

secondary schooling and work,

and moral reasoning, 240–242

father-child relationships, 280

557–560

Doku, P. N., 36–37

parental ethnotheories, 279–281

segregated vocational institutions,

domain approach

role of grandparents, 281

547–548

Inde x

719

education ( Cont.)

expression and regulation in late

entrepreneurship and self-employment,

sociocultural context of schooling,

adulthood, 685

559–560, 567

300–303

and gender, 315–317

environment, definition of, 96

tertiary education, increasing rates of,

and moral reasoning, 232

environment and creativity, 260, 261, 262

489, 490, 494

negative-powerful vs. negative power-

environment of evolutionary adaptedness

three-tiered system in Germany,

less, 140, 143

(EEA), 151, 153

544–545, 546

in older adults across cultures,

epigenetic landscape, 544, 545, 546

U. S. educational system, 548

629–630

epistemic stance in language, 118–119

universal primary education, 363, 366,

emotional development

epistemology of gender, 308–309

438, 449

future research, 141–143

Erikson, Erik

as vehicle of work migration, 565–566

regulation and early development,

adolescence and cultural

working while in school, 554

132–133

changes, 399

and youth transitions to adulthood,

emotional development, among infants

adolescence and identity

447–448

cross-cultural differences in reactivity,

formation, 237

youth unemployment and educational

130–131

and emic study designs, 661

levels, 554–555

cultural differences in, 129–130

ideological alternatives, 480

See also intelligence, cultural

cultural differences in emotion social-

inception of generativity, 654–656

manifestation of

ization, 137–138

psychosocial stage model of adult

See also literacy

culture-sensitive approach to, 127–128

development, 667, 669

See also schooling

developmental markers of, 86–87

theories of adult development, 670

Education for All 2012, 365

effortful control and emotional regula- Erny, P., 65

Edwards, Carolyn Pope, 165–181

tion, 132–133

Esin, A., 509

Children of Different Worlds Study, 168

German mothers, 128

Estonia, socialization values of

developmental expectations, 272, 273

Japanese mothers, 128

mothers, 417

gender differences in childhood

negative vs. positive affectivity, 131

ethics

chores, 188

theoretical frameworks to study,

of autonomy, community, and divin-

maternal responsibilities, 154–155, 279

128–129

ity, 238–239

parental expectations of children's

emotional expressivity

and moral psychology, 8

friendships, 427

between mothers and infants, 138

See also research, ethical

women's workloads and parenting

restriction of, 139

considerations in

practices, 276, 277

rules for, 134–135

Ethiopia

Efe foragers and children (Republic

and social-cultural influence, 130

beauty-enhancing practices in, 572

of Congo), 149–150, 152–153, 167,

of specific emotions, 139–140

information technology use among

208, 294

emotion socialization

adolescents, 523

Eggum, N. D., 386

emotion norms and socialization prac-

ethnic stereotyping, avoiding in research

Egypt

tices, 135–141

assessment, 22

and Arab Spring, 474, 475

and outcomes, 141

Ethnographic Atlas (Fisher), 575

developmental timetables of mothers,

socialization of specific emotions,

eudaimonia, and adult well-being and

273–274

139–140

aging, 670, 671, 672, 675

Eichstedt, J. A., 319

of toddlers, 138–139

Europe

Eisenberg, N., 386

empathy, and interdependence, 156–157

adolescent transition rituals in, 330

Ekman, P., 129

employment

emerging adulthood and self-focused

Elder, Glen, 546

in identity-based work, 497–498

fun, 498

elders

social demotions among immigrant

European-American drawings

continuing relationships with deceased

parents, 51

and assessment of creativity, 258

elders, 704–706

emulation, and cognitive

European-American families

definition and status of across cultures,

development, 200

attentiveness among toddlers, 296

697–699

England

children learning through third-party

directions for future scholarship on,

gender and cognitive

attention, 297–298

706–707

development, 319

and children's language

end-of-life care and concerns, 702

gender socialization in schools, 313

acquisition, 294

grief and bereavement among, 701–702

marriage customs in, 578

children taking initiative in

grief following death of, 702–703

Engle, P. L., 89

activity, 295

longing for past, 700–701

English families, rules for emotional dis-

collaborative communication among

The Elephant Man, 574

play among children, 134–135

children, 299, 300

Ellis, J., 64

English language

cultural construction of everyday

Elman, J. L., et al., 203

and acculturation, 53, 54

activities, 191

El Salvador, recruitment of child soldiers

implications for self-identity, 31–32

cultural influence and child develop-

in, 465

proficiency among immigrant

ment, 193, 194

emotion

children, 51–52

cultural model of childrearing, 190

cultural dimensions of emotionality,

proficiency among immigrant

cultural patterns of collaboration

131, 132

parents, 51

among siblings, 298

culture-specific attitude toward, 141

and spatial cognition, 6

family chores in, 187–188, 188–189

720 Inde x

joint attention of mothers and

effects of social change on relatedness,

in Japanese views of aging, 642

infants, 206

412–414

fathers

parent-child conversations, 206

family-centered vs. child-centered

care of infants and toddlers, 167–168

storytelling traditions, 280

activities, 189, 191

core elements of fathering, 615–616

European Americans

family change theory, 413–414

in European-American families,

authoritative parenting, 24

family generativity, 660, 662

282–283

cultural emotion norms, 136

gender and emotional socialization in,

and gender socialization, 312, 314–315

cultural variations and research, 17–18

315–317

increasing roles for, 169

developmental goals among, 6–7

and gender socialization, 311–312, 314–315

parenting by, 587, 588–589

emotional reactivity among infants, 131

importance of extended family in West

profiles of paternal behavior, 168

parenting practices of, 19–20, 39

Africa, 597

roles and life stages in Hindu

as a psychological study group, 186

importance of global perspective on,

India, 640

European Higher Education Area, 563

420–421

in sub-Saharan Africa, 282–283

Evaluation of Potential Creativity, 264

intergenerational households in

in subsistence-based farm families,

evidentials, 111, 118

India, 638

593–594

evolution

neglect and mistreatment of

time allocated for family life, 284

and attachment theory, 152–153, 159

elderly, 700

fathers, diversity within societies,

and cultural-developmental

sexual socialization in immigrant

602–617

scholarship, 8–9

families, 345–347

bioecological model of, 605, 605, 608

and emotional development, 128

“third-culture kids,” 34, 35, 36, 55

within the Caribbean, 614–615

estimating heritable

See also immigrant families

categories of diversity, 604

predispositions, 96–97

See also transnational families

within Central and Eastern Africa,

evolutionary basis of cognitive

The Family, Sex, and Marriage: In

612–614

development, 203

England 1500-1800 (Stone), 571

within China, 608–611

and facial expressions, 129

family change theory, 413–414

core elements of fathering, 615–616

and fathering diversity, 613

family chores

examples from 15 societies and regions,

and milestones of infant

“chore curriculum,” 188, 191

606–607

development, 79–81

as culturally organized activities,

within India, 611–612, 640

Ewing Lee, E., 313

187–189

international vs. intrasocietal diversity,

explanation-seeking questions, 199, 210

family disruption

603–604

expressivity

and acculturation, 346

the soldier father, 608

emotional expressivity, 130, 139–140

and homelessness, 347

Fathers in Cultural Context (Shwalb),

facial expressions, cultural differences

and risk of child labor abuse, 459

603, 616

in, 129–130

and risk of commercial sexual exploita- Fatigante, M., 284

between mothers and infants, 138

tion, 462–463

Fay, K., 685

restriction of, 139

family relationships, development of

Fee, A., 263

Eze, N., 72

cultural variability, 278–279, 287

Feinberg, F., 628

economic subsistence patterns and

Feldman, S. S., 344–345

F

childrearing practices, 275–276

feminist perspectives on gender,

Facebook

new social media and family relation-

309–310, 319

emerging adults and

ships, 524–526

Fernandes, A. C., 370

self-expression, 530

parent-child relationships across cul-

Ferrer-Wreder, Laura, 502–518

peer relationships among emerging

tures, 279–285, 287

fertility

adults, 526

and parenting styles across cultures,

and adolescent transition rituals, 334

facial characteristics universally consid-

277–278, 287

control among adolescent populations

ered attractive, 572–573

role of temperament and culture,

in India, 367–368

facial expressivity, cross-cultural differ-

285–286

mating behavior influenced by, 574

ences in, 129–130

setting the agenda for parenting,

Filgueiras, J. C., 464

Fairness to All Individuals Through

272–275

filial piety

Respect (FAIR), 314

in sub-Saharan agricultural societies,

and aging in East Asian societies,

Falakhim Arab farmers, Israel, 519–520

281–283

668–669

Falicov, C. J., 662

themes and variations in the West,

in Confucianism, 382, 383, 387

false belief reasoning, among children,

283–285

Finland

104, 105

and women's workloads, 276–277

gender socialization in, 311, 315

families

family values, and self-view of adoles-

integrating creativity into

autonomy and relatedness in immi-

cents, 382, 387

classrooms, 261

grant families, 414–416

Fan, L., 624

Fischer, F. M., 459

cultural perspectives on, 411–412

Farsi-English bilingualism, and

Fisher, H. E., 575, 579, 580

cultural variability among types of,

creativity, 264

Fisher, J., 706

278–279

Fasulo, A., 284

Fiske, A. P., 390, 430

developmental perspectives on, 412

fatalism

Fitneva, Stanka, 111–126

and ecological contexts for

among Mexican American families,

Five C's of Positive Youth

development, 218

662–663

Development, 419

Inde x

721

Flanagan, Constance, 471–484

Fulani people (West Africa), parenting

in displaying sadness vs. anger, 135

Fleming, R., 685

practices among, 594

in moral reasoning, 242

Foner, A., 668

Fulbe people, of northern Cameroon,

negative-powerful vs. negative

forager societies

301–302

powerless, 143

and adolescent transition rituals, 331, 332 Fuligni, A. J., 414

gender socialization environments,

children's chores in, 188

Fung, H., 280, 629–630

310–315

fathers' care of infants and toddlers,

Furrow, D., 118

atypical socialization and identity,

167, 168

Furrow, J. F., 238

314–315

proximity between fathers and

Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., 285

books and educational settings,

children, 613

fusion culture, 35

313–314

foster families, 172–173, 178

family, 311–312

Four C Model of creativity, 256, 257

G

macro environments of gender social-

Four P's of creativity study, 256, 257

Gala, Jigishi, 307–324

ization, 310–311, 319–320, 321

Foursha-Stevenson, C., 313

Galinsky, A. D., 263, 265

peers, 312–313

Fouts, H. N., 613, 614, 616

Gandhi, Mahatma, 656, 680, 681

generational change

Fox, N. A., 135

Gandhian mentors, India, 688, 692, 693

and adolescent civic development, 483

France

Gandhi's Truth (Erikson), 656

and the Arab Spring, 474

collectivism vs. individualism in, 283

Gandini, L., 272

parents and grandparents as

effects of biculturalism on Parisian

Gannon, S., 286

caregivers, 172

children, 264

Garcia Coll, C., et al., 415

theories of, 471, 473

youth apprenticeship programs, 558

Garrett-Peters, P. T., 135

generativity

Free Basic Education and Reentry

Gartstein, M. A., et al., 141, 142

capturing the salience of culture in

Policies (Zambia), 221, 222

Gaskins, Suzanne, 173, 185–197, 297, 434

scholarship, 660–664

Freedman, E. B., 581

Gatz, M., 671

and community service, 687

Freire, Paolo, 444

Gautama, ancient Hindu

within cultures, 653–654, 655

French, Doran, 386, 425–437

philosopher, 641

effect of spirituality on, 685

French, J. L., 462

Gauvain, Mary, 198–213

generativity and culture since Erikson,

French families

Gay, J. A., 64–65

656–660

gender and social identity, 317–318

Gaynor, J. L., 260

inception of generativity, 654–656

joint attention of mothers and

Gaytán, F. X., 43

Generativity Behavioral Checklist,

infants, 206

Geary, D. C., 624, 625

658, 659

Freud, Sigmund

Géber, Marcelle, 81

genetics

gender and moral perspective, 242

Geertz, H., 285–286

and cultural-developmental

modern reframing of concerns, 247

Gemeinschaft, community, 520

scholarship, 8–9

and the moral conscience, 230

gender

and emotional development, 128

and moral reasoning, 231

across cultures, 315–319, 321–322

estimating heritable

social contexts of moral reasoning,

and adolescent population worldwide,

predispositions, 96–97

243–244

358–359

genetic epistemology, 85

Friedlmeier, Wolfgang, 127–148

and adolescent transition rituals, 330,

risk-taking genes, 131–132

Friedman, C. K., 314

331–332, 332–333, 333, 337

Geneva Convention of 1949 on

Friedman, H. S., 684

and Anglo-American narratives of

International Humanitarian

Friedman, R. J., 135

midlife, 646, 647

Law, 466

friendships

and availability of education, 365

geography

approaches to studying friendship and

and cognitive development, 318–319

and fathering diversity within

culture, 432–433

in the context of caste and

societies, 604

and enhancement of self-esteem, 430

community, 321

and fathering within a bioecological

exclusivity in, 429–430

cultural psychology perspective, 310

model, 605

in individualist vs. collectivist societ-

and emotion, 315–317

Georgakopoulou, A., 402

ies, 433–434

epistemology of, 308–309

Georgas, J., 417

and instrumental aid, 429

feminist perspectives on, 309–310, 319

German adolescents

intimacy in, 427–429, 432

gender-differentiated paths and future

interpretations of peer behavior,

and management of conflict, 431–432

research, 674

377–378, 383

new social media and depth of friend-

gender-differentiated paths to personal

Jugendweihe adolescent transition cer-

ships, 526, 527

growth, 642–644, 669

emony, 338, 339

prototypic patterns within cultures,

and nutritional and health

and parental authority, 377, 382

434–435

disparities, 366

worldviews of, 380, 381

and work roles, 426, 427

and social identity, 317–318

German families

friendships, among children and

and street youth in Brazil, 341–342

cultural emotion norms, 136, 137, 137

adolescents

gender development, theoretical perspec-

cultural model of childrearing, 190

cultural variations in, 426–427

tives on, 309

emotional development among

social strictures on, 427

gender differences

infants, 128

Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de

in behavior, 308

emotional regulation among

Colombia (FARC), 465–466

and children's household chores, 188

children, 133

722 Inde x

emotion socialization of infants, 138

and understandings of romantic

Great Cat Massacre, The (Darnton), 581

family model of independence, 413

love, 571

Great Gatsby curve, and social

middle-class mother and 3-month-old

globalization, implications for self and

mobility, 542

infant, 589

identity, 28–42

Greece

patterns of infant care, 277, 586

aging and globalization, 39

cognitive development in ancient

prosocial behavior of children, 385

cultural distances and identity

Greece, 622

social smiles among infants, 130, 130

confusion, 36–37

language and identity in

typical dinner situation for, 590–591

dialogical self theory, 29, 35–36, 40–41

adolescence, 402

German language, and linguistic markers

flexibility and resilience of the

linguistic politeness among

of speaker certainty, 118

self, 40–41

children, 121

Germany

historical vs. universal child, 38–39

social contract between state and

age distribution of foreign

hybrid identities, 33–36

citizens, 476

migrants, 565

impact on human development, 29–30

youth outside both school and

demographics of aging in, 682

open vs. closed minds, 29, 35–36

work, 566

kindergarten in Hamburg, 438

promises and deceptions of

Greek-Cypriot adolescents, language and

social mobility in, 547, 549

globalization, 31–33

identity, 402

studies of generativity in, 659–660

psychological distance between

Greek families in Australia, acculturation

study on divergent thinking, 262–263

cultures, 36–38

goals, 415

three-tiered educational system,

the self as a mini-society, 39–40

Green, S. J., 576

544–545, 546, 547–548

Global North and Global South

Greenfield, Patricia, 519–534

trainees and temporary migrant

compulsory education in, 448,

avoiding bias in assessment, 23

workers, 566

448, 449

children taking initiative in

Gesell, Arnold, 80, 81

media resources and informal educa-

activity, 296

Gesellschaft, society, 520

tion, 443–444

contrasts of parenting across

gestures, declarative, 101

youth civic development in, 482–483

cultures, 277

Ghana

“youth phase” in, 447

proximal vs. distal caretaking, 278

Mamprusi grandparents as child

GLOBE Project, in leadership, 687

Grigorenko, Elena, 214–229, 255–270

caregivers, 171

“glocalization,” 33

Gronbaek, M., 685

traditional beliefs regarding

Gl veaunu, V. P., 266

Grossman, I., 673

afterllife, 37

Goh, E. C. L., 281

group identity, importance of among

urbanization among women, 481

Goh, E. L., 172

adolescents, 388–389

Gibbs, J. C., 235

Golding, J., 312

group sleeping, in Indian families, 172

Gifting of Land movement, India, 692–693 Goldschmidt, W., 65

groupways, definition of, 471

Gil, V. E., 581

Golinkoff, R. M., 190

Guan, Shu-Sha Angie, 519–534

Gilligan, Carol F.

Golombok, S., 312

Guatemalan Mayan children

caring vs. self-interest, 243, 641

González, M. M., 670

attentiveness among toddlers,

moral orientations, 242

Goode, W. J., 610

296–297

Giner-Sorolla, R., 241

Goodnow, J. J., 273

cultural patterns of collaboration, 298

Ginges, J., 389

Goodwin, R., 417

and language acquisition, 294

Gini coefficient, 541, 541, 550

Goody, E., 172

learning through third-party atten-

Giovanni, D., 272

Goossens, L., 416

tion, 297–298

Giriama in rural Kenya, children's peer

Gorky, Maxim, 655

self-care among, 293

relationships, 427

Gottlieb, Alma, 594

Guerra, V. M, 241

Girimaji, S. C., 370

Goyal, Namrata, 14–27

Gujarat, India, 688

Girouard, N., 38

Grace, Lila, 271–272

Gujarati children

Glaser, B. G., 661

grandparents

role of grandparents in parenting, 593

globalization

as caregivers, 171–172

rules for emotional display, 135

and cognitive development, 199, 216

as caregivers in foster families, 173

Gullette, M. M., 647

effect on local cultures, 9

family relationships in East Asia, 281

Gummerum, M., 42, 428

exclusionary vs. integrative

in Japanese society, 672

Gunaratnam, Y., 707

reactions, 37

parenting by, 587

Gupta, T., 415

and generativity-culture

role in middle-class Western families,

Gupta, U., 579

connection, 664

591–592

Gururaj, G., 370

global communities, and civic identity,

role in subsistence-based farm

guru-shishya parampara, mentoring tradi-

480–482

families, 593

tion in India, 688

globalization of science, 356

time allocated for family life, 285

Gusii people (Kenya)

global urban youth culture, 56, 421

Gray, P. B., 616

child language socialization, 282

global vs. local identities, 33–34, 421

Gray, S. J., 263

children taking initiative in

implications of the Internet, 30–31

great ape clade

activity, 296

localization as response, 32–33

brain development among, 103

collaborative communication between

and moral perspectives, 235, 246, 247

culture among, 102, 103

mothers and toddlers, 300

and social contexts of moral

gestures among, 101

cultural model of childrearing, 190

reasoning, 244

phylogeny of, 97, 97, 99

definition and status of elders, 698

Inde x

723

Gusii people (Kenya) ( Cont.)

substance abuse and antisocial behav-

Young People Talk AIDS, India, 371

effect of maternal schooling on

ior, 509–512, 513, 514

Hmong families

children, 301

health treatment

care, beneficence, and prosocial

parenting practices among, 592, 594

women's neglect of, 307

morality, 243

transmitting knowledge to

See also adolescent health, global

emotional reactivity among infants, 131

children, 208

concerns in

ethics of community, divinity, and

Gutchess, Angela H., 621–636

Heath, C., 329

autonomy, 241

Heckhausen, Jutta, 535–553

Hofer, J., 660, 662

H

Hedden, T., 622, 623–624, 624

Hofstede, G. H.

Hackett, R. J., et al., 370

hedonic well-being, and aging, 670,

dimensions of culture, 444

Hadza children, play and household

671, 672

individualism-collectivism index,

work, 188

Hein, Sascha, 214–229

132, 132

Haidt, J., 384

Heine, S. J., 186, 188

Hollnsteiner, M. R., 429

Half the Sky Foundation, China, 176,

Heinicke, C. M., 598

Holodynski, M., 129, 130

177, 179

Helson, R., et al., 670

homelessness

Hall, G. Stanley

Hempel, P. S., 258

among Brazilian youth, 347–348

“natural history” approach to human

Henrich, J., 186, 188

in Brazilian cities, 341–342

development, 80

Herdt, Gilbert, 487

narratives of adolescents, 402–403

romantic relationships in

heritable predispositions

homophily, role in cultural differences

adolescence, 418

in cognitive functioning, 96–97

and distance, 37–38

Hamburg, Germany, 438

and cultural context, 97–102

homoplasy, 97

Hamilton, S. F., 548

Hermans, Hubert J. M., 28–42

Hong, S. I., 688

Hammack, Phillip L., 396–409

Herzegovina, postwar youth community Hong Kong

Hammarström, A., 308–309

involvement, 688

autonomy and relatedness among ado-

Handbook of Cross-Cultural Human

Hess, R. D., et al, 273

lescents, 416–417

Development (1981), 4–5

heterophily, role in cultural differences

cognitive ability and memory among

Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology

and distance, 37–38

older adults, 626

(Lonner & Adamopoulos), 344

Hevern, V., 30–31

early socialization for moral and aca-

Hanique, B., 387

Hewlett, B. S., 594, 613, 614

demic learning, 280

Hardie, J. H., 386

Hickman, J. R., 241

effects of biculturalism on

Hardy, S. A., 238

Hill, S. A., 315

children, 264

Harkness, Sarah, 79–93, 271–291

Hinduism

emotion socialization in families, 139

childcare by fathers, 169

and adolescent development, 387–388

exclusivity in adolescent friendships,

“developmental niche” framework, 65

description of life course, 238

429–430

ecocultural perspective, 165

diversity within, 650n2

integrating creativity into

harmonious functioning, and attachment

and family relationships, 281

classrooms, 261

theory, 154

gender and emotion, 316

intimacy of friendships, 428

Harris, W. V., 689

midlife narratives in Hindu India,

parenting of adolescents, 344–345

Hart, D., 687

637–638, 638–641, 648, 649

positivity bias among older adults,

Harwood, R., 415

perspectives on nonattachment,

635–636

Hasher, L., 628

691–693, 694

honorifics, 119, 120

Hastings, P. D., 414

sacred thread ceremony, 328, 334

Hopi reservation, Arizona

Hatano, G., 23, 476

sari party, 328

adolescent initiation ceremonies,

Hatfield, Elaine, 570–585

Hines, M., 312

327, 330

Haub, C., 682

Hippert, M. I., 464

Hopi reservation in Arizona, adolescent

Haun, Daniel B. M., 94–110

Hirsch-Pasek, K., 190

initiation ceremonies, 332

Hawaii

Hiruma, N., 135

Hortaçsu, N., 311

children's participation in daily

Hispanic Americans

horticultural peoples, and fathers' care of

activities, 294

civic engagement of undocumented

infants and toddlers, 168

collaborative communication between

youth, 479

housework and chores

mothers and toddlers, 300

cultural variations and research, 17

children's responsibilities as they age,

mismatched school and home

diversity among, 662

188, 189

cultures, 302

significance of instrumental aid in

cultural construction of everyday

Hawkes, K., 188

friendships, 429

activities, 190–192

Hayes, R. D., 370

historical contexts, in adult development

cultural influence and child develop-

Hazare, Anna, 693

and aging, 676–677

ment, 192–195

health concerns and risk factors

historical loss conceptualized as personal

as culturally organized activities,

among emerging and young adults

loss, 345

186–187

worldwide, 504, 505, 513

HIV/AIDS

developmental expectations

prostitution and health, 512–513

orphaned children and foster families

regarding, 273

related historical, social, and cultural

in Africa, 172

foundational sources of cultural

factors, 506–507, 513

preventing transmission among adoles-

beliefs, 189–190

sexuality and health, 507–509, 513

cents, 368–369

gender differences in assignment, 308

724 Inde x

as protective factor against child labor

formation in adolescence, 237–238

internal migration, 46

abuses, 458, 459, 460–461, 467

globalization and confused identity, 36

marriage customs in, 576, 577, 578

at transition into adolescence, 335

identity explorations and emerging

midlife narratives in, 637–638, 638–641

How Healthy Are We? A National Study of

adulthood, 521

Panchayat Raj program, 477

Well-Being at Midlife? (Brim, Ryff,

narratives of political identity, 401–402

perspectives on mentoring, 688

& Kessler), 646

narratives of sexual identity, 403–404

philosophy of nonattachment, 681

Hrdy, Sarah Blaffer, 587, 616

and new and old media, 527–530

public opinion on creativity, 259

Hsu, C., 138

“youth talk” and adolescent

sources of fathering diversity in, 607

Hsueh, Y., 175

identity, 402

traditional patriarchy in, 281, 320

Hu, Ming, 471–484

Ifaluk people of Micronesia

India, adolescents in

Hulusjö, A., 512

cultural model of childrearing, 190

civic development among, 478

human development

culture and children's

health concerns among, 365–366

and education and learning, 443–447

temperament, 286

mental health among, 370–371

holistic worldview in Africa, 63

ikigai, Japanese concept of having a life

preventing HIV/AIDS among,

impact of globalization, 29–30

worth living, 668, 672, 673, 674

368–369

individual and societal, 442, 452

illegal armies groups, 349–350, 464–466

religion and adolescent development,

periods of research in Africa, 63–66

Imada, Takatoshi, 663

387–388

United Nations Human Development

imitation, and cognitive

transition rituals, 328

Index, 446

development, 200

India, families in

Human Development in a Cultural

immigrant families

behavioral inhibition among children,

Context (Nsamenang), 65

acculturation of, 52–53

133, 134

human subjects, protecting, 15–21

autonomy and relatedness in, 414–416

care, beneficence, and prosocial

informed consent, 17–18

challenges faced by, 46

morality, 243

institutional review boards, history

complications of acculturation, 53–56

emotion socialization of infants, 138

of, 15–16

diasporic websites and ethnic

emotion socialization of toddlers, 139

minimizing harm, 19–21

identity, 528

ethics of community, divinity, and

privacy concerns, 18–19

disruptions in parenting, 49–52

autonomy, 241–242

Humphreys ethnographic study on

future research directions, 56–57

expression of sadness vs. anger, 139

homosexual practices, 16

reactive identification with sending

family model of interdependence, 413

Hunchback of Notre Dame (Hugo), 574

country, 480

gender differences and household

Hungary

sexual socialization in, 345–347

chores, 308

adolescent perceptions of

immigrant populations, minimizing

gender socialization, 311–312

housework, 461

harm in research, 21

grandparents as caregivers, 171–172

linguistic politeness among

immigration

rules for emotional display among

children, 121

to countries with longer history of, 480

children, 134–135

hunter-gather societies

and cultural socialization, 6

socialization of children, 280

fathers' care of infants and

densities of immigrants arriving

Tamil family views on romantic

toddlers, 167

and leaving between countries

love, 570

and parenting, 275–276

(2000-2005), 44

India, later adulthood in

Hupp, J. M., 315

and families, 47–52

attachment and nonattachment, 689

Hureia Kippu, Japanese concept of “care

inalterability of moral reasoning, 235

autobiographical memory among older

credits,” 686

independence

adults, 627–628

Hwang, K. K., 431

family model of, 278, 413

demographics of aging, 683, 684

hybrid identities

independence vs. interdependence

grandparents as child caregivers,

and adolescent civic development, 475

and adolescent development, 378, 382

171–172, 593

among African children, 71, 449

and adolescent self-views, 379–380

relationships with deceased

and diasporic websites, 528–529

and attachment theory, 160

elders, 706

effects on innovation and

developmental perspectives on, 412

Indian women, preoccupation with

creativity, 34–35

independent vs. interdependent self, 154

sociocultural roles, 307

global and local identity, 33–34

India

indigenous knowledge

globalization and, 33–36

child labor practices, 461–462

defined, 68

in modern India, 493

education and work migration, 565

and human ontogenesis in

and moral perspectives, 235

emerging adulthood in, 487

Africa, 72–73

Hyde, J. S., 319–320

fathering diversity within, 611–612

research themes, 68–72

Hyun, J.-H., 280

gender and emotion, 316

indigenous social science

gender socialization and sexual

a call for development in Africa, 61–63

I

activity, 367

lessons from research, 67–68

Iceland, work/study programs in, 558

gender socialization in schools, 313

individualism vs. collectivism

identity

health interventions in, 371–372

and attachment in children, 150

civic identity in the developing

Hindu perspectives on nonattachment,

common patterns of change in collec-

world, 481

691–693

tivist cultures, 421

and cultural psychology of adoles-

hybrid identities in emerging

developmental perspectives on, 412

cence, 397–400

adulthood, 493

and developmental tasks, 520, 521

Inde x

725

individualism vs. collectivism ( Cont.)

care in child welfare institutions,

and decreased social conflict, 673

development of family relationships,

176–177, 178–179

ethnic minority families in the

283–285

care of in subsistence-based farm fami-

Netherlands, 415

display of emotions, 135

lies, 594, 595, 595–596

family model of, 278, 413

friendship, cultural variations in, 427,

conversational exchange with, 114–115

and health and well-being, 676

433–434

cultural differences in emotion social-

intergenerational households in Hindu

friendship, exclusivity in, 430

ization, 137–138

India, 638

friendship, instrumental aid in, 429

and developmental trajectories, 8–9

interleukin-6 (IL-6), and health and

friendship, intimacy of, 428

infant cognition, 96

well-being, 676

friendship, managing conflict in, 431

infant regulatory problems and effects

internalization model of emotional

and generativity, 653, 654, 657,

on marriage, 591

development, 129

659–660

minimizing harm in research,

International Encyclopedia on

Hofstede's index, 132, 132

19, 20, 21

Adolescence, 357

individualism and the “American

moral development, 242, 243, 246

International Labor Organization (ILO)

Dream,” 543–544, 546

mortality rates and parenting

campaign for eradication of child

individualistic emotional competence,

practices, 277

labor, 461

136, 139, 142

motor skills, 134

on commercial sexual exploitation of

marriage customs, 582–583

prenatal and infant language

children and adolescents, 462

and midlife narratives, 641, 647

learning, 113

opposition to use of child soldiers, 464

narratives of Muslim and Jewish girls,

public services for children in Italy, 166 International Migration Outlook 2011

380, 381

sharing and cognitive development,

report, 565

networked individualism, 520, 521, 523

205–206

International Society for the Study of

and new media, 523, 524

socialization by grandparents, 171,

Behavioral Development, 355, 357

“parasite singles,” 492

172, 178

International Study of Parents, Children,

and parenting practices, 277–278

socialization by siblings, 169–171,

and Schools, 283–284

potential inadequacy of construct,

170–171, 178

Internet

21–22, 24

social networks and attachment

diasporic websites and ethnic

individuation

theory, 152, 153

identity, 528

in African cultural settings, 71–72

universal needs for primary care, 167

and global communities, 481–482, 528

and autonomous-relatedness, 417

See also children

implications for self and identity, 30–31

and educational choices in youth, 449

See also infant development,

and lower levels of closeness between

Indonesia

milestones of

children and parents, 524

affection in friendships, 428

information and communication

online commentaries and identity

definition and status of elders,

technologies, 522

development, 529

697–698, 699

informed consent, ethical

penetration worldwide, 522, 522

exclusivity in adolescent

considerations, 17–18

and social contexts of moral

friendships, 430

Inhelder, R., 65, 85

reasoning, 244

intimacy in friendships, 425, 427–428

innovation, and hybrid identity, 34–35

Inuit people

managing conflict in friendships, 431

institutional care for infants and tod-

and children's language

prosocial behavior of children, 384–385

dlers, 176, 178–179

acquisition, 294

relationships with deceased elders,

institutional review boards (IRBs), 15–16

cultural model of childrearing, 190

705–706

instrumental parentification, 461

family model of psychological

significance of instrumental aid in

intelligence, cultural manifestation of,

interdependence, 414

friendships, 429

214–229

parenting practices among, 592

Value of Children Study, 413

in the context of culture and globaliza-

self-care among children, 293

youth literacy in, 439

tion, 216–217

Invisible Children (child soldiers in north-

infant development, milestones of, 79–93

and ecological contexts, 217–218

ern Uganda), 349

Bayley Scales of Infant Development,

education in Zambia, 220–221

Iran, language and gender

80, 81, 82, 83, 84

formal vs. informal educational set-

socialization, 313

beyond motor performance, 83–87

tings, 215, 218–220, 225

Ireland

beyond Western milestones, 87

intelligence and culture as interwoven

Northern Ireland, and adolescent nar-

emergence and elaboration of, 79–81

concepts, 217

ratives of identity, 402

emotional development, 86–87

learning environments in Saudi

vocational education programs, 558

genetic epistemology, 85

Arabia, 223–224

youth outside both school and work,

global vs. local norms, 88–89

learning environments in Zambia,

560, 566

locally developed scales, 87

221–223

Irish families

memory and attention, 85–86

practical vs. academic intelligence, 225

motor skills of 4-month-old

motor development, 81–83

predetermined cognitive ability, 214

infants, 134

research milestones, 88–89

socially responsible intelligence, 221

temperamental reactivity among

infant-mortality rates, and parenting

various meanings of intelligence, 225

infants, 133

practices, 277

interdependence

Ishida, M., 673

infants

and cognitive developmental approach Ishii, K, 117

arithmetic abilities among, 100–101

to moral reasoning, 234

Ishikawa, J., 83

726 Inde x

Islam

Izard, C.E., 129

distal vs. proximal caregiving, 279

origins of radicalism in adolescence,

emotional development among

388–389

J

infants, 128

and philosophy of

Jackson, C., 321

emotional reactivity among infants, 131

nonattachment, 690

Jacquemin, M. Y., 462

emotional regulation among

Quranic schooling, 220, 224, 301–302

Jain, A., 612

children, 133

Ispa, J. M., 616

Jain, M., 685

facial expressions among infants,

Ispa-Landa, S., 616

James, William, 29, 385

129–130

Israel

Jankowiak, William, 610

globalization and identity

creativity and social context, 258, 259

Janssen, S. M. J., 627

confusion, 36

demographics of aging in, 682

Japan

“positive affectivity” among infants,

ethics of community, divinity, and

adult development and aging in,

142, 143

autonomy, 241

666–667, 668–669, 674–677

privacy concerns, 23

Internet use and parental closeness,

at-home care for infirm elderly, 702

rules for emotional display among

524–525

concept of Hureia Kippu or “care

children, 135

Negev Desert and village of Drijat,

credits,” 686

Japanese language

519–520

demographics of aging in, 682

linguistic markers of speaker

project with Palestinian and U. S. ado-

emerging adulthood in, 498

certainty, 118

lescents, 396–397, 401, 405

emotional affect in language, 117

linguistic politeness in, 119–120

Value of Children Study, 413

empirical studies of adult develop-

Japanese mothers

youth outside both school and

ment, 672–674

concept of amae, 658

work, 560

ethics of community, divinity, and

developmental timetables of, 273

Israeli children

autonomy, 241

joint attention of mothers and

intimacy in friendships, 428

gender socialization in, 311

infants, 206

prosocial behavior toward

generativity in, 653–654, 658

parenting practices of, 19–20, 22

strangers, 385

health and risk behaviors in emerging

Japanese National Law for the Welfare of

Italian adults

and young adults, 502, 506

Elders, 1963, 669

beliefs regarding aging and

marital happiness in, 579

Java, intimacy in friendships, 428

memory, 629

marriage customs in, 576, 578

Javanese children, interplay of tempera-

demographics of aging, 682

midlife narratives in, 637–638,

ment and culture, 285–286

emerging adulthood in Italy, 660–661

641–645, 648

Jayet, H., 565

Italian children

peers and gender socialization, 312

Jedinak, A., 314

behavioral inhibition among, 133, 134

perspectives on mentoring, 688

Jejeebhoy, S. J., 367

culture and children's

preschools in, 175

Jensen, Arthur, 81

temperament, 286

prostitution and health among emerg-

Jensen, Lene Arnett, 3–13, 230–254

emotional regulation among, 133

ing and young adults, 512–513

cultural perspective on morality, 384

emotion socialization of infants, 138

research on developmental timetables,

ethic of autonomy, 495

infant temperament among, 131

272–273

repercussions of globalization for

linguistic politeness among, 121

sexuality and health in emerging and

adolescents, 30

managing conflict in friendships, 431

young adults, 508

role of religiosity in adolescent self-

socializing toddlers for group partici-

sources of fathering diversity in, 607

and worldviews, 385

pation, 175–176

study of fathering in, 602–603

study on youth in India, 33

Italian families

substance abuse and antisocial behav-

Jewish adolescents

gender socialization, 312

ior in emerging and young adults,

effect of individual and family values

parental descriptions of children, 283

510–511

on self-view, 382

time allocated for meals, 284

trainees and temporary migrant

individualism vs. collectivism in life

Italy

workers, 566

narratives, 380

age distribution of foreign

Japanese adolescents

and self-identity in Belgium, 387

migrants, 565

interpretations of peer behavior,

Jewish kibbutz communities, intimacy in

“child friendly city” of Pistoia, 166,

377–378, 383

friendships, 428

175–176

and parental authority, 377, 382

Ji, L., 428

gender and emotional socialization, 317

values of autonomy and

Ji, L. J., et al., 625

gender and social identity, 318

relatedness, 381

Jianbin, X., 685

Nigerian immigrant families in, 282

worldviews of, 380, 381

jihadis, origins of radicalism in adoles-

youth outside both school and work,

Japanese adults, interpersonal social situ-

cence, 388–389

560, 566

ations and aging, 630

Johnson, D. J., 259

Iturbide, Maria, 341–376

Japanese families

Johnson, K. A., 386–387

Iverson, J. M., 122

care, beneficence, and prosocial

Johnston, K., 312

Ivory Coast

morality, 243

joint attention

Baoulé people, 85

children and concealment of

activities among children, 104

child labor practices and

emotions, 135

adults and children in language

education, 462

Confucian traditions and parenting,

learning, 113

child language socialization, 282

280–281

mothers and infants, 205–206

Inde x

727

Joseph, R. & T. B., 577

maternal expectations of emotional

cognitive developmental sequence,

Joshi, M. S., 134

development, 136

233, 235

jouvana, Hindu Indian concept of young

proximal vs. distral caregiving, 278

and ethics of autonomy, 241

adulthood, 639, 650n7

social smile in infants, 130

levels of moral reasoning, 233, 234

Judaism, perspectives on advancing

Keller, M., 428, 429

moral prescriptions of, 246

age, 690

Kelly, P., 686

Kokwet community of western Kenya,

Jugendweihe, 338, 339

Kemmelmeier, M., 379

271–272, 274, 283

jukunen, Japanese concept of mature

Kempen, H. J. G., 33–34

Kolarz, C. M., 671

age, 644

Kenya

Koller, Silvia, 456–470

Jung, Carl, 667

childcare by siblings, 169, 170

König, J., 34–35

children as caregivers, 293–294

Konner, M., 426, 613

K

communication among toddlers, 300

Koo, J., 413

Kagan, J., 131, 133

definition and status of elders, 698

Korea

Kagia, J., 84

developmental timetables of mothers,

affection in friendships, 428

Kağitçibaşi, Çiğdem, 410–424

271–272, 274

definition and status of elders, 699

autonomous-relatedness, 417, 418, 420

Kaoleni children, 188

demographics of aging in, 682

contextual and global considerations

Logoli people of, 310

entrepreneurship and self-employment

in education, 220

See also Gusii people (Kenya)

in, 559

cross-cultural perspective on family

See also Kipsigis people of

integrating creativity into

relations, 278

western Kenya

classrooms, 261

family change theory, 381

See also Kokwet community of

intimacy in friendships, 425, 427–428

Majority World, 421

western Kenya

public opinion on creativity, 259

self theory of, 416

Kenyan villages

respect for elders in, 669

socioeconomic status and family

children's peer relationships in, 427

trainees and temporary migrant

life, 278

children's' perceived competence, 217

workers, 566

Value of Children Study, 413

perspective on practical vs. academic

Value of Children Study in, 413

Western origins of scientific

intelligence, 221

youth outside both school and

psychology, 63

Kephart, W. M., 577

work, 561

Kahn, R. L., 668

Kern, M. L., 684

Korean adolescents

Kakar, Sudhir, 611–612, 641, 649

Kessler, E. M., 686

autonomy and relatedness among,

Kaluli society

Kessler, R. C., 646

416–417

language socialization, 115

Kharkhurin, A. V., 264

exclusivity in friendships, 430

shaming in, 117

Kilbride, C. P., 66

Korean-American adolescents, 528–529

Kama Sutra, 580

Kilbride, P. L. & J. E., 65, 84

Korean adults

Kamehameha Early Education Program

Killen, M., 237

beliefs regarding aging and memory,

(KEEP), 302

Kim, H. Y., 49

628–629

Kan, Chiemi, 666–679

Kim, K. H., 266

identifying emotions, 630

Kanbur, R., 609

Kim, M., 427

meaning of death for elderly, 702

Kane, E. W., 314

Kim, S. D., 313

positivity bias among older adults,

Kanner, B. G., 321

Kim, T. C., 656

629, 630

Kansas City Studies of Adult Life, 667

Kim, U., 413

relationships with deceased

Kaoleni children in Kenya, play and

King, P. E., 238, 684

spouses, 705

household work, 188

Kinnvall, C., 32

Korean families

Kapadia, Shagufa, 241, 307–324

kinship terms, as used by street

behavioral inhibition among children,

Kapur, M., 370

kids, 342

133, 134

Karasawa, Mayumi, 175, 666–679

Kipsigis people of western Kenya

distal vs. proximal caregiving, 279

karma, Hindu concept of, 691, 692

child language socialization, 282

Internet use and parental closeness,

Kärtner, J., 130

infant developmental milestones, 81

524–525

Kasumagic, L., 688

involvement of fathers in family life,

parental expectations of children's

Kathuria, R., 67

284–285

friendships, 427

Katz, M. M., 613

parental expectations, 271–272

parent-child conversations, 206

Kaufman, J. C., 257

parenting practices, 594

Korn, S. J., 286

Kawakami, Norito, 666–679

Kitayama, Shinobu, 117, 379, 430,

Kornadt, H. -J., 386–387

Kayan Lahwi people in Burma,

666–679

Kotre, John, 656–657, 660, 661

beauty-enhancing practices

Kleiber, D., 686

Koutrelakos, J., 415

among, 572

Kleis, Astrid, 597

Kpelle-speaking people of Liberia

keguldo (eliciting stepping reflex in

Klingstedt, Marie-Louise, 502–518

children taking initiative in

infants), 82

Klohnen, E. C., 670

activity, 295

Keller, Heidi, 586–601

Knight, R., 273

ethnotheories about children's play, 187

and ecocultural perspective, 165

Knoche, L., 427

observational learning among

infant care practices across

Koentjaraningrat, 428

children, 205

cultures, 277

Kogan, N., 261

Kraemer, H. C., 84

maternal care of infants, 137

Kohlberg, L.

Kremer-Sadlik, T., 284

728 Inde x

Kuczinski, L., 281

role in cognitive development, 203

Li, D., 431

Kumru, A., 427

and spatial cognition, 6

Li, M., 431

!Kung tribesmen, Africa

universal grammar vs. sociocultural

Li, S.-C., 623, 630

developmental timetables, 275–276

perspective on, 112

Li, X., 609, 610

love and marriage among, 579

using bicultural and bilingual

Li, X. E., 280

play and household work, 188

researchers, 56

Li, Y. J., 386–387

sharing and cognitive development,

Lapidus, I. M., 690

Liang, C.-H., 280

205–206

Larson, R., 493, 687

Lianyungang Social Welfare Institution,

Kuypers, J. A., 668

Larson, R. W., et al., 245

China, 177

Kwak, K., 417

Latchem, C. R., 444

liberation theology, 444

Kwanga people of Papua New Guinea,

Latin America

Liberia, 187, 205, 295

death and bereavement rituals, 704

adolescent sexual activity in, 366

Libório, R. M. C., 463

Kwon, Y. -E., 413

movement for gay rights in, 482

Liechty, Mark, 9

Kwon, Y., et al., 629

socioeconomic status and child

life course

Kyratzis, A., 312–313

labor, 458

Anglo-American narratives of midlife,

youth entrepreneurship in, 560

645–646, 647

L

Latino families

and definition and status of elders, 699

Labouvie-Vief, G., 670

civic engagement by undocumented

Dharmasastric model of, 640–641

Lachman, M. E., 671

youth, 479

Dharmashastras, 238

Lamb, Michael, 280, 604, 609, 610, 615

gender socialization in United

divisions of, 9

Lamb, Sharon, 309, 689

States, 311

in Hindu Indian tradition, 639

Lamm, Bettina, 586

quinceanera, 338

hypothetical lifespan trajectories, 538

TheLancet

sexual socialization in, 346–347

indigenous African views, 398–399

adolescent health interventions, 371

Latzko, B., 232

life transitions and recovery from

series on adolescent health, 357

Lau, S., et al., 264

abuse, 343

Lancy, D. F., 188, 207, 295, 589, 592

Lavallee, N., 65, 85

model of developmental regulation, 539

Langer, E., 628

Lave, J., 208

moral development over, 246

language acquisition

Lavelli, M., 138

motivational theory of lifespan devel-

culture paths to, 114–116

Lawton, A., 431

opment, 537–540

and gender socialization, 313–314

leadership, styles of, 687

service learning and volunteerism, 687

membership in community of speak-

Leaper, C., 314

and social mobility, 536

ers, 113–114

learning

theory of emerging adulthood, 488

researching second language

coexisting ways of, 302–303

trajectories in independent vs.

acquisition, 122

formal vs. informal, 443, 444

interdependent models of

and socialization of children,

measuring relevancy and outcome, 446

personhood, 667

114–115, 294

media resources for, 443–444, 445

youth transitions to adulthood,

vocabulary structure, 115–116

open and distance outreach learning,

447–448

language development across cultures,

444, 445

Life History and the Historical Moment

111–126

role of cultural traditions in, 445

( Erikson), 656

affective and epistemic stances, 116–119 Lebanese-born mothers, developmental

Likert scales, cross-cultural use of, 631

cultural pathways to language, 114–116

timetables of, 273

Lim, H. C., 84

future directions for research, 121–123

Ledbetter, P. J., 120

Lin, Cynthia, 471–484

linguistic politeness, 119–121

Lee, J. C., 558

Lin, Z., 629

mechanisms of cultural influence on

Lee, O., 428

Lindegger, G., 37

language development, 122

Leiderman, P. H. and G. F., 84

linguistic mediation, and cultural psy-

scope of cultural influence on language Lento, T., 526

chology, 398, 399

development, 121–122

Lerner, R. M., 419

linguistic politeness, 119–121

social factors in language develop-

Lescano, C. M., et al., 346

linguistic tone, heritability of, 98

ment, 112–116

Lessons from Africa (LeVine), 66

literacy

languages

Leung, A. K., 35, 263, 264, 265

role in cognitive development, 203

and acculturation, 53, 54

Levenson, M. R., 685–686

youth literacy rates around the world,

English proficiency among immigrant

Levenson, R. W., 129

439, 440, 440

children, 51–52

Levey, T., 311

Liu, J., 383

English proficiency among immigrant

Levine, Cynthia, 666–679

Liu, Jia Li, 271–291

parents, 51

LeVine, R. A., 208, 277–278, 282,

Lobel, S., 378

implications for self-identity, 31–32,

296, 301

local inquiry, in developmental

404–405

LeVine, R. A. & B. B., 65, 66

research, 89

multilingualism and multicultural

Levine, R., et al., 578

localization

identity, 264–265

Levit, D. H., 687

global vs. local identities, 33–34

and narrative, 400–401

Levy, B., 628

as response to globalization, 32–33

normative and subversive potential

Levy-Bruhl, L., 69

Lock, M., 642

of, 402

Lewis, C., 284

Logan, R. I., 656

referential nature of, 114–115

Leyendecker, B., 414, 415

Logoli people of Kenya, 310

Inde x

729

long-term memory among older

Mali

self-care among children, 293

adults, 625

definition and status of elders, 699

Matsui, Tomoko, 111–126

Lonner, W. J., 344

work migration in, 564

Matsumoto, H., 430

Lord's Resistance Army, Uganda, 349

Malti, T., 232

Mauss, Marcel, 706

loss, symptoms of among cultures, 345

MAM Movies, 680, 681

Mavridis, Caroline Johnston, 271–291

Louie, J. Y., 136

Mamprusi children in Ghana, grandpar-

Mayan children

love

ents as caregivers, 171

collaborative communication between

future trends in love and marriage,

Manago, Adriana, 519–534, 530

teachers and children, 300

582–583

Manav Sadhana, social movement,

effect of maternal schooling, 301

historical perspectives on, 580–581

India, 693

joint attention of mothers and

marriage for love, strengths and weak-

Manigione, Heather, 174, 292–306

infants, 206

nesses of, 578–579

Manu, ancient Hindu philosopher, 641

participation in daily activities, 208

marriage for love in modern-day soci-

Maori culture, and memories of early

sibling care of, 594

eties, 577–578

childhood, 628

Mayer, B., 381, 387, 413

marriage for love in tribal societies,

Marecek, J., 310

Mayes, L. C., 316

575–576

Marín, G. & B. V., 662

Mazahua people, Mexico

passionate vs. companionate, 570–571

Maritim, Arap, 270

children taking initiative in

the romantic, marital, and sexual

Markus, Hazel R., 379, 430, 666–679

activity, 295

ideal, 571–574

Marlow, C., 526

collaborative communication between

transient nature of, 579–580

Marlowe, F. W., 168

teachers and children, 300

undesirable characteristics in a partner, marriage

cultural patterns of collaboration, 299

574–575

changing customs worldwide, 582, 583

learning through third-party atten-

universality of, 571

child marriages, 360–361, 366

tion, 297–298

Love, Gayle D., 666–679

desirable characteristics in a partner,

McAdams, Dan, 653, 656, 662

“loving dead,” in indigenous African

571–574

McCagg, P., 118

belief, 70

and effects of parenting, 591

McCall, G. J., 425–426

low-income families

and emerging adulthood, 496–497

McCandless, M. A., 428

gender and emotional

forced early marriage, 561–562

McCrae, R. R., 670

socialization, 316

historical perspectives on, 580–581

McDonald, K., 431

significance of instrumental aid in

as life transition ritual, 328

McGraw, Myrtle, 80, 81

friendships, 429

marriage for love, strengths and weak-

McIssac, C., 418

Loyola Generativity Scale, 658, 659,

nesses of, 578–579

McKenzie, J., 30, 33

660, 662

marriage for love in modern-day soci-

McNeill, T., 312

Lubart, T. I., 257, 259

eties, 577–578

McShane, K. E., 414, 417

Lubiewska, K., 414

marriage for love in tribal societies,

Mead, George Herbert, 29

Lucca, N., 427

575–576

Mead, Margaret, 287

Lui, I, 317

polygamy vs. monogamy, 575

media

Luisi-Mills, Helyn, 471–484

possible future trends in, 582–583

and identity development, 527–530

Lundman, B., 308–309

semiarranged marriage, 497

new media and family relationships,

Lusi-Kaliai of New Britain, 702

and transnational families, 55

524–526

Luther, Martin, 656

undesirable characteristics in a partner,

new media and peer relationships,

Lutz, C., 286

574–575

526–527

Luxembourg

marriage, arranged

new vs. old media, 521–523, 527–528

study on divergent thinking, 262–263

and family goodwill, 307

and sociocultural change in youth

vocational education programs, 558

in Hindu India, 638

development, 523–524, 531

youth outside both school and

in modern-day societies, 576–577

Meehan, C. L., 613

work, 560

semiarranged marriage, 497

Meehl, P. E., 433

Luyten, P., 689

strengths and weaknesses of, 578–579

Meeus, W., 417

in tribal societies, 575–576

Mehta, D., 688

M

Marsella, A., 29, 37

Mehta, K. K., 685

Maccoby, E. E., 309

Marshall, J. P., 689

Mejía-Arauz, R., et al., 295–296

Machel Report, on children and armed

Marta, Elena, 660

Mekeel, Scudder, 655

conflict, 349

Martin, C. L., 319

memory and attention, in infant

MacLean, M., 134

Martini, T. S., 135, 143, 280, 316

development, 85–86

Maddox, W. W., 263, 265

Masten, A. S., 342

men, and marriage before age 18, 362

Madureira, A. F., 34

mathematical achievement, and house-

menarche

Magnusson, C., 507

hold responsibilities, 222

decline in age of, 514

Magnusson, D., 510

Matsingenka people of Peru

and societal expectations of adolescent

Magnusson, E., 310

attentiveness among toddlers, 297

girls, 327

Mahajan, R., 281

collaborative communication among

Mendelson, C., 691

Make-a-Person Test, 67

children, 299

Méndez, R. M., 285

Malaysia, sources of fathering diversity

mismatched school and home

Menon, Usha, 637–652, 669

in, 607

cultures, 302

menopause

730 Inde x

reported symptoms among

individualism vs. collectivism in,

Mitei family, Kokwet, western Kenya,

Anglo-American women, 646

283–285, 287

271–272

view of among Indian and Japanese

interplay of temperament and culture,

Mittal, R., 687

women, 649

285–286

Miura, Y., 118

mental health

parental expectations of development,

Miyake, K., 381

among adolescent populations,

272–275, 287

Miyamoto, Yuri, 666–679

369–371

parent-child relationships across cul-

Mizera, L., 417

of demobilized child soldiers, 465, 466

tures, 279–285, 287

Mizuta, I., 135

mental scales, in assessing infant

parenting styles across cultures,

Mo, Yu-Ming, 570–585

development, 84

277–278, 287

Mobius band, 309

mentoring

in sub-Saharan agricultural societies,

Model, S., 415

and community leadership in later

281–283

Moffitt, T. E., 514

adulthood, 686–689

time allocated to activities, 283–284

Mok, A., 263

in later adulthood, 680

women's workloads and parenting

Molero Samuelson, Y., 510

United States vs. Japan, 688

practices, 276–277

Monin, B., 232

meritocracy and social inequality,

Middle East

monogamy vs. polygamy, 575

549, 550

Arab Spring, 474, 475

Moore, C., 118

Merrick, Joseph Carey, 574

youth unemployment in, 556

Moore, L. C., 224

Mesch, G. S., 525, 526

Midlife in Japan study, 672, 673, 674

Moors, E., 416

Mexican-American children

Midlife in the United States study, 549,

Morais, N. A., 348, 463, 464

and coexisting ways of learning,

671, 672, 674

moral development

302–303

midlife narratives

and ethics, 8

collaborative communication,

aging as social maturation, 642

intra and interpersonal reasoning,

299, 300

in an Odia Hindu temple town,

245–246

cultural patterns of collaboration, 298

638–640, 650n3

moral identity theory, 237–238

effect of maternal schooling, 301

Confucian legacy of possibilism, 642

morality

and gender socialization, 316–317

cultural variability in, 637–638

expectations of religious groups, 235

learning through third-party

Dharmasastric model of life course,

hypothetical moral dilemmas, 233

attention, 297

640–641

moral exemplars, 236, 237, 238

Mexican-American families

the experience of middle age, 645–647

moral motivations, 236–237

acculturation among, 663–664

gender-differentiated paths to growth,

moral purpose, 383–385

concept of fatalismo, 662–663

642–644

moral vignettes, 235, 236

concept of la familia, 662

Hindu meanings for the middle years

as organizing factor in adolescent

concept of personalismo, 663

of life, 641

development, 379

generativity among, 662–664

midlife in popular culture, 647

relationship with values and religious

quinceanera ceremonies, 338

“prime of life,” 644–645

orientation, 387–389

See also Latino families

migration

vs. religion, 385

Mexican children

and acculturation, 52–53

moral reasoning, 230–254

observational learning among, 205

complications of acculturation, 53–56

care, beneficence, and prosocial moral-

participation in daily activities, 208

destination states in United States, 46

ity, 242–243

taking initiative in activity, 295, 296

mass migration vs. individual

cognitive-developmental approach,

Zinacanteco siblings as caregivers, 169

migration, 46

233, 233–235

See also Yucatec Mayan children

work migration, 564–566

concepts of, 232–233

Mexican families

Milanese adults, beliefs regarding aging

cultural-developmental approach, 233,

gender differences and household

and memory, 629

238–242

chores, 308

Milgram obedience to authority

domain approach, 236

and telenovela series, 528

study, 16

justice vs. care orientation, 242

Mexican Institutional Revolutionary

Millennium Development Goals

Kohlberg's levels of, 233, 234

Party, 481–482

and adolescent health, 356

over the life course, 246

Mexico

and emerging and young adult

social contexts and processes, 243–246

education and work migration, 565

health, 504

worldviews and theories of, 230–231

2012 Mexican elections, 481–482

reductions in poverty, 347

Morelli, Gilda, 149–164

P'urhépecha people, 292

universal primary education, 218–219

Mormons

youth leaving school too early, 561

Miller, Joan G., 14–27, 650n1

See Church of Jesus Christ of Latter

youth outside both school and work,

Miller, P. J., 280, 281

Day Saints

560–561

Mills Longitudinal Study of women, 670

Morocco

Micronesia, relationships with deceased

Mind, Self, and Society (Mead), 29

adolescent attachment and

elders, 706

Ministry of Health and Family Welfare,

well-being, 417

middle childhood

India, 371

marriage customs in, 577, 583

economic subsistence patterns and,

Mische, A., 476

Morris, M. W., 263

275–276

Mishra, A. J., 692

Morrow, V., 310

family cultural variability,

Mishra, R. C., 387–388, 413

Morrow-Howell, N., 688

278–279, 287

Mistry, J., 238, 692

Moscardino, U., 282, 286

Inde x

731

mothers

narcissism, and use of new media, 530

adolescent transition rituals in, 330,

breastfeeding among Nso people of

narratives

333–334, 335

Cameroon, 596

cognitive development in children, 206

beauty-enhancing practices in, 572

care of infants and toddlers, 167

narrative tasks, 104–105

ethnography of the Sambia, 487

developmental timetables of, 273

politics of adolescent identity,

New Zealand

and gender socialization, 314–315

400–404

educational system of, 535–536

maternal schooling and generational

understanding generativity and cul-

ethics of community, divinity, and

change, 300–301, 302

ture, 657, 661

autonomy, 241

profiles of maternal behavior, 168

See also midlife narratives

immigration from Polynesia, 36

sibling and maternal childcare in

National Human Development Report,

Internet use and parental

Kenya, 170

India, 683

closeness, 524

styles of mothering across cultures, 276 nationality vs. culture, 54

postsecondary graduation rates, 563

See also parenting

National Liberation Army,

trainees and temporary migrant

mothers-in-law, roles and life stages in

Colombia, 465

workers, 566

Hindu India, 640, 650n6

National Policy for Older Persons,

Ngaujah, D. E., 67

motivational theory of lifespan develop-

India, 684

Ngecha, Kenya, 170

ment, 537–540

National Research Act (1974), 16

Nguyen, H. T., 623

hypothetical lifespan trajectories, 538

nation-states, and the social contract,

Nicoladis, E., 313

model of developmental regulation, 539

476–477, 480

Nicolaides, Christina, 198–213

motor skills

Native Americans

Nieto Silva, Carlos José, 456–470

beyond motor performance, 83–87

adolescent transition ceremonies

Nieuwenhuys, O., 187

development in agricultural societies,

among, 332–333

Nigeria

281–283, 595, 595

cultural variations and research, 17

child care and development in, 274

infant development milestones, 81–83

Erikson's generativity work among,

Nigerian immigrant families in

means and standard deviations for

655, 658

Italy, 282

4-month-old infants, 134

role of historical loss among, 345

work migration in, 564

Mount Hebron, Israel, 519

vision quests among, 328, 336

Nimrod, G., 686

Mourgues, Catalina, 255–270

Navajo families, emotional reactivity

Nisbett, R. E., 430, 622, 623, 625, 631

Mozambique, child labor in a domestic

among infants, 131

Niue, Polynesia, 706

context, 461

Negev Desert, Israel, 519–520

Nkosi, Busisiwe, 698

Mroczek, D. K., 670, 671

Nelwan, P., 428

Noesjirwan, J., 428, 430

Much, N. C., 245

neonate smile, cross-cultural differences

nonattachment, philosophy of

Mueller, R. O., 238

in, 129

benefits in later adulthood, 686

Muhammetberdiev, O. B., 311

neonatocracy, 589

Hindu perspectives on, 691–693

Mullen, M. K., 206

Nepal

implications in later adulthood,

multiculturalism

effects of globalization in, 9

689–691, 694

and development of creativity, 265

emotional display among children, 135

significance in India, 681

multicultural identity, 31–32, 264–265

emotion socialization of toddlers,

Norasakkunkit, V., 36, 430

Mundy-Castle, A. C., 65

139–140

Norenzayan, A., 186, 188

Munroe, R. L., 198–199, 310

Newar people of, 310–311

Normative Aging Study, 670

Munroe, Ruth & Lee, 168

recruitment of child soldiers in, 465

normative conformity, 104, 105, 134–135

Munroe, Ruth & Robert, 4–5, 7, 65

Netherlands

norm psychology, 104

Murdock, George Peter, 279

age distribution of foreign

North Africa

Murre, J. M. J., 627

migrants, 565

youth unemployment in, 556

Mursi tribe in Ethiopia,

entrepreneurship and self-employment North America, adolescent transition

beauty-enhancing practices

in, 559

rituals in, 330

among, 572

work/study programs, 558

North American Indian tribes

Muslim countries, marriage customs

youth outside both school and

adolescent transition ceremonies,

in, 577

work, 560

332–333

Muslim girls, individualism vs. collectiv-

networked individualism, 520, 521, 523

cultural variations and research, 17

ism in life narratives, 380, 381

Neugarten, B. L., 649, 667, 670, 675

Erikson's generativity work among,

mutual constitution, and cultural

neuroscience

655, 658

psychology, 398

and cultural-developmental

role of historical loss among, 345

scholarship, 8–9

vision quests, 328, 336

N

transition to middle childhood,

Northern Ireland, and adolescent narra-

Nagata, D. K., 281

208–209

tives of identity, 402

Na/'hoansi people of Botswana, 700–701

New, R.

Norway

Nakahara, Jun, 666–679

10 Country Portraits, 175

age distribution of foreign

Nakawaza, J., 280

Newar people of Nepal, and gender

migrants, 565

Namibia

socialization, 310–311

Internet use and parental closeness, 525

foster families in, 173

New Britain, elders and care of elderly

linguistic politeness among

Himba people, 98–99

in, 702

children, 121

Narayan, A. J., 342

New Guinea

vocational education programs, 558

732 Inde x

youth outside both school and

Out of Place (Said), 31

ethnotheories about children's play,

work, 560

Ovambo culture, socialization of grand-

187, 189–190

Nsamenang, A. Bame, 61–76

children by grandparents, 173

and expressions of creativity, 260

competing images of adolescence, 421

overimitation, and cognitive

and friendship patterns of

Eurocentric bias of developmental

development, 104

adolescents, 418

science, 398

Overton, A. E., 685

gender and emotional socialization, 317

social cognition in Africa, 282

Oyserman, D., 379, 632

gender socialization, 311–312, 314–315

Nso infants (Cameroon)

and giving informed consent for

caregiving practices, 277

P

research, 17–18

cultural emotion norms, 136, 137, 137

Pacific Islander communities

and increased importance of children's

emotion socialization, 138

identity confusion in New Zealand, 36

schooling, 301

social smiles among, 130

open and distance outreach learning

and individualism vs. collectivism,

Nso people (Cameroon)

in, 444, 445

277–278

parenting practices among, 593–595,

Padilla-Walker, L. M., 243

infant learning of emotional

595, 596

Pakistan

norms, 127

role of grandparents in parenting, 593

adolescent civic development in, 478

and infant-mortality rates, 277

single mothers among, 598

marriage customs in, 578

instrumental parentification, 461

Nuremberg Code, 15

Palestine

Internet use and parental closeness,

nutritional status, and concerns in ado-

children and armed conflict, 348–349

524–525

lescent health, 365

Value of Children Study in, 413

interpretations of parental

Nwobu, O., 282

Palestinian adolescents, project with

authority, 377

Nyakyusa people of Tanzania, 336

Israeli and U. S. teens, 396–397,

minimizing harm in research, 19–21

Nyansongo, Kenya, 170

401, 405

parental emotion talk with children,

Nyasani, J. M., 72

Panchayat Raj program, India, 477

140–141

Nydegger, W. F. & C., 429

Pandya, N., 241, 242

parental expectations across cultures,

Panerai, L., 386

271–272

O

Panga Muntu Test, 67

parental leave policies, 168–169

Oakes, K. E., 386

Papua New Guinea

parents as caregivers, 167–169

obliges, utterances demanding a

communication with children, 294

protecting family privacy in

response, 120

death and bereavement rituals, 704

research, 18–19

observation, and cognitive development,

Paradise, R., 297, 299

setting the agenda for parenting,

200, 201, 204–205, 209

parental ethnotheories

272–275

Ochs, Elinor, 112, 114–115, 119, 121, 294

Asian, 279–281

shared maternal and paternal child-

O'Connor, C., 687

and developmental timetables,

care, 168–169

Ogutu, V., 71

272–275, 287

styles of mothering across

Ohuche, R. O., 65

economic subsistence patterns and

cultures, 276

Okavango Delta, Botswana, 205

childrearing practices, 275–276

and surveillance of social media,

Okinawan families, gender differences

and family cultural variability,

525–526

and household chores, 308

278–279, 287

transnational families, 49–52

Okpara, E., 72

interaction of temperament and cul-

and women's workloads, 276–277

Okun, M. A., 386–387

ture, 285–286

See also adolescents

Older Amercians' Act, 1965, 669

parent-child relationships across cul-

See also children

Oles, P., 35–36

tures, 279–285, 287

See also infants

Olowu, A. A., 71

and parenting styles across cultures,

See also parental ethnotheories

One Child Policy, China, 609–610

277–278, 287

parenting, dual and communal

“ontogeny-recapitulates-phylogeny,” 81

regarding children's play, 187

African vs. European practices, 586

Oosterweegel, A., 417

and socialization strategies, 588

attachment parenting, 590

Open and Closed Mind, The (Rokeach), 29

in sub-Saharan agricultural societies,

cultural models of childrearing, 587

Optional Protocol on the Involvement of

281–283

overview of, 597–598

Children in Armed Conflict, 466

themes and variations in the West,

relationship between culture and envi-

Organization for Economic Cooperation

283–285

ronment, 587–588

and Development (OECD)

women's workloads and parenting

in subsistence-based farm families,

demographic changes in member

practices, 276–277

592–597

nations, 489

parenting

in Western middle-class families,

immigration to member nations, 44, 45

African vs. European practices, 66

588–592

reports on formal education in mem-

and attachment theory, 152

Park, D. C., 622–625, 630–632

ber nations, 451

authoritative parenting, 23–24

Park, Jiyoung, 666–679

tertiary education in member nations,

coexisting discipline and warmth, 415

Park, Y. -S., 413

490, 490

Confucian traditions of, 280

Parmar, P., 280

youth literacy worldwide, 439, 440

cultural models of childrearing, 190

participation, and cognitive develop-

Otaala, B., 65

and economic subsistence patterns,

ment, 201, 201, 208–209

Otto, Hiltrud, 136, 598

275–276

Partido Revolucionario Institucional,

Outliving the Self (Kotre), 656–657

emotion socialization, 315–316

481–482

Inde x

733

pastoralists

and moral reasoning, 231

Prates Santana, Juliana, 456–470

and adolescent transition rituals, 331

moral renewal at adolesence,

prauda, Hindu Indian concept of

fathers' care of infants and

230–231, 234

midlife, 637, 639

toddlers, 168

observations of daughter, 85

Prenda, K. M., 671

and parenting, 275–276

social contexts of moral reasoning,

primate cognition, 96–97

proximity between fathers and

243–244

Prince, C., 414

children, 613

stages of infant development, 85

privacy concerns

Pastorelli, C., 386

three mountains experiment, 38

Japanese response to Adult Attachment

Patel, Jayeshbhai and Ishwarbhai, 693

Piccolomini, Alessandro, 576

Interview, 23

Patel, V., 370

Pidada, S., 428, 429, 431

protecting research subjects, 18–19

Patterson, G. R., 430

Pieterse, J. N., 34

probabillistic epigenesis, and cognitive

Pearce, L. D., 386

Pinar, G., 512

development, 204

pedagogy, natural, 104

Pistoia, Italy, 166, 175–176

Progress for Children, 360

peer groups

Pizarro, D. A., 232

prosody and prosodic cues in

and gender socialization, 312–313, 335

Plath, D. W., 642, 643, 644, 648, 649

language, 117

new social media and peer relation-

play

prostitution and health, among emerging

ships, 521, 526–527

cultural construction of everyday

and young adults, 512–513

peer cultures in Africa, 70

activities, 190–192

protective factors

Pels, T., 415

cultural influence and child develop-

among homeless youth, 347–348

Penezic, Z., et al., 658, 659

ment, 192–195

among those displaced by war, 348

Peng, K., 263

as culturally organized activity,

family and friends as, 344

PERGEL Project, 420

187–189

future study of, 350–351

personality development, in African cul-

foundational sources of cultural

religiosity and spirituality as, 345

tural settings, 71–72

beliefs, 189–190

vs. promotive factors, 343

personality profiling, and human devel-

playgroups and child care

psychological interdependence

opment research in Africa, 64–65

centers, 174

ethnic minority families in the

personality traits, and inner

pretend play among children, 104

Netherlands, 415

dialogue, 35–36

toys and other resources for play, 192

family model of, 413, 421

personal rules vs. moral reasoning, 235

Pleck, Joseph, 603

psychology

Persoons, P., 689

pointing and other referential

African vs. European, 72

Peru, 293

gestures, 101

norm psychology, 104

Petar, Dyado, 111

Polish families

psychological diversity, 398

Peter, J., 526

negative vs. positive affectivity in

See also cultural psychology

Petersen, Anne C., 355–376

infants, 131

See also developmental psychology

Phalet, K., 416

psychological interdependence

Psychology of Moral Development, The

Phantom of the Opera, The, 574

model, 414

(Kohlberg), 246

Philippines

time allocated for meals, 284

publication and research, regional power

child labor practices in, 461–462

politeness, linguistic, 119–121

differentials, 4, 5

education and work migration, 565

Pollack, D. C., 34

Public Health Service Syphilis Study

marriage customs in, 578

polygamy vs. monogamy, 575

(1932-1971), 15–16

significance of instrumental aid in

polygyny, in sub-Saharan Africa, 282

Puchalska-Wasyl, M., 35–36

friendships, 429

Polynesia

P'urhépecha people of Mexico

Phillips, D. A., 313

immigration to New Zealand, 36

children taking initiative in

Phillipson, C., 39

neglect of elderly, 706

activity, 295

philosophical systems, and developing

Poon, M. W., 626

formal schooling among, 292

friendships, 427

Poortinga, Y. H., 417

mismatched school and home

Philosophy of Moral Development, The

Portes, A., 480

cultures, 302

(Kohlberg), 246

Positive Youth Development (PYD),

Purohit, P., 685

phonology, in childhood language

419–420, 420

Purwono, U., 386, 428

acquisition, 113

positivity bias, 629, 630

phylogeny

Possibility Thinking, 261

Q

of cognitive development, 102–104, 203 Pott, M., 381

Qatar

of cultural variation, 102

poverty

autobiographical memory among

phylogenetic comparative methods, 97

among immigrant populations, 50

adults, 627

physical characteristics universally con-

and rates of volunteerism, 238

hybrid identities among

sidered attractive, 573, 574

and risk of child labor abuse, 459

adolescents, 529

Piaget, Jean

and risk of commercial sexual exploita- quinceanera, 338

cultural context of human

tion, 462–463

Quiroz, B., 277

development, 62

power differentials

Quranic schooling, 220, 224, 301–302

and ethics of autonomy, 241

regional, 4

gender and moral perspective, 242

between West and non-West, 63

R

modern reframing of concerns, 247

Poyrazli, Senel, 502–518, 514

radicalism, religious, 388–389

moral prescriptions of, 246

Pozitif Ergen Gelişimi, Turkey, 420

Raeff, C., 277

734 Inde x

Raffaelli, Marcela, 341–376

religious purpose and adolescent devel-

emotion displays in children's story-

Rahhal, T. A., 628

opment, 385–387

books, 136, 137

Rai, T. S., 390

religious purpose and values and mor-

public opinion on creativity, 259

Rainie, L., 520–521

als, 387–389

romantic relationships in adolescence, 418

Rakoczy, H., 118

religious systems and developing

Rome, imperial, 332, 336

Raley, S., 312

friendships, 427

Roopnarine, Jaipaul, 612, 614–615

Rampton, B., 402

Ren, Lixin, 165–181

Rosen, L. A., 314

Rapson, Richard L., 570–585, 582

research

Rosenberg, H. G., 700–701

Rathore, L., 688

avoiding bias in, 57

Rosenblatt, Paul C., 669, 697–709

Rathunde, K., 686

custom complex study design, 657

Rosenthal, D. A., 344–345

Rauto people of New Britain,

emic vs. etic study designs, 657, 660,

Rosow, I., 668

bereavement among, 702

661, 674

Rothbaum, F., 380, 381, 382, 384

Raval, P. P. and P. H., 135, 143, 280

four phases of developmental

Ruble, D., 319

Raval, V. V., 316

research, 88–89

Rudowicz, E., 266

reactivity

future directions in adult development rules vs. moral reasoning, 235

cross-cultural differences in, 130–132

and aging, 674–677

Rumbaut, R. G., 480

reactive identification, 480

generalizing research

Runco, M. A., 259, 260

temperamental reactivity, 133–134

conclusions, 21–22

Russia

reconciliation and reintegration

in indigenous social science, 68–72

marriage customs in, 578

programs, for children of armed

methods of future research, 122

work migration in, 564

conflict, 350, 396–397, 401, 405

minimizing harm to subjects, 19–21

Russian-English bilingualism

Reddok, R., 310

and regional power differentials in

and creativity, 264

Red Ribbon Express, 369

publication, 4, 5, 62

Russian families

Reeder, K., 120

response scales and sampling, 631

autonomy and relatedness among ado-

referential gestures, and cognitive

research, across cultures

lescents, 416–417

function, 101

capturing the salience of culture,

emotional regulation among

Reich, Jodi, 214–229

660–664

children, 133

Reid, P. T., 21

cultural broadening of

negative vs. positive affectivity among

Reis, H. T., 427

constructs, 23–24

infants, 131

relatedness and autonomy

culturally appropriate in Africa, 65–66

positive affectivity among infants,

autonmous functioning and attach-

equating stimuli for cognitive develop-

142, 143

ment theory, 154

ment, 630–631

sources of fathering diversity, 607

autonomous-related self, 416–417

using bicultural and bilingual

Rust, J., 312

changing domains of relatedness,

researchers, 56

Ryff, Carol, 646, 666–679

417–419

research, ethical considerations

cultural variations on, 418–419

in, 14–27

S

and ensuing self-regulation, 420

and compensation, 18

Said, Edward, 31–32

equal importance of, 419

cultural adequacy of protective

Said, Khaled, 481

ethics of, 238–239

procedures, 15–21

Sakwa, L. N., 313

in immigrant families, 414–416

cultural adequacy of research

Sallquist, J. A., 386

individualism vs. collectivism,

findings, 21–24

Sally-Anne Task, 104

21–22, 24

cultural variations among

Salthouse, T. A., 624

and moral psychology, 8

participants, 14–15

Sambia of New Guinea, ethnography

and moral reasoning, 240–242

Respect for Elders Day, Japan, 669

of, 487

relational emotional competence

response scales, and cross-cultural

Sambo, Allison, 471–484

among Efe foragers and children, 153

research, 631

samdrasti, Gandhian principle of

intercultural and intracultural

Rest, J. R., 235

equality, 693

malleability, 142

Retschitzki, J., 65, 85

Samoa

vs. individualistic emotional

Revolutionary Armed Forces of

communication with children, 294

competence, 136, 139

Colombia, 465

emotional affect in language, 117

religion

Reyes, J. A., 117

linguistic politeness, 119, 121

adolescents and religious purpose,

Reynolds, C. A., 671

socialization of children, 114–115

385–387

Rianasari, M., 428

sampling and generalization, 21–22, 631

doctrinal vs. imagistic modes of, 330

Ricciardelli, L. A., 264

Sandel, M., 472

negative and antisocial effects of

Richardson, F. J., 386

Sandel, T.L., 281, 285

religiosity, 387

Right to Information Act, India, 693

Sandhu, G., 612

as organizing factor in adolescent

Riley, M. W., 668

Sanson, A., 415

development, 379

Roberts, B. W., 670

Santa Maria, M., 421

religious conservatives vs. liberals, 240, Rogers, E. M., 38

Santhya, K. G., 367

241, 245

Rokeach, M., 29, 387

Sapru, R., 281

religious groups and moral

Role of the Father in Child Development,

Saraswathi, T. S., 238, 493, 692

expectations, 236

The (Lamb), 615

Sardinian adults, beliefs regarding aging

religious initiation ceremonies, 328

Romania

and memory, 629

Inde x

735

Sarkissian, A., 690

secondary schooling and work,

among emerging and young adults,

Saroglou, V., 387

557–560

502–503

Saudi Arabia

and youth transitions to adulthood,

prostitution and health, 512–513

family life and education, 224

447–448

sexual desire and expression

formal and informal learning environ-

schools

changing customs worldwide, 582, 583

ments, 223–224

and gender socialization, 313–314

the romantic, marital, and sexual

student achievement in

media resources for, 443–444, 445

ideal, 571–574

mathematics, 223

as mediating institutions in civil

sexual motives through history,

traditional educational values, 216

society, 478

581–582

Sauerland-Gruppe, 388

variations among, 301–302

transient nature of love, 579–580

Save the Himalayas movement, 693

Schvaneveldt, J. D., 689

undesirable characteristics in a

Saw, Guan, 554–569

Schwartz, S. H., 381, 387

partner, 575

scaffolding, and learning, 207

Schwartz, S. J., et al., 346

universality of, 571

Scandinavia

science, globalization of, 356

sexual exploitation

parental leave policies in, 169

scientific psychology, arrival in

commerical exploitation of children

sources of fathering diversity in, 607

Africa, 63–64

and adolescents, 462–464, 467

Schaie, K. W., 623

Sealing the Past, Facing the Future, rec-

and social networking sites, 507,

Scheers, N. J., 386

onciliation program, 350

512, 513

Schieffelin, Bambi, 112, 114–115, 117,

Seattle Longitudinal Study (on

street kids in Brazil, 457

121, 294

aging), 623

sexual identity

Schlegel, Alice, 327–340, 418–419,

“secure base” behavior

adolescent narratives of, 403–404

493–494

in attachment theory, 151

and new social media, 528

Schneider, Barbara, 554–569

and human attachment, 157–158

sexuality

scholarly research and publication

in infants, 86–87

in emerging adulthood, 492

and African indigenous

Sedley, D., 690

in emerging and young adulthood,

knowledge, 66–68

Sefafu, reintegration program, 350

502–503

African vs. European-American, 62, 64 Seginer, R., 380, 381

sexual socialization, 345–347

indigenizing psychology, 66

Seguino, S., 311

Seymour, S., 638

regional power differentials, 4, 5

Seidl-de-Moura, M. L., et al., 414

Shah, P., 631

Schonpflug, U., 416

self-esteem

shaming, in child-caregiver conversa-

schooling

enhancement of in friendships, 430

tions, 117–118

among subsistence-based farm

as protective factor, 458

Shane, Jacob, 535–553

families, 597

and use of new media, 530

Shannon, D. K., 386

attentiveness and learning,

self-expression, and new media, 529–531

Sharabany, R., 428, 434

296–297, 303

self-innovation, “third position,”

shared intentionality, among

caregivers as teachers, 294–295

34–35, 37

children, 104

and child labor practices, 360, 362,

self-knowledge, in indigenous African

sharing, and cognitive development,

365, 462

social thought, 71

200–201, 201, 205–207

and children's friendships, 426–427

self-mutilation, and adolescents, 30

Sharma, N., 281

children taking initiative in activity,

self-regulation

Sharp, D. W., 64–65

295–296, 303

among adolescents, 383, 389

Shek, D. T. L., 610

coexisting ways of learning, 302–303

intentional self-regulation, 420

Shields, S. A., 317

collaborative communication,

Selman, R. L., 428

Shore, B., 637

299–300, 303

Sen, M. G., 319

shoro, Japanese concept of old age, 644

compulsory schooling worldwide,

Senegal

Shorter, E. L., 581

438–439, 448, 448, 449

children's language acquisition in, 294

Shostak, M., 579

cultural patterns of collaboration,

Louga area, 87

Shwalb, Barbara J., 602–617

298–299, 303

practical vs. academic

Shwalb, David W., 280, 602–617

formal vs. informal learning,

intelligence, 221

Shweder, R. A.

443, 444

Set Setal movement, 477

culture and moral development, 384

general and vocational secondary edu-

Sepik River region of New Guinea,

custom complex study design, 657

cation worldwide, 449, 450, 451

beauty-enhancing practices in, 572

divergent rationalities, 705

increase in compulsory education, 292

Serbin, L. A., 319

and moral reasoning, 238–239, 245

learning by observation and contribu-

Serpell, R., 65, 67, 221, 222

necessity of cultural perspective, 411

tion, 293–294, 303

service leadership, cross-cultural differ-

Shwemyar, Adela, 61

learning through third-party atten-

ences in, 687

shyness, and depression, 134

tion, 297–298, 303

Seshadri, S., 370

siblings

maternal schooling and generational

sexual abuse

collaborative actions among, 299

change, 300–301

protective factors and, 343

and gender socialization, 312

measuring relevancy and outcome, 446

and risk of commercial sexual exploita-

relationships with in adolescence, 418

open and distance outreach learning,

tion, 462–463

siblings as caregivers, 169–171

444, 445

sexual and reproductive health

in industrial vs. nonindustrial

role of cultural traditions in, 445

among adolescents, 366–368

societies, 277

736 Inde x

in Kenya, 293–294

socialization

Society for Research in Child

and playtime, 186

from an ecocultural perspective, 590

Development, 16

in sub-Saharan Africa, 283

of children in community schools and

Society for Research on Adolescence, 357

Sierra Leone, child soldiers in, 349, 350

services, 174

socio-cultural theories of emotional

Silver, C. B., 311

and the “competent child,” 155–157

development, 128–129

Silverman, L. R., 429

and education, 443, 444

socio-emotional selectivity theory, 629

Singah, P., 579

and moral reasoning, 232

Somalia, child soldiers in, 464

Singaporean adults

peer socialization and new media, 521

Sone, T., et al., 672

cognitive aging among, 623

peer socialization in the Global

soonen, Japanese concept of midlife, 644

and creativity, 258, 259

South, 449

637

entrepreneurship and

practices and emotion norms, 135–141

Sora people of India, relationships with

self-employment, 559

and “secure base” function, 157–158

deceased elders, 706

protective effects of spirituality, 685

of shame, 117–118, 280

Soto, C. J., 670

Singer, D., 190

of specific emotions, 139–140

source memory, among older adults, 625

Sinha, R., 316

various parental strategies for

South Africa

Sirin, S. R., 415

children, 588

civic identity of youth under

SisterHood, 245

social justice, and Internet-based

apartheid, 479

Six Cultures Study, 429

movements, 482

definition and status of elders, 698

Six Cultures Study of Childrearing

socially responsible intelligence, 221

traditional beliefs of

(Whiting), 64, 168

social maturation, in Japanese adults, 642

interdependence, 345

Sjaastad, L. A., 565

social media

South America, adolescent transition

Skovdal, M., 71

and building social capital, 527

rituals in, 330, 338

Slobodskaya, H. R., et al., 133

and family relationships, 524–526

South Asia

Slovak Republic, vocational education

and global communities, 481–482

demographic transitions in, 682–683

programs in, 558

online commentaries and identity

marriage customs in, 577

Slovenia

development, 529

Spacklen, K. M., 430

age distribution of foreign

proliferation around the world,

Spain

migrants, 565

521–523, 531

gender and emotional socialization, 317

studies of generativity in, 658, 659

and social change, 520–521

gender socialization in, 311, 315

youth outside both school and

social mobility

gender socialization in schools, 313

work, 560

implications for individual agency, 540

postsecondary graduation rates, 563

Smetana, J., 237

and meritocratic beliefs, 549, 550

social contract between state and

smiling, among infants, 86, 129, 130

opportunities and constraints in vari-

citizens, 476

Smith, Adam, 543

ous societies, 546–549, 550

youth outside both school and work,

Smith, J. L., 315

social mobility, and the transition to

560, 566

Smylie, J. K., 414

adulthood, 535–553

Spanish families

Snarey, J. R., 234, 235

motivation and individual agency,

infant temperment among, 131

Snodgrass, J. G., 631

537–540

parental descriptions of children, 283

social activities, preference for among

social structures and individual

time allocated for meals, 284

children, 104

agency, 544–549

spatial cognition

social class differences, effect on research

societal beliefs through human history,

and English language, 6

findings, 22

540–544

spatial frames of reference, 100

social cognition, 104–105

variations in opportunity

speaker certainty, linguistic markers

social contracts between nation-states

worldwide, 536

of, 118

and citizens, 476–477

social networking sites, and sexual

Spearman, C., 217

social development of adolescents, and

exploitation, 507, 512

spirituality

religiosity, 386

social networks

and adolescent development, 386

social identity

among Efe foragers and children,

attachment with God in later

and adolescent transition rituals, 333–334

152–153

adulthood, 689

and gender, 317–318

among men in traditional societies, 334

protective effects of, 685

social inequality

importance for African children, 69

spiritual leadership, rise of in

around the globe, 541

importance for immigrant

organizations, 687

belief systems regarding, 543–544

parents, 50–51

Spiro, A., III, 670

brief history of, 540–541

vs. intimate friendships, 428

spontaneous-response tasks, 105

changes in income inequality, 542

social sensitivity

Sprecher, S., et al., 578

Great Gatsby curve, 542

genetic component, 132

Sreenivas, D., 321

and meritocratic beliefs, 549, 550

in language development, 113–114

Sri Lanka, recruitment of child soldiers

past attitudes toward, 543

peer rejection and social

in, 465

social inequality today, 541–543

withdrawal, 134

Srinath, S., 370

and societal underregulation, 548–549

social smile, among infants, 86, 129

Sriram, R., 612

social intelligence, 67

130

Stack, D. M., 38

Social Intuitionist Model, of moral

Society for Adolescent Health and

Staff, J., 558

development, 384

Medicine, 357

stage-environment fit, 417–419

Inde x

737

Stahl, G. K., et al., 265

Sung, K. T., 669

Taiwanese fathers, 610

Standard Cross-Cultural Sample, 168

Super, Charles, 79–93, 271–291

Takahashi, K., 23, 476

standpoint theory, and civic identity,

childcare by fathers, 169

Tamang Nepalese children

478–479

child language socialization, 282

emotion socialization of, 140

stateless citizens, and civic identity, 481

culture and children's

rules for emotional display, 135

State of the World's Children 2011,

temperament, 286

Tamil families, views on romantic

363, 366

developmental niche framework, 65

love, 570

Stattin, H., 510

early academic achievement for

Tan, Mei, 255–270

Staudinger, U., 686

children, 280

Tana Toraja people of Indonesia, rela-

Steele, J. R., 521

ecocultural perspective, 165

tionships with deceased elders,

Steinberg, L., 591

economic subsistence patterns and

705–706

stepping reflex, eliciting among

parenting, 275

Tang, F., 688

infants, 82

Suppal, P., 612

Tanno, K., et al., 672

stereotypes

survival rates, of children and adolescents Tanzania

and gender socialization, 315

worldwide, 356, 357

Nyakyusa people of, 336

stereotypes, and gender socialization,

Suryanti, T., 428

work migration in, 564

319, 320

Sweden

Taoist philosophical traditions, and views

Sternberg, R. J., 67, 257

adolescent perceptions of

of aging in Japan, 672

Stevenson, D., 555

housework, 461

Tape, Goze, 67

Stewart, A. C., 687

age distribution of foreign

Tarim, S. D., 312–313

Still Face paradigm, 20

migrants, 565

Taylor, A., 688

Stills, A. B., 386

health and risk behaviors in emerging

Telzer, E. H., 414

Stone, L., 571, 581

and young adults, 502–503, 506

temperament

stranger anxiety, among infants, 86–87

parental expectations of children's

cultural differences in, 130–134

Strange Situation procedure

friendships, 427

and culture in family relationships,

avoiding bias in assessing findings, 22

prostitution and health among emerg-

285–286

defined, 19, 151

ing and young adults, 512

parental evaluation of, 131, 141

minimizing harm in, 20

sexuality and health in emerging and

reactivity as behavioral inhibition,

and secure and insecure attachment

young adults, 507–508

133–134

patterns, 158, 159–160

substance abuse and antisocial behav-

tertiary education

Strauss, A. L., 661

ior in emerging and young adults,

graduation rates, 562–563

street kids

509–510

increasing rates of, 489, 490, 562

in Brazilian cities, 341–342, 347–348

youth outside both school and

in OECD countries, 490, 562

See also child labor practices

work, 566

in selected developing countries, 494

Strongman, K. T., 685

Switzerland

tertiary enrollment vs. unemployment

Study Group on Adolescence in the 21st

gender and emotional socialization, 317

rates, 557

Century, 357

trainees and temporary migrant

and work in emerging adulthood,

Suárez-Orozco, Carola, 43–60, 49

workers, 566

562–564

Subbakrishna, D. K., 370

work/study programs, 558

Tetlock, P. E., 263

sub-Saharan Africa

youth outside both school and

Thailand

agricultural societies in, 281–283

work, 560

marriage customs in, 578

development of infant motor skills,

synchronous activities, benefits of in

social contexts of moral reasoning, 244

595, 595

community, 329

Tharp, R. G., 302

marriage customs in, 577

Thomas, A., 285

rates of child labor, 561

T

Thomas, Sarah, 502–518

sibling care of children, 594

Tablighi jamaat concept in traditional

Tietjen, A. M., 429

vocational education programs in, 559

Islam, 690

Tinbergen, N., 95

youth entrepreneurship in, 560

Tadmor, C. T., 263, 265

Tiwi aboriginal tribe of Australia, adoles-

youth literacy rates in, 439

Taiwan

cent initiation ceremonies, 332

subsistence-based farm families, parent-

integrating creativity into

Tobin, J., 175

ing in, 592–597

classrooms, 261

toddlers

substance abuse, among emerging and

relationships with deceased elders, 705

attentiveness among, 296–297

young adults, 504, 505, 505, 509–512

youth outside both school and

care in child welfare institutions,

Sudan

work, 561

176–177, 178–179

child soldiers in, 464

Taiwanese families

collaborative communication

intimacy in friendships, 428

children and concealment of

among, 300

Sue-Chan, C., 258

emotions, 135

early childhood care and education,

Sugimura, Kazumi, 502–518, 514

cultural model of childrearing, 190

174–177

suicide, among young people in

emotional regulation among

gender and emotional socialization, 316

India, 371

children, 133

gender socialization in United

Suizzo, M.-A., 283, 317

grandparents in, 281, 593

States, 313

Sullivan, H. S., 430

parent-child conversations, 206

moral development, 242–243, 246

Sundarani, Dwarkoji, 680, 681

socialization of shame, 280

parental communication with, 294

738 Inde x

and peer interactions, 174–175

peers and gender socialization, 312–313

arithmetic ability among older

public services for children in Italy, 166

Positive Adolescent Development

adults, 625

socialization by grandparents, 171,

Project (PERGEL), 420

beliefs regarding aging and memory,

172, 178

postsecondary graduation rates, 563

628–629

socialization by siblings, 169–171,

Value of Children Study in, 413

cognition and memory errors, 631–632

170–171, 178

youth leaving school too early, 561

cognitive ability and memory among

universal needs for primary care, 167

youth outside both school and

older adults, 625–628, 626

See also early childhood

work, 560

cognitive performance among youth

Tohono O'odham children, Arizona, 298

Turkish adolescents

and older adults, 623, 624

Tomasello, M., 118, 243

attachment and well-being, 417

empirical studies of adult develop-

Tönnies, Ferdinand, 520

autonomy and relatedness among,

ment, 669–672, 672–673

Toolis, Erin, 396–409

416–417

interpersonal social situations and

Torrance, E. P., 262

respect for authority, 411

aging, 630

Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking

views of family discipline, 416

perspectives on mentoring, 688

(TTCT), 257, 262

Turkish adults

U. S. children

Toshima, K., 83

cognition and memory errors, 631–632

child and adolescent friendships,

Townsend, Nicholas, 615

earliest childhood memories

426–427

trait psychology, and adult development,

among, 628

collaborative communication among

670, 671, 674

health and risk behaviors in emerging

toddlers, 300

transactional and transformative leader-

and young adults, 502, 506–507

concealment of emotions, 135

ship styles, 687

prostitution and health among emerg-

early socialization of, 280

transmitting, in cognitive development,

ing and young adults, 513

emotional regulation among, 132–133

201, 201, 207–208

sexuality and health in emerging and

emotion socialization of infants, 138

transnational families, 43–60

young adults, 508–509

emotion socialization of toddlers, 139

acculturation of, 52–53

substance abuse and antisocial behav-

facial expressions among infants,

complications of acculturation, 53–56

ior in emerging and young adults,

129–130

densities of immigrants arriving

511–512

independence of, 285

and leaving between countries

Turkish families

infant temperment, 131

(2000-2005), 44

acculturation in Australia and

linguistic politeness among, 120

disruptions in parenting, 49–52

Germany, 415

managing conflict in friendships, 431

family separations, 47–49

emotion socialization in, 139

motor skills of 4-month-old

future research directions, 56–57

expression of sadness vs. anger, 139

infants, 134

immigration according to source

parental communication with

parental communication with

country, 45

toddlers, 294

toddlers, 294

patterns of migration, 44–46

parental expectations of children's

parental descriptions of children, 283

perspectives on migration, 43–45

friendships, 427

parental emotion talk, 140

reunification of, 48, 49, 50

psychological interdependence model,

parental expectations of children's

Trends in International Mathematics and

413, 414

friendships, 427

Science Study (TIMSS), 215, 223

role of grandparents in parenting, 593

“positive affectivity” among infants,

Triandis, H. C., 277–278, 378, 427,

Turkish language, study by

142, 143

429, 430

Greek-Cypriot adolescents, 402

tempermental reactivity among

Tripathy, J., 322

Turkmenistan, families and gender

infants, 133

Tripp, A. M., 482

socialization, 311

toddlers and gender socialization, 313

Trommsdorff, Gisela, 377–395

Turniski, M., 402

U. S. Special Operations Command

autonomy and relatedness in Western

Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, 15–16

Center of Excellence for

society, 381, 384, 389

Operational Neuroscience., 482

interdependence in mother-child

U

ubantu, compassion and kindness among

relationships, 133

U. S. adolescents

South Africans, 345

Value of Children Study, 413

affection vs. instrumental aid in

Uchida, Y., 36, 136

Troop-Gordon, W., 313

friendships, 429

Uganda

Trost, Kari, 502–518, 514

autonomy and relatedness among, 381,

child soldiers in, 349

Tsai, J. L., 136

416–417

gender socialization in schools, 313

Tsai-Chae, A. H., 281

child and adolescent friendships,

Ullah, P., 402

Tswana people, Botswana

426–427

undocumented family members

definition and status of elders, 699

exclusivity in friendships, 429–430

acculturation of, 53

reminiscences of elders, 700

friendships and enhancement of

civic engagement of, 479

Tudge, Jonathan, 282, 603

self-esteem, 430

deportation of, 48

Tulviste, T. L., 417

parenting of, 344–345

unemployment

Tunisia, youth unemployment in, 556

perceptions of housework, 461

See youth unemployment

Turiel, E., 235

project with Israeli and Palestinian

United Kingdom

Turkey

teens, 396–397, 401, 405

civic contributions by older adults, 686

emotion displays in children's story-

respect for authority, 411

entrepreneurship and self-employment

books, 136, 137

U. S. adults

in, 559

Inde x

739

United Kingdom ( Cont.)

trainees and temporary migrant

vocational education institutions,

ethics of community, divinity, and

workers, 566

547–548

autonomy, 241

transiency of friendships, 428

Vollebergh, W., 417

integrating creativity into

youth apprenticeship programs, 559

volunteerism, 238

classrooms, 261

urbanization

von der Lippe, A. L., 273

sources of fathering diversity in, 607

and changes in civic identity, 481

vulnerable populations, minimizing

United Nations

and concerns of adolescent

harm in research, 21

Convention on the Rights of the

health, 373

Vygotsky, L.

Child, 62, 63

and developmental timetables of

activity settings, 426

Human Development Index, 446

mothers, 273

collaborative communication, 299

Millennium Development Goals,

and disruption of traditional life, 368

constructivist perspective and gender

218–219

and movement for gay rights in Latin

socialization, 311

Study on Violence Against

America, 482

inner speech vs. social speech, 398

Children, 360

and social contexts of moral reasoning,

language and culture in development,

United States

244–245

63, 122

adult development and aging in,

of world population, 235

sociocultural basis of human intelli-

666–667, 667–668, 674–677

and youth cultures in Asia and

gence, 202, 203

Anglo-American narratives of midlife,

Africa, 449

and sociogenic paradigm of develop-

637–638, 645–647, 648, 649

uses and gratification theory, 521, 525

mental science, 404

demographics of aging in, 682

Utrata, J., 616

zone of proximal development, 201

developmental timetables of mothers,

273, 274

V

W

educational system of, 535–536, 548

Vaish, A., 243

Waddington, C. H., 544, 545, 546

education and work migration, 565

Valkenburg, P. M., 526

Wager, A. A., 219

emotion displays in children's story-

Value of Children Study, 381, 382,

Walker, L. J., 234

books, 136, 137

412–413

Wallach, M. A., 261

entrepreneurship and self-employment values

Wallen, Kim, 571

in, 559

and adolescent development, 385–386

Walumba, F. O., 687

expression of sadness vs. anger, 139

effect on adolescent self- and world-

Walzer, M., 473

fathering in, 602–603, 607

views, 381–383

Wang, I., 383

fathers in family life, 284–285

as organizing factors in adolescent

Wang, Q., et al., 627

gender and social identity, 318

development, 379

Wang, S.-H., 281

generativity in, 653–654, 658

relationship with morals and religious

Wang, X. L., 280

grandparents as caregivers, 171

orientation, 387–389

Warao community, South

integrating creativity into

vanaprastha, sacred texts of

America, 205

classrooms, 261

Hinduism, 238

Way, N., 429

Internet penetration rates

Vandenbulcke, M., 689

Weber, T. J., 687

nationwide, 522

Vanderwart, M., 631

Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, 625

intimacy in friendships, 428

van de Ven, L., 689

weight, cross-cultural views of, 574

marriage customs in, 577–578

van de Vijver, F. J. R., 415, 417

Weinstein, H., 279

mismatched school and home

van Gennep, A., 330

Weisner, Thomas, 66, 170–171, 277, 649

cultures, 302

van Meijl, T., 36

Weiss, R. S., 427

moral reasoning of religious

van Reken, R. E., 34

Weisz, J., 381

conservatives, 240

Vansant, I., 416

Wellman, B., 520–521

parenting practices, 317–318

Vatsyayana, Hindu philosopher, 580

Wenger, E., 208

promoting careers in STEM, 563–564

verbal proficiency

Wenger, M., 188, 427

public opinion on creativity, 259

socializing infants for, 595–596

“Westernization,” and youth culture in

rates of postsecondary

socializing toddlers for, 175, 597

Asia and Africa, 449

education, 550

Verma, Suman, 355–376

West Indian children, gender and cogni-

religious discourse in, 231

Victor, A., 428, 429

tive development, 319

research on developmental timetables,

Vietnam, social contract between state

“What to Call People Who Used to Be

272–273

and citizens, 476

Old?” (Clendinen), 645

rules for emotional display among

Villareal, J. J., 427

Wheeler, L., 429

children, 135

violence

Whitbourne, S. K., et al., 669–670

siblings as caregivers in, 171

against adolescents and children

White, J.

social contexts of moral reasoning, 244

worldwide, 360

Whitehouse, H., 330, 336

social inequality and transition into

and risk of child labor abuse, 459

Whiting, Beatrice

adulthood, 548–549

and risk of commercial sexual exploita-

behavioral setting model, 426

socializing toddlers for verbal

tion, 462–463

Children of Different Worlds

proficiency, 175

vision quests, 328, 336

Study, 168

social mobility in, 547

visual habituation, among infants, 86

cultural influences on gender

studies on gender and emotion,

vocabulary structure and development,

socialization, 308

315–316

115–116

custom complex study design, 657

740 Inde x

economic subsistence patterns and par-

rates of anemia and underweight in

Yang, L., et al., 626

enting practices, 276

adolescence, 362, 363, 366

Yarczower, M., 84

Handbook of Cross-Cultural Human

roles and life stages in Hindu India,

Yeh, K. -H., 382

Development, 4–5, 7

639–640

Yi, S., 206

maternal environment and parenting

women's workloads and parenting,

Yoon, C., 628, 631

practices, 277

276–277

Yoong, T., 84

maternal responsibilities, 279

See also families

Yoruba communities

Six Cultures Study of Childrearing, 64

See also mothers

child care and development in, 274

three maternal profiles, 278

Women and Child Development

conceptions of creativity, 259

twelve-community study of mother-

Program, India, 372

Yoshikawa, H., 43

ing, 154–155

Wong, D. B., 690–691

YoSoy132 movement, Mexico, 481–482

Whiting, John

Woodhead, M., 38

Young, F. W., 331

adolescent transition ceremonies, 333

work, in emerging and young

Young Man Luther (Erikson), 656

Children of Six Cultures, 65

adulthood

Young People Talk AIDS, India, 371

cultural influences on gender

apprenticeship programs, 558–559

Youniss, J., 481

socialization, 308

Bologna Process in European Union, 563 Youth Development Study, 549

custom complex study design, 657

entrepreneurship and self-employment, “youth phase”

ecocultural perspective, 165

559–560, 567

origins of term, 447

economic subsistence patterns and par-

leaving school too early, 561–562

participation in social movements,

enting practices, 276

migrants and temporary work, 566

451–452

maternal environment and parenting

nature of youth employment, 556–557

research and scholarship on, 453

practices, 277

and postsecondary education,

use of term, 441, 442

Whitlock, Janis L., 30

562–564, 567

youth unemployment

Whyte, M. K., 579

promoting careers in STEM,

and child labor practices, 458, 459, 467

Wice, Matthew, 14–27

563–564, 566

and educational levels, 554–555

widowhood

and secondary schooling, 557–560

and entrepreneurship, 560, 567

practical concerns and, 701

tertiary enrollment vs. unemployment

related social and health issues, 357

relationships with deceased

rates, 557

unemployment rates, 556

spouses, 705

those outside both school and work,

and work migration, 566

Wijesinghe, S., 691

560–562, 566

worldwide, 357

Wiklund, A. F., 308–309

unemployment rates, 556, 566

Yovsi, Relindis, 586

Wiley, A. R., 280

working while in school, 554

Yu, L., 318

Williams, P. D. & A. R., 273

work migration, 564–566, 567

Yu, R. R., 610

Willis, S. L., 623

and “youth bulge” in worldwide

Yucatec Mayan children

Wilson, J. Q., 236

population, 555–556, 566

attentiveness among toddlers, 297

Wilson, M., 575

Working Boys' Center of Quito,

cultural construction of everyday

Wiltermuth, S. S., 329

Ecuador, 220

activities, 191

Winer, A. C., 313

World Bank, report on secondary educa-

cultural influence and development,

Wink, P., 685

tion worldwide, 451

193, 194

Winks, Robin, 582

World Health Organization

cultural model of childrearing, 190

Winocur, G., 628

health of emerging and young

ethnotheories about play, 187

wisdom, and aging, 673, 685

adults, 504

interplay of temperament and culture, 285

Wober, M., 64

Multicentre Growth Reference

parental ethnotheories, 189

women

Study, 88–89

play and household work,

aftermath of civil wars in Africa, 482

World Population Data Sheet 2013, 682

185–186, 188

and barriers to education, 365

World Values Survey, 690

schooling in daily activities, 296

efforts against gender-based violence in Wörmann, V., 130

self-care among, 293

Egypt, 475

Worthman, Carol, 165, 285

Yue, G. A., 623

gender-differentiated paths to personal Wright, M. O., 342

Yup'ik natives, Alaska, 217

growth, 642–644

increased educational levels in devel-

X

Z

oped world, 489–490

Xie, D., 318

Zahn-Waxler, C., 135

leadership in the counseling

Xu, X., 579

Zambia

profession, 687

Xue, Q., 43

cognitive development and household

leaving school too early, 561

activities, 216

marriage before age 18, 361

Y

formal vs. informal education in,

menopause among Anglo-American

Yaeger, D. S., 684

220–221

women, 646

Yagmurlu, B., 414, 415

learning environments, 221–223

menopause among Indian and

Yalin, Celen, 410–424

practical vs. academic intelligence,

Japanese women, 649

Yamada, Yoko, 653–654

222–223

neglect of healthcare, 307

Yamamoto, T., 118, 280

study on children's reading

proportion of elderly women in India,

Yang, G., 482

disabilities, 214

683–684

Zeitlin, M.F., 87

Inde x

741

Zeldin, S., 687

Zinacacantecan Mayan people, Mexico

zone of proximal development (ZPD),

Zhang, L., 428

children's participation in daily

201, 207

Zhang, W., 428

activities, 208

Zucker, R. A., 514

Zhang, X.-B., 609

collaborative communication among

zuhd, Islamic concept of

Zigler, E., 287

children, 299

nonattachment, 690

Zimbardo prison experiment, 16

schooling in daily activities, 296

Zulu people

Zimmerman, T. S., 314

siblings as caregivers, 169

definition and status of elders, 698

742 Inde x

Document Outline

- Cover

- Series

- The Oxford Handbook of Human Development and Culture

- Copyright

- Short Contents

- Contents

- Part One Development and Culture in a Global World: Overarching Issues

- 1 Cultural-Developmental Scholarship for a Global World: An Introduction

- 2 Ethical Considerations in Research on Human Development and Culture

- 3 Human Development in Today’s Globalizing World: Implications for Self and Identity

- 4 Migration Between and Within Countries: Implications for Families and Acculturation

- 5 Indigenous Social Science at the Intersection with Human Development: Implications for and Lessons from African Ecocultures

- Part Two Birth, Infancy, and Toddlerhood

- 6 Charting Infant Development: Milestones Along the Way

- 7 Comparative and Developmental Anthropology: Studying the Origins of Cultural Variability in Cognitive Function

- 8 The Emergence and Development of Language Across Cultures

- 9 Early Emotional Development in Cultural Perspective

- 10 The Evolution of Attachment Theory and Cultures of Human Attachment in Infancy and Early Childhood

- 11 Early Contexts of Learning: Family and Community Socialization During Infancy and Toddlerhood

- Part Three Early and Middle Childhood

- 12 Childhood Practices Across Cultures: Play and Household Work

- 13 Cognition in Childhood Across Cultures

- 14 Cultural Manifestation of Intelligence in Formal and Informal Learning Environments During Childhood

- 15 Moral Reasoning: Developmental Emergence and Life Course Pathways Among Cultures

- 16 The Interaction Between Culture and the Development of Creativity

- 17 Parental Ethnotheories and the Development of Family Relationships in Early and Middle Childhood

- 18 In and Out of the Classroom: The Intersection of Learning and Schooling Across Cultural Communities

- 19 Gender Across Cultures: Sex and Socialization in Childhood

- Part Four Adolescence

- 20 Leaving Childhood: The Nature and Meaning of Adolescent Transition Rituals

- 21 Adolescent Risks and Resiliences Across Cultures

- 22 Global Concerns in Adolescent Health with a Case Study of India

- 23 Cultural Roots of Values, Morals, and Religious Orientations in Adolescent Development

- 24 Identity, Politics, and the Cultural Psychology of Adolescence

- 25 Family in Adolescence: Relatedness and Autonomy Across Cultures

- 26 Cultural Templates for Child and Adolescent Friendships

- 27 Education and the Youth Phase: Patterns, Purposes, and Problems in Global Perspective

- 28 Child Labor: Homes, Streets, Armies, Factories, and Stores

- 29 Adolescent Civic Development Across Cultures

- Part Five Emerging and Young Adulthood

- 30 The Cultural Psychology of Emerging Adulthood

- 31 The Intersection of Culture, Health, and Risk Behaviors in Emerging and Young Adults

- 32 New Media, Social Change, and Human Development from Adolescence Through the Transition to Adulthood

- 33 Social Mobility in the Transition to Adulthood: Educational Systems, Career Entry, and Individual Agency

- 34 Work and Work Migration Within and Across Countries in Emerging and Young Adulthood

- 35 Love, Sex, and Marriage Across Cultures

- 36 Dual and Communal Parenting: Implications in Young Adulthood

- 37 Fathering Diversity Within Societies

- Part Six Middle and Older Adulthood

- 38 Cognition in Adulthood Across Cultures

- 39 Midlife Narratives Across Cultures: Decline or Pinnacle?

- 40 Explorations in Generativity and Culture

- 41 Adult Development in Japan and the United States: Comparing Theories and Findings About Growth, Maturity, and Well-Being

- 42 Community Leadership and Non-attachment in Later Adulthood

- 43 Death and Bereavement in Later Adulthood: Cultural Beliefs, Behaviors, and Emotions

- Index

Table of Contents

Cover

Series

The Oxford Handbook of Human Development and Culture

Copyright

Short Contents

Contents

Part One Development and Culture in a Global World: Overarching Issues

1 Cultural-Developmental Scholarship for a Global World: An Introduction

2 Ethical Considerations in Research on Human Development and Culture

3 Human Development in Today’s Globalizing World: Implications for Self and Identity

4 Migration Between and Within Countries: Implications for Families and Acculturation

5 Indigenous Social Science at the Intersection with Human Development: Implications for and Lessons from African Ecocultures

Part Two Birth, Infancy, and Toddlerhood

6 Charting Infant Development: Milestones Along the Way

7 Comparative and Developmental Anthropology: Studying the Origins of Cultural Variability in Cognitive Function

8 The Emergence and Development of Language Across Cultures

9 Early Emotional Development in Cultural Perspective

10 The Evolution of Attachment Theory and Cultures of Human Attachment in Infancy and Early Childhood

11 Early Contexts of Learning: Family and Community Socialization During Infancy and Toddlerhood

Part Three Early and Middle Childhood

12 Childhood Practices Across Cultures: Play and Household Work

13 Cognition in Childhood Across Cultures

14 Cultural Manifestation of Intelligence in Formal and Informal Learning Environments During Childhood

15 Moral Reasoning: Developmental Emergence and Life Course Pathways Among Cultures

16 The Interaction Between Culture and the Development of Creativity

17 Parental Ethnotheories and the Development of Family Relationships in Early and Middle Childhood

18 In and Out of the Classroom: The Intersection of Learning and Schooling Across Cultural Communities

19 Gender Across Cultures: Sex and Socialization in Childhood

Part Four Adolescence

20 Leaving Childhood: The Nature and Meaning of Adolescent Transition Rituals

21 Adolescent Risks and Resiliences Across Cultures

22 Global Concerns in Adolescent Health with a Case Study of India

23 Cultural Roots of Values, Morals, and Religious Orientations in Adolescent Development

24 Identity, Politics, and the Cultural Psychology of Adolescence

25 Family in Adolescence: Relatedness and Autonomy Across Cultures

26 Cultural Templates for Child and Adolescent Friendships

27 Education and the Youth Phase: Patterns, Purposes, and Problems in Global Perspective

28 Child Labor: Homes, Streets, Armies, Factories, and Stores

29 Adolescent Civic Development Across Cultures

Part Five Emerging and Young Adulthood

30 The Cultural Psychology of Emerging Adulthood

31 The Intersection of Culture, Health, and Risk Behaviors in Emerging and Young Adults

32 New Media, Social Change, and Human Development from Adolescence Through the Transition to Adulthood

33 Social Mobility in the Transition to Adulthood: Educational Systems, Career Entry, and Individual Agency

34 Work and Work Migration Within and Across Countries in Emerging and Young Adulthood

35 Love, Sex, and Marriage Across Cultures

36 Dual and Communal Parenting: Implications in Young Adulthood

37 Fathering Diversity Within Societies

Part Six Middle and Older Adulthood

38 Cognition in Adulthood Across Cultures

39 Midlife Narratives Across Cultures: Decline or Pinnacle?

40 Explorations in Generativity and Culture

41 Adult Development in Japan and the United States: Comparing Theories and Findings About Growth, Maturity, and Well-Being

42 Community Leadership and Non-attachment in Later Adulthood

43 Death and Bereavement in Later Adulthood: Cultural Beliefs, Behaviors, and Emotions

Index